Name: A history of the town of Belfast : from the earliest times to the close of the eighteenth century ; with maps and illustrations
Author: George Benn (1801–1882)

Judge Upton's Ruling on the Island Magee Witches

near Island Magee · parish · Antrim · 1711

The text references Judge Upton's opinion during the witch trial proceedings, noting his view that real witches in compact with the devil could hardly have been such regular attenders at public worship. This is tied to the Island Magee Witches case, printed in Belfast in 1822.

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Tisdall did not appear to much advantage in what he writes of the Islandmagee Witches. The story of the Islandmagee Witches was printed in Belfast in 1822. At the end of it is a letter from William Tisdall, dated Belfast, 4th April, 1711 ; and if appointed to the "Vicarage in 1712, it is not easy to explain how he came to write from Belfast in 1711. It is, however, a most weak production. He says he cannot see why a real witch may not have permission to personate a real saint as well as the devil has been permitted to personate au angel of li^ht, or why a person in contract with the devil may not be guilty of this worst hypocrisy which gives her apostacy a deeper dye— alluding to Judge Upton's opinion that real witches in compact with the devil could hardly have been such regular attenders on public worship. Tisdall, though so distinguished in scholarship and preaching, appears to have sided entirely with the judges, and argues on the belief of the existence of witches, their power and practices, with as much apparent faith as on any generally acknowledged theological question.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 187

As the companion tells it

As the road passes through or near the parish of Island Magee in Antrim, you are travelling through the place where one of Ireland's most noted witch trials took place. In 1711, Judge Upton weighed in during the proceedings. His opinion was that real witches, in compact with the devil, could hardly have been such regular attenders at public worship. The story of the Island Magee witches was printed in Belfast in 1822. At the end of that printed account is a letter from William Tisdall, dated Belfast, the 4th of April, 1711. Tisdall was a man distinguished in scholarship and preaching, yet the author of the history calls his letter a most weak production. Tisdall could not see why a real witch might not have permission to personate a real saint, just as the devil has been permitted to personate an angel of light. He argued that a person in contract with the devil might be guilty of the worst hypocrisy, giving her apostasy a deeper dye. He sided entirely with the judges and wrote about the existence of witches, their power and practices, with as much apparent faith as on any generally acknowledged theological question.

Librarian Charged with Sedition and Escorted from Belfast

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1796

Captain Russell, librarian of the Belfast Society for Promoting Knowledge and a noted United Irishman, was charged with sedition in 1796 and left Belfast for Dublin in a convoy of seven post chaises under a strong military escort.

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17th September, 1796. The business of the committee was suspended " in consequence of the absence of Mr. Russell." He was charged with sedition, and was one of a considerable number who left this town in seven post chaises for Dublin, escorted by a strong military party, so that his duty as librarian came to a compulsory termination after holding the office for more than two years.
Very soon after their beginning, in 1788, they acquired the name of the Belfast Society for Promoting Knowledge, which they still retain, and under which they have become possessors of a large library, which is well supported, and accessible on very reasonable terms to the reading public.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 290

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1796, saw the removal of a man who kept its books. Captain Russell was librarian of the Belfast Society for Promoting Knowledge, a name the society had taken in 1788. He was charged with sedition. On the 17th of September, the committee suspended its business in consequence of his absence. He was one of a considerable number who left the town in seven post chaises for Dublin, escorted by a strong military party. His duty as librarian came to a compulsory termination, after he had held the office for more than two years. The society itself had built a large library, well supported and open to the reading public on reasonable terms.

Printers and Proprietors of the Northern Star Prosecuted and Imprisoned

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1792–1797

The printer and proprietors of the Northern Star newspaper in Belfast were prosecuted by Government authorities in 1792 and 1794, with the printer Rabb found guilty in 1794. In 1796 the office was seized by Government authority and persons connected with the paper were sent to Dublin and imprisoned for many months before the paper's final suppression in 1797.

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A much more important Belfast newspaper was the Northern Star. It began in January, 1792, was originated by United Irishmen, and was the undoubted organ of their opinions and the advocate of their claims. There were twelve proprietors, aU Belfast men, and all Presbyterians. Samuel Neilson was the cliief and largest proprietor, having thirteen shares out of the forty at £50 each, or £2000, which constituted the stock of the company. Mr. ISTeilson was manager and editor; but he had many contributors, and the principles advocated by the Star were those, it may be said, of the ablest political writers in the country. The printer and proprietors were prosecuted in 1792, but acquitted; again in 1794, when Ptabb, the printer of the Star, was found guilty, and the proprietors acquitted. In 1796 the office was taken possession of by Government authority, persons connected with the paper were seized, sent to Dublin, and kept in prison for many months. In 1797 its final suppression took place, the account of which transaction is in these few words in the handwriting on the paper in the Linen Hall Library — " This was the last No. published, as a mob of Militia next day with non. com. officers broke into the office and destroyed forms,
urgent wants. It is evident, however, lie was competent to have produced the Letters of Henry and Frances, as well as to have edited the Mercury ; and his occupation before he came to Belfast — that of Inspector-General of Munster — might almost be inferred from various allusions in the Letters. He mentions many productions which he had written ; and the numerous references in his Miscellaneous Tracts to Belfast people in 1785, his remarks about the newspapers of the town and his own printing press, are all of much interest.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 213

As the companion tells it

Belfast was the home of the Northern Star, a newspaper that began in January 1792. It was originated by the United Irishmen and was the undoubted organ of their opinions and the advocate of their claims. There were twelve proprietors, all Belfast men, all Presbyterians. Samuel Neilson was the chief and largest proprietor, holding thirteen shares out of the forty at 50 pounds each, making up 2000 pounds, which constituted the stock of the company. Neilson was manager and editor, but he had many contributors, and the principles advocated by the Star were those of the ablest political writers in the country. The printer and proprietors were prosecuted in 1792, but acquitted. They were prosecuted again in 1794, when Rabb, the printer of the Star, was found guilty, and the proprietors were acquitted. In 1796 the office was taken possession of by Government authority. Persons connected with the paper were seized, sent to Dublin, and kept in prison for many months. In 1797 the final suppression took place. The account of that transaction survives in a few words in handwriting on the paper in the Linen Hall Library: "This was the last No. published, as a mob of Militia next day with non. com. officers broke into the office and destroyed forms." The Northern Star had lasted five years, from its beginning in January 1792 to its violent end.

Prisoners at Dungannon fort freed by escaping captives

near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1642

Prisoners including Sir William Brumley and Lieutenant Martin, held at Dungannon, seized their captor and took control of the fort themselves upon seeing the besieging army's tents near Charlemont. Montgomerie's forces then marched to Dungannon and hanged the former captain and his men.

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best men and most of them Gentlemen defended it gallantlye, untill the Horse phmged tlirough a deep fooid and charged them within the worke, there being a waie to enter above it, where every man of the 20 or 30 were Slaiiie, and no hnrt on oure side, save that Maior Crawford and Capt° liawden's horses were shott in the pursuite of those that fledd our horse, and came verie neare S"" Phelomie liimselfe; if they had knowne it, he would not have eskaped, for he fledd towards Dangaimon with not above 2 or 3 in his Companie ; he could not retire unto Charlemont. because some of our men were gone between him and the Place. Presentlye after about 12 of the Clocke, wee marched on towardes Charlemont, which was long a doing in respect of a Caussey and bridge that they had broken which was long a-mending. Att our Arrivall neare the Towne, the Commander of the fore Troope by order of the Lord Montgomerie summoned the Eebelles to deliver upp the Towne and Castle, Otherwise to expect no quarter for man woman or child. They alledged they kept it for the King, and desyred time till the next day, being Thursday at One of the Clocke, which was denyed, his Lo""? beleeving that in that time they expected ayd or would provide the Castle of victualles out of the Towne; and wee could not hold a long Siege, being unprovided both of victualles and ammunition ; bread we had none at home to bringe out, and having no monney to doe any thing ; if our Store had been gre iter, Carriage was verie hard to be gotten, Soe that it was resolved to fall uppon there trenches that night and to that purpose longe faggotts were presentlye made, and in the twilight foure parties were sent out, who tilled upp the trenches and assaulted the Towne in foure places, and gott over without any difficultye, the most parte of the Eebelles having quitt them, and fyred the Towne and runne into the Castle before our men could gett over to them. Our men laid in the trenches, and about the Castle all night ; and by daise Shott at the windo^v's without any great harme on either side. The next dale being Weddensdaie verie earlye advertizement came from S'" William Brumley, a Prissoner in Dungannon, for that he and Lieut"*^ Martin, and some others there. Seeing our tents 5 miles from them at Charlemont, took a resolution to endeavour their owne freedome, and that night joyned together, and with the helpe of some Irish that had formerly had relacon to them seized upon the Capf^ and became masters of the forte, whereupon the Lord Montgomerie, with all the Horse and a good parte of Miisquitiers, marched immediately to Dungannon with great care and wariness, least this had bene a tricke of the Eebelles to force tliis letter from S"" William ; but it was found reall, and the Castle deluded, and upon debate it was resolved to leave a Garrisson of 100 men, and to hange the former Capf^ and his men ; and Capt° Jones, a Capt° in the Lord Conwaie's Eegiment, thought one as verie fitt to command there, and had left with him 80 foote of his Companie and a squadron of Capt" Eawden's Horse, and other more to mount more of his foote upon occasion. Having intelligence there, that the Ladie Blaynie was kept in the woods 4 miles from Monnaghan, which is burned, all the Horse were sent immediately towardes IMonnaghan ; they marched all night, there way was tlirough Kinnard, where 2 Y

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 333

As the companion tells it

Near Dungannon, in 1642, prisoners held in the fort turned the tables on their captors. Sir William Brumley and Lieutenant Martin were among those held there. From their captivity they saw Montgomerie's tents near Charlemont, 5 miles away. That night they joined together, and with the help of some Irish who had formerly had regard for them, they seized the captain and became masters of the fort. Sir William sent word to Lord Montgomerie. Montgomerie marched to Dungannon at once with all his horse and a good part of his musketeers, moving with great care and wariness, fearing it might be a trick by the rebels to force a letter from Sir William. But it was found real, and the castle was delivered up. Upon debate it was resolved to leave a garrison of 100 men and to hange the former captain and his men. Captain Jones of Lord Conway's Regiment was thought a fit man to command there, and was left with 80 foot of his company and a squadron of Captain Rawden's horse, with more to mount his foot upon occasion. Before the fall of Dungannon, Montgomerie's forces had taken Charlemont itself, where the rebels claimed they kept it for the King and asked for time, which was denied. The town was fired and the rebels driven into the castle.

Riotous mob kills over a dozen in Belfast streets

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1861

The author recounts that about sixteen years before writing, more than a dozen people were killed in the streets of Belfast during days of mob rioting, giving the town a bad reputation in England.

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The Political feeling has greatly altered of late years. The party animosity has become, during the last twenty years, more marked, disgraceful, and disastrous than it was in the beginning of the century. We remember when, so far as we know, the first lives were lost by party colHsion. It was in 1813, when two men were shot in North Street. This excited wonderful consternation, and yet we know it was nothing compared with later events. About sixteen years ago, more than a dozen persons were killed in the streets of Belfast, and the town was for several days in possession of a riotous mob. This has given Belfast a bad name in England, and strangers from that country have landed at our quays with pistols in their pockets to defend themselves. We have never seen this, but can very well believe it. A little army is required to keep the town in order on the anniversaries of events that happened nearly two hundred years ago.
The Eeclamations from the sea during this century have been immense. Old men are accustomed to say, that where streets of respectable appearance now are, and through which now they feebly totter, they bathed in the salt sea in their boyish days. The Point fields were then an unoccupied waste, and the waters beside them were the customary bathing-places of the inhabitants of the north end of the town. Now, both the "bathing-places and the fields are converted into great docks and warehouses, or streets abounding with the working classes. On the other side of the town it is the same ; where the principal markets now are was a literal swamp up till 1810, and we believe considerably later. There was a dock behind Ann Street connected with the Lagan, serving for the timber ponds, which appear to have been sufficient then for the wants of the town. These have since been filled up, and Police Square now occupies their site. We have said scarcely anything about the County Down side of Belfast; but the reclamations of land

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 413

As the companion tells it

The road takes you near Belfast. In 1861, more than a dozen people were killed in the streets of this city during days of mob rioting, and the town was for several days in the possession of a riotous mob. The author writes that political feeling in Belfast had greatly altered of late years. Party animosity had become, during the last twenty years, more marked, more disgraceful, and more disastrous than it was at the beginning of the century. The author remembers when, so far as they know, the first lives were lost by party collision. It was in 1813, when two men were shot in North Street. This excited wonderful consternation, and yet the author says it was nothing compared with later events. About sixteen years before the author wrote, more than a dozen persons were killed in the streets of Belfast. The town was for several days in possession of a riotous mob. This gave Belfast a bad name in England. Strangers from that country landed at the quays with pistols in their pockets to defend themselves. The author never saw this, but could very well believe it. A little army is required to keep the town in order on the anniversaries of events that happened nearly two hundred years ago.

Sir Henry Sidney's Skirmish at the Belfast Ford, 1575

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1575

In a 1575 letter, Sir Henry Sidney recounts being offered a skirmish by Mac Neill Brian Erlaugh while crossing the water at Belfast, a passage made hazardous by strong tides that caused the horses to swim and the footmen to wade deep.

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^ The crossing of the Ford, and the dangers which sometimes attended it, are exemiilified in the following letter from Sir Henry Sidney to the Lords of the Council 15th November, 1575 : — " In the Confynes of this Countrie (the Ardes, as I take it) I was offered Skirmishe by Mac Kcill Brian Er laugh at my passage over the Water at Belfast; which I caused to be answered and jjassed over without Losse of Man or Horsse ; yet by Reason of the Tydes extraordinarie Retorne our Horsies swamme and the Footemen in the Passage waded verye dejte. " — Letters and Memorials of State, d-c, written and coUedcd by Sir Henry Sidney, <£-c., by Arthur Collins, vol. i., p. 7G (London, 1746).
It would appear from this that the Bridge which Sir Brian O'Neill contracted to make in 1568 had, probably, never been begun.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 178

As the companion tells it

As the road brings you through Belfast, there is a story from 1575 tied to the water. Sir Henry Sidney, in a letter to the Lords of the Council dated the 15th of November that year, wrote that in the confines of the Ardes, Mac Neill Brian Erlaugh offered him a skirmish at his passage over the water. Sidney had it answered and passed over without loss of man or horse. Yet, in his words, by reason of the tides' extraordinary return, his horses swam and the footmen in the passage waded very deep. It appears the bridge Sir Brian O'Neill contracted to make in 1568 had probably never been begun.

State funeral of the Earl of Donegall through Belfast to Carrickfergus

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1675

The Earl of Donegall died at his Castle in Belfast on 18 March 1675 and was conveyed with an elaborate procession, including troops, mourners, chaplains, and the Sovereign and Burgesses of Belfast, to be interred in the ancient family monument at Carrickfergus church. The funeral was described as perhaps the greatest ever to leave Belfast.

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The Eight Honourable Arthur Earl of Donnegall, Yiscount Chichester, Baron of Belfast, Governor of Carrickfergus, and one of his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council of Ireland, departed this life the 18th March, 1675, in his Castle at Belfast, from whence on the 20th May following he was conveyed to the Church of Carrickfergus and there interred in the ancient Monument of his Ancestors. He first married Dorcas daughter of Sir John Hill of Hunley in "Warwickshire. Secondly Lady Mary Digby eldest daughter to John Earl of Bristol by whom he had issue Six sons — The first Arthur, 2d. Arthur, 3d. Edward, 4'th. John, 5th. Digby, 6th. James, and two daughters viz. Beatrix and one other born dead. He lastly married Leticia daughter to Sir Wm. Hicks Knt. and Bart, by whom he had issue Wm. Lord Chichester.
The Proceedings of the Funeral from Belfast to Carrickfergus wa? on this manner.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 351

As the companion tells it

In 1675, the Earl of Donegall died in his castle in Belfast on 18 March. He was Viscount Chichester, Baron of Belfast, Governor of Carrickfergus, and one of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council of Ireland. On 20 May, he was conveyed to the Church of Carrickfergus and interred in the ancient monument of his ancestors. The funeral procession included troops, mourners, chaplains, and the Sovereign and Burgesses of Belfast. It was perhaps the greatest funeral ever to leave Belfast. He first married Dorcas, daughter of Sir John Hill of Hunley in Warwickshire. Secondly, Lady Mary Digby, eldest daughter of John, Earl of Bristol, by whom he had 6 sons — Arthur, Arthur, Edward, John, Digby, and James — and 2 daughters, Beatrix and one born dead. Lastly, Leticia, daughter of Sir William Hicks, Knight and Baronet, by whom he had William, Lord Chichester.

Unruly Burials in Belfast Church Against Church Law

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1698

A letter from the Bishop of Derry in 1698 describes the people of Belfast as refractory, noting they buried their dead in the church without prayers and in defiance of the law, entering with hats on and breaking seats.

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" I understand that the people of Belfast are very refractory, and do many irregidar things. That they will not consent to enlarge their church that there should be room for all their people : that they bury in spite of the law in the church without prayers and come in with their hats on : that they break the seats and refuse to deliver their collections for briefs according to the order of Coimcil to the churchwardens. I think it is advisable to observe as many of these insolent passages as you can ; put them into affidavits duly sworn and send them up here to me or Sir John Coghill and we will see Avhat can be done for you."
What Vicar officiated in 1698 to so unruly a party as this is not, perhaps, of very serious importance, or whether the congre-

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 184

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1698, had a congregation the Bishop of Derry called very refractory. They buried their dead inside the church in spite of the law, and without prayers. They came in with their hats on. They broke the seats. They would not agree to enlarge their church so there would be room for all. And they refused to hand over their collections for briefs to the churchwardens, against the order of Council. The bishop advised that these insolent passages be observed, put into sworn affidavits, and sent up to him or to Sir John Coghill, so they could see what could be done. Who the vicar was that officiated to so unruly a party is not recorded.

Burning of Dungannon and killing of Captain M'Council

near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1642

Dungannon town was found burned, with 'nothing left quicke but some angrie dogges and Embers.' The following morning, Captain M'Council, who had burned Dungannon the day before its fort was taken, was killed near the town by a corporal commanding a small troop of horse.

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nothing was left quicke, but some angrie dogges and Embers, and after dale breake tliy came thnnigh Moniiaglian, and lieing soe farr in the Rebelles cuntrie soe suddenly, tliey killed about 100 men they found in there way, but tlic good Ladie was removed further into the woods the night before, and tlie Countrey were drawing togetlier uppon another occasion to meet 8'' Phelomie O'Neale, to considder of makeing head againe our armie ; soe after we lighted on about 1600 Cowes and nianie mares and releeved verie manie prissoners, and alsoe tooke 40 or GO men that came -to scout and discover about Monnaghan, and ]nett Capfi Barnett's Horse from whome Capt" Dillon, that commanded Capt" Chichester's Troope, brought much preyes & diversse prisoners, and the. Horse marched backe to Charlemonte with their prey and arrived there safe at night, after a long march of neare 60 miles in 2 dayes and a night. In the forte of Dungannon Avas found a brasse peece of Ordinance, Avhich carries between 4 or 5^*^ bullett, which the Lord Montgomerie brouglit backe with his foot to Charlemont, witli one of S'^ Philomie's O'A'eale's Teames taken at Kinnard, and with it made 3 Sliott but with little harme to the Castle, which the Lord IMontgomerie perceaveihg and that some of the Kebelles appeared by a wood-side, and not knowing but the Horse being absent tliey might gett between him and them, & being alt<igether unable to Ij^e there haveing no more victualles or ammunition, therefore was requisite to march home, So they retreated to Blackwater over that broken passe and there stayed till the Horse returned on Thursday night.
The next day Capt" Rawden was sent with a partie of Horse backe to Dungannon, with ammunition and a 100 Cowes, and as much provision of Corne and nieale as could bee gotten in the Howses and created thereabout.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 334

As the companion tells it

In 1642, Dungannon, in Tyrone, was found burned. The words from the source say "nothing was left quicke, but some angrie dogges and Embers." Captain M'Council had burned the town the day before its fort was taken, and the following morning he was killed near the town by a corporal commanding a small troop of horse. In the fort a brass piece of ordnance was found, which carries between 4 or 5 bullets. Lord Montgomery brought it back with his foot to Charlemont, with one of Sir Phelomie O'Neale's teams taken at Kinnard. With it he made 3 shots but with little harm to the Castle. Perceiving that some of the rebels appeared by a wood-side, and not knowing but the Horse being absent they might get between him and them, and being altogether unable to stay there having no more victuals or ammunition, Lord Montgomery retreated to Blackwater over that broken pass and stayed till the Horse returned on Thursday night. Before that, the troops had come through Monaghan, so far into the rebels' country that they killed about 100 men they found in their way. The good Lady had been removed further into the woods the night before. They lighted on about 1600 cows and many mares, relieved very many prisoners, and took 40 or 60 men who came to scout about Monaghan. They met Captain Barnett's Horse, from whom Captain Dillon, commanding Captain Chichester's troop, brought much prey and diverse prisoners. The Horse marched back to Charlemont and arrived safe at night, after a long march of near 60 miles in 2 days and a night. The next day Captain Rawden was sent with a party of Horse back to the town, with ammunition and 100 cows, and as much provision of corn and meal as could be gotten in the houses thereabout.

Captain Lawson musters townsmen to defend Belfast, 1641

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1641

During the 1641 rebellion, Captain Lawson seized halberts intended for Carrickfergus, raised a drum and about twenty men, and gathered roughly 160 horse and foot at the Iron Works to defend Belfast. His action was credited with preventing Sir Conn Magennis and Irish forces from taking Lisburn and thereby Belfast.

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eight halberts, ready in the street to be shipped to Carrickfergus, which arms I took, and bought a drum, and beating the same through the town, raised about twenty men, who came with me again up to the Iron Works,^ having Mr. Forbus, and some number with me, where also I gathered in all about 160 horse and foot."
So important was this action of Lawson considered to be, that one of the Irish leaders (O'Cahan) wrote of it — " If Captain Lawson had not opposed our cousin Sir Conn Magenuis of entering Lisnegarvie, when Lord Conway, his troop of horse, and all the townspeople left it, we would have had Belfast and all those parts in possession." This may be exaggerated, but if true the discomfiture at Lisburn affected the safety of Belfast in 1641,

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 49

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1641, nearly fell. Captain Lawson saw 8 halberts standing ready in the street, meant to be shipped to Carrickfergus. He took them. He bought a drum and beat it through the town, raising about 20 men who came with him up to the Iron Works. Mr. Forbus was with him, and there Lawson gathered in all about 160 horse and foot. One of the Irish leaders, O'Cahan, later wrote that if Captain Lawson had not opposed their cousin Sir Conn Magennis from entering Lisnegarvie, when Lord Conway, his troop of horse, and all the townspeople had left it, they would have had Belfast and all those parts in possession. The discomfiture at Lisburn, whether or not O'Cahan overstated it, shaped the safety of Belfast that year.

Execution of a Scot for robbing the Exchange Master

Carrickfergus · townland · Antrim · 1601

A Scot broke into the lodging and chest of Mr. Beere, the resident Exchange master, and stole over five hundred pounds. He evaded discovery for fourteen days before being apprehended, after which the money was recovered and he was executed, having acted alone.

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dispose of his forcios to wast and destroye all that opposeth against him : And this late ouerthrowe makes me hopefnll that you shall lyltle neede the service of Scolts or other barbarous people the disfurneshinge them of Spanishe succors beinge sufficient to breake all their neckes. The miserie of this countrie is verie great nothings to be bought for this neewe coyne but in the towne ainonge ourselfes, no Scotte or other wyll receaue hyt, their tradinge for smale somes wyll not beare their charge in seekmge hit retournde from the placies of exchange, w^'' not w* standinge a Scotte had lately brooke the lodgine and Chest of Mr. Beere the Exchang master resedent and taken out fiue hundred and odde poundes wci* was 14 dayes in his possession vndiscouered but beinge apprehended we regaynde the monie and executed the partie who had no partner ; I becheech your honor to geue commande to the contractors to replenishe our stoore most of w<=i» is expended and other releife wee haue none. We haue lyttle encreasse of strenth by our late supplye of foote w^^ were the worst men and armes that euer came into a warre they are a charge to her maiestie and of no seruice.
And for horse wee haue receaued but thirteene I humbly becheech your honore to geue order for the rest w*^'' were appointed, and when other foote be taken vpe that one hundred good men niaye be sent vnto us that wee maye retourne the worst of these If they be so longe lyuinge. 1 his gentleman calls on me w^h makes me to craue pardon for my hastie writinge aduertesinge your honore that yt is delyuered me fnr treuth amonge the Irishe that Odonnell is eather slayne, drowned, or gone into Spayne. This w* remembrance of my deutie I humbly take my leaue, euer prayenge for the continewance of your honore in all health and happines, from Knockfergus, this 16th of Januarie, 1601,

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 340

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, in 1601, a Scot broke into the lodging and chest of Mr. Beere, the resident Exchange master, and took out over five hundred pounds. The money stayed in his possession for fourteen days, undiscovered. When he was apprehended, the money was recovered and he was executed. He had no partner in it. The letter that records this was written from Knockfergus on the 16th of January, 1601. It says the misery of the country was very great at the time, and that nothing could be bought with the new coin except in the town among themselves. No Scot or other person would receive it. Their trading for small sums would not bear the charge of seeking it returned from the places of exchange. The writer notes that this was notwithstanding the robbery of Mr. Beere. The same letter speaks of the general state of things. The late overthrow gave hope that little service would be needed from Scots or other barbarous people, the disfurnishing them of Spanish succors being sufficient to break all their neckes. The writer begs his honor to give command to the contractors to replenish their store, most of which is expended, and other relief they had none. They had little increase of strength by their late supply of foot, who were the worst men and arms that ever came into a war, a charge to her majesty and of no service.

Executions in Belfast for forgery, sheep-stealing, and bleach-green robbery

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1800–1820

The author notes that in the early nineteenth century, men in Belfast were imprisoned for unpayable debts and executed for offences such as forging bank notes, sheep-stealing, and bleach-green robberies, the latter considered equivalent to murder. These punishments reflected the harsh social and legal customs of the period before their abolition.

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The Social Condition of Belfast at the beginning of the century may perhaps be partially inferred from the miscellaneous notes which we have collected together in the early chapters of this history. It cannot well be said that those were social customs which sanctioned the confinement of men within prison walls for debts which they were unable to discharge, and the execution of others for forging bank notes, sheep-stealing, and bleach-green robberies (being equal to murder); but as the abolition of such has long since taken place, the question regarding them does not particularly affect Belfast any more than the entire country. The bleach-green robberies here were an unceasing source of trouble, but it is not necessary to do more than allude to this subject. More to our purpose is it to say that many of the bankers, linen bleachers, and large general merchants had begun to leave the town for country residences — some, indeed, had both. Others still abode in the town alone, though we are not aware that any found their way into the " genteel houses " which were offered in Pottinger's Entry, Caddell's Entry, and similar localities. The respectable shop-

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 390

As the companion tells it

In the early years of the 1800s, Belfast carried harsh customs that today are hard to credit. Men could be locked in prison for debts they had no means to pay. Others were executed for forging bank notes, for sheep-stealing, and for bleach-green robberies. The law held bleach-green robbery equal to murder. These robberies were an unceasing source of trouble, and the punishment for them was death. All of this has long since been abolished, and the author notes it did not affect Belfast more than the rest of the country. Still, it tells you something of the social condition at the opening of the century. The wealthy were already beginning to pull away from the town itself. Bankers, linen bleachers, and large general merchants had started taking country residences, some keeping a home in the town as well. Others stayed in the town alone, though the author found no evidence that any took up the "genteel houses" offered in Pottinger's Entry, Caddell's Entry, and similar localities.

Mass Hangings at Newtownards Gallows

near Newtownards · town · Down · 1798

Dr. Haliday's letter describes Newtownards (referred to as 'Newton') as the 'Head quarters of severity' during the 1798 suppression, where a priest served as Judge Advocate and the gallows was noted for suspending about a dozen people, more than in Belfast.

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'• This famous Town is becoming from day to day less interesting — it resumes by degrees its ordinary features of stupidity ; our Jails are now but thinly inhabited, our Courtsmartial no longer sit for blood ; our streets are not so gaily adorn'd and encumber'd Avith Heroes in red and blue ; and our brisk juvenile military Magistrates are gradually relinquishing the Civil department, to our old, sloAV-eyed Justices of the Peace. Even Newton the Head quarters of severity (a Priest sat there as Judge Advocate) exhibits a sullen acquiescence Avith the ncAv, absurd system of mercy & humanity; passing through on Saturday, I took notice that the GalloAvs was struck after suspending no more than a beggarly dozen ; here we had but half that number Avho died with such 'grinning honours,' and may noAv despair of ever rivalling that petty borrough in a display of that
^ Can there be any truth in this ? It has never ajipeared before in any document regarding the Poorhouse.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 316

As the companion tells it

The town of Newtownards, in 1798, was what Doctor Haliday called "the Head quarters of severity." A priest sat there as Judge Advocate. Passing through on a Saturday, he took notice of the gallows and wrote that it had been struck after "suspending no more than a beggarly dozen." He contrasted this with Belfast, where they had had but half that number and could no longer rival that petty borough in such a display. He called the dead wearers of "grinning honours." His letter was full of scorn for what he called the "new, absurd system of mercy and humanity" now taking hold. He wrote that the jails were thinning out, the courts-martial no longer sat for blood, and the streets were less crowded with soldiers. The young military magistrates were relinquishing their posts, and the old, slow-eyed justices of the peace were resuming control.

Reward offered for capture of Thomas Russell

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1803

A reward of £500 was offered by the Government for the apprehension of Thomas Russell, late of the 64th Regiment of Foot, after his rebellious proclamation was circulated; Belfast inhabitants subscribed a matching sum to help suppress the disturbance.

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A reward of £500 was immediately offered by the Government for the apprehension of Thomas EusseU, late of the 64th Eegiment of Foot, in whose name a rebellious Proclamation had lately been circulated. The inhabitants of BeKast, to evince their loyalty, subscribed a similar amount to bring to immediate punishment such persons as attempted to disturb the public peace of the country. The alarm in Belfast was excessive, which this notice will prove.
" It having been represented to Brigadier General Campbell that the Country People are unacquainted with the nature of the Out Posts placed on the approaches to the Town of Belfast — they are, therefore, informed that these Posts are for the safety of the Town, and by no means to interfere with those coming to Market or on other business, unless by examining Carriages, Carts, &c. The garrison is prohibited from purchasing anything

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 382

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1803, was a town on edge. A reward of 500 pounds was offered by the Government for the apprehension of Thomas Russell, late of the 64th Regiment of Foot, in whose name a rebellious proclamation had lately been circulated. The inhabitants of Belfast, to show their loyalty, subscribed a similar amount to bring to immediate punishment any persons who attempted to disturb the public peace. The alarm in the town was excessive. Brigadier General Campbell had it announced that the outposts placed on the approaches to Belfast were for the safety of the town, and were by no means to interfere with those coming to market or on other business, unless by examining carriages, carts, and the like. The garrison itself was prohibited from purchasing anything.

Roman Catholic priest O'Hamill arrested in Belfast under 1704 Popish Clergy Act

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1704–1708

Under the Registering the Popish Clergy Act, Rev. Pheloray O'Hamill, parish priest of Belfast, Derriaghy and Drum, was registered at Carrickfergus in 1704. A 1707/8 letter describes his surrender and imprisonment in the Belfast Town Gaol despite his kindness to Protestants during the Williamite Revolution.

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" Sill, — In obedience to the Proclamation Issued by the Government and Council I immediately Issued a warrant against the Popish Priest within my Jurisdiction as Magistrate of Belfast; the Priest whose name is Phelomy O'Hamol immediately upon the first hearing of it, being 111, wrote me a Letter that he would surrender himself to me, and as soon as he was able to come to town would wait upon me ; accordingly he came on Monday last, but I being then at Antrim upon the Commissio^i of Array for the Militia he stayed in this town till I came home, and hath this day surrendered himself to me. I have put him into our Town Gaol,^ and desire you would communicate this account to their Excys the Lds Justices, where I intend to keep him till I know their farther pleasure. His behaviour has been sucli amongst us since, and was, upon the late Revolution so kind to the Protestants by saving several of their goods in those times, that I had offered me the best Bail the Protests of this Country affords. However, the Proclamation being positive and no discretionary power left in us I would not Bail him : thank God we are not under any great fears here, for upon this Occasion I have made the Constables return me a List of all the Inhabitants with" this Town, and we have not amongst us within tho town above seven Papists,- and by the return
^ Mr. Macartney mentions the Town Gaol as the place of Mr. O'Hamill's conlinement. Inquiry has failed to discover the locality, but several prisons of a terai)orary kind were in the town in past times. On September 11th, 1746, an advertisement offers lor sale "A Tenement and Slaughter House in Castle Street now the Marshalsea House." This has been a prison of some kind, but there never was, till the County Jail was erected in late years, a really good prison in Belfast.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 203

As the companion tells it

Belfast is where the road takes you through a town that once held a priest in its gaol under the laws of the crown. In 1704, under the Registering the Popish Clergy Act, the Reverend Phelomy O'Hamill, parish priest of Belfast, Derriaghy and Drum, was registered at Carrickfergus. He was the priest within the jurisdiction of Belfast's magistrate. A letter written in 1707 or 1708 tells what happened next. The magistrate had issued a warrant against him, as the government proclamation required. O'Hamill was ill when he first heard of it, but he wrote to say he would surrender himself as soon as he was able to come to town. He arrived on a Monday, but the magistrate was away at Antrim on militia business, so the priest waited in the town until the magistrate returned. He surrendered himself that day. The magistrate put him in the Town Gaol and wrote to the Lords Justices to say he intended to keep him there until he knew their farther pleasure. He noted that O'Hamill's behaviour had been such amongst them since, and was, upon the late Revolution, so kind to the Protestants by saving several of their goods in those times, that the best bail the Protestants of the country affords had been offered for him. But the proclamation was positive and left no discretionary power, so the magistrate would not bail him. The letter adds that there were not above seven Papists in the town. The exact site of the Town Gaol has never been found.

Skirmish traces found at Buller's Fields, Belfast

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1649

An obscure tradition held that a contest or skirmish took place between Royalist and Parliamentary forces outside Belfast at Buller's Fields, near the top of Donegall Street and York Street. Years later, when a cotton mill was being built there, entrenchment marks and cannonballs were discovered, apparently confirming the tradition.

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^ The antliorities for tliis are the MSS. of Henry Jo}% of Belfast, and those of Samuel M'Skimin, author of the History of Carrickfergus, in the possession of the Rev. Classon Porter, of Larne, by whom they have been kindly lent to me. They are so united that the distinctive portion of each is not readily seen. The statement they contain, however, is substantially that which is in the text, the exact words being — "1649. About Michaelmas this year a battle was fought at Bailer's Fields between the Royal Army and that of the Parliament. The former was defeated, and Venables the Commander then entered the Town. George Martin, who was great-great-grandfather to Henry Joy, Dr. Bruce's contemporary, being determined not to grant Billets, retired to his Country House near the White House, in consequence of which his house in town was plundered. ... On this occasion Venables, who had previously taken the Garrisons of Lisnegarvie and Antrim, also took the Scots' strong garrison of Belfast, with 15 pieces of Ordnance and 12 Barrels of Gunpowder, and 800 Scots were afterwards turned out of the town, whither they had brought their wives and children to settle themselves." The general statement was published by authority in the List of Victories ' obtained hy Cromwell and the Parliament's Forces, 1650, and is quoted by Wright, in his History of Ireland, vol. ii., p. 78. Mr. Martin will come under notice again. There is an obscure tradition that a contest, or skirmish, happened between the parties outside the town, at Buller's Fields, which were at the top of Donegall Street and the present York Street ; and that many years ago, when a cotton mill was being built near this jilace, proof of such was discovered in marks of entrenchments, and the discovery of some balls and other articles.
K

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 63

As the companion tells it

As Belfast passes by, there is a story from 1649 that the road skirts without quite touching. About Michaelmas that year, a battle was fought at Buller's Fields, between the Royal Army and that of the Parliament. The Royal Army was defeated, and Venables, the Parliamentary commander, then entered the town. The sources for this are manuscripts of Henry Joy of Belfast, and those of Samuel M'Skimin, who wrote the History of Carrickfergus. They tell us that George Martin, great-great-grandfather to Henry Joy, was determined not to grant billets, and retired to his country house near the White House. In consequence, his house in town was plundered. Venables had already taken the garrisons of Lisnegarvie and Antrim. He then took the Scots' strong garrison of Belfast itself, along with 15 pieces of ordnance and 12 barrels of gunpowder. 800 Scots were afterwards turned out of the town, whither they had brought their wives and children to settle themselves. This was published by authority in 1650, in the List of Victories obtained by Cromwell and the Parliament's Forces, and is quoted by Wright in his History of Ireland. There was an obscure tradition that a contest or skirmish happened between the parties outside the town at Buller's Fields, which lay at the top of Donegall Street and the present York Street. Many years later, when a cotton mill was being built near this place, marks of entrenchments were found in the ground, and some balls and other articles turned up, which seemed to confirm that something had happened there after all.

Anthony Shaw Flees Persecution

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1646

Anthony Shaw, the first Presbyterian minister permanently fixed in Belfast in 1646, rebuked Lord Montgomery for treacherously surrendering the town, and soon after fled to Scotland to escape persecution from his enemies.

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measure of spiritual instruction to the Scottish soldiers, and it would be satisfactory to know how the other two-thirds of this particular regiment were attended to, unless it be taken as a proof of the incorporation of Colonel Chichester's soldiers and those of the other British commanders with their Scottish allies. Nor is it likely Mr. Baird had the entire charge of the instruction of his countrymen in Belfast, but that he was often assisted by other ministers during the continuance of General Monro's army in the town. There is a notice {ante, p. 110) in the examination of Theaker, the Sovereign, that a Presbytery of twenty elders and four deacons was in Belfast in 1644, and that they had silenced Mr. Brice for refusing to accept the Covenant. It is impossible to tell of what communion Mr. Brice was. The statement would appear to imply that he was a minister here at the period named ; but the ordinary account is that the first Presbyterian minister wlio was permanently fixed in Belfast was Anthony Shaw, in 1646. His stay was brief, though long enough to put it in his power to upbraid Lord Montgomery for delivering up the town which he had entered to defend and support — ai, treacherous proceeding, and contrary to the principles on which he had hitherto acted. Mr. Shaw's charge here concurring with that event, he was therefore the minister who, in the exercise of ecclesiastical interference with civil matters, administered to the false lord a sharp rebuke. No account is preserved of anything else which he did during his short and troubled retention of the office of minister of Belfast. He soon after fled to Scotland from the persecution of his enemies.^
Anthony Shaw was succeeded, it has been said, by a Mr. Eead, but all research has failed in discovering the time of his settlement here, or how long he held the charge. So little is known of him that he is placed by Dr. Bruce, in the Christian 3Ioderator,

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 192

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1646, saw the arrival of Anthony Shaw, the first Presbyterian minister permanently fixed in the town. His stay was brief, but long enough for him to make his mark. Lord Montgomery had entered Belfast to defend and support the town, but then delivered it up in what was called a treacherous proceeding, contrary to the principles on which he had hitherto acted. Shaw, in the exercise of ecclesiastical interference with civil matters, administered to the false lord a sharp rebuke. No account is preserved of anything else Shaw did during his short and troubled retention of the office of minister of Belfast. He soon after fled to Scotland, to escape the persecution of his enemies. The material notes that before Shaw, a Presbytery of twenty elders and four deacons had been in Belfast in 1644, and that they had silenced a Mr. Brice for refusing to accept the Covenant, though it is impossible to tell of what communion Mr. Brice was. After Shaw's flight, he was said to have been succeeded by a Mr. Read, but all research failed to discover the time of his settlement, or how long he held the charge. So little is known of Read that he is placed by Dr. Bruce in the Christian Moderator with barely any detail at all.

Cromwellian scheme to transplant Scots from Belfast and Antrim

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1652–1654

The Cromwellian government, having already transplanted the Irish to Connaught, planned to remove the Presbyterian Scots of the Belfast Precinct—including named individuals from Belfast proper and Malone—to distant parts of Ireland because of their opposition to the regime. The scheme, involving extensive correspondence and named obnoxious landholders, was ultimately abandoned due to changes in England.

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Ireland was divided by tlie Cromwellian Government into fifteen Precincts, of which Belfast and Carrickfergus, with extensive and defined limits, comprising the three counties of Antrim, Down, and Armagh, formed one. Each Precinct was put in charge of Commissioners, with large powers. In the Belfast Precinct, the Scots, averse to the Government, and generally indisposed to take the Engagement,^ naturally abounded. As the ruling powers had thought fit to transplant the Irish to Connaught, so they considered that their own safety required the removal of the Scots also to places in Ireland far from their parent home or the kingdom from which they sprang. The names of those to be so treated have been made known,^ and were those of the principal, and to the Government the most obnoxious Presbyterian landholders and others in Down and Antrim. Those in Belfast proper and Malone were only Lieutenant Thomas Corston or Cranston, Corporal Thomas M'Cormick, Hugh Doke, Robert Cluxton, George Martin, Alexander Lockard, Ptobert King, and Quintin Catherwood, probably the most openly pronounced or loudest speakers against the powers that were. The number is much greater in most of the other (juarters,
1 The Engagement was "to be true and faithful to the CoTomouwealth of England as it is now established, witliout King or House of Lords." ^ Reid's Histori/ of the Presbyterian Church, vol. ii., p. 471, Appendix.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn

As the companion tells it

Between 1652 and 1654, Belfast stood at the heart of a Cromwellian scheme that nearly swept its Scottish people away. The government had divided Ireland into fifteen Precincts. This one, with Carrickfergus, covered the three counties of Antrim, Down, and Armagh, each Precinct governed by Commissioners with large powers. The Scots in this Precinct were averse to the Government and generally indisposed to take the Engagement. Having already transplanted the Irish to Connaught, the ruling powers judged their own safety required removing the Scots as well, to distant parts of Ireland far from their parent home. The names of those marked for removal were the principal Presbyterian landholders in Down and Antrim, those most obnoxious to the Government. From the town proper and Malone, the list ran to Lieutenant Thomas Corston or Cranston, Corporal Thomas M'Cormick, Hugh Doke, Robert Cluxton, George Martin, Alexander Lockard, Robert King, and Quintin Catherwood, probably the most openly pronounced or loudest speakers against the powers that were. The scheme was abandoned when changes in England overtook it.

Death and Elaborate Funeral of Sovereign William Leathes

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1660

William Leathes, Sovereign of Belfast, died in the town on 6 May 1660 to great public lamentation. His funeral the next day was attended by the Earl of Donegall, the Marquis of Antrim, and most of the town's inhabitants, with his hearse bearing eight escutcheons of his arms, the White Rod of Justice, and the two civic maces.

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" William Leathes was sworn Sovereign of the Borough on the 29th September 1659 for one whole year, according to the time limited in the Charter if he shall so long live, hut on the 6th day of May 1660 he departed this life in Belfast where great lamentation was made for the loss of so honest, just, and upright a man. The next day following, appointed for his burial, he was carried by eight of his surname, paired in brothers, accompanied by the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Donegall and the Marquis of Antrim and the greatest part of the inhabitants of Belfast and many others. There was placed on his Hearse eight escutcheons of his Arms with the White Rod of Justice and the two Maces of the Corporation, Mourning Eibbon was dealt plentifully, — all performed by his Sons. And after he was interred and his funeral Sermon preached, Captain Francis Meeke one of the Burgesses of the Corporation by election, with consent of the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Donegall, was sworn in the office of Sovereign to continue to Michaelmas next following."
The original seat of the Leathes family was Cumberland, and the branch in Belfast, there is little doubt, came from that quarter, with which this town had early intercourse. The name does not appear here now. About 1663 Widow Leathes, probably the relict of the William Leathes here commemorated, was owner of three of the small vessels called gabbarcls belonging to the port.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 116

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1660, saw the death and funeral of William Leathes, the Sovereign of the Borough. He had been sworn into office on the 29th of September 1659, for one whole year, according to the time limited in the Charter, if he should so long live. But on the 6th of May 1660 he died in the town, where great lamentation was made for the loss of so honest, just, and upright a man. The next day, appointed for his burial, he was carried by eight of his own surname, paired in brothers. The Earl of Donegall and the Marquis of Antrim accompanied him, along with the greatest part of the inhabitants of Belfast and many others. On his hearse were placed eight escutcheons of his arms, with the White Rod of Justice and the two Maces of the Corporation. Mourning ribbon was dealt out plentifully, and all was performed by his sons. After he was interred and his funeral sermon preached, Captain Francis Meeke, one of the Burgesses of the Corporation by election, with the consent of the Earl of Donegall, was sworn in as Sovereign to continue to Michaelmas. The Leathes family came from Cumberland, and about 1663 Widow Leathes, likely his relict, owned three small vessels called gabbarrels belonging to the port.

Diseased Soldiers Brought to Belfast from Dundalk Camp

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1689

Multitudes of sick and diseased soldiers from Schomberg's army were conveyed to Belfast both by sea and by land in November 1689, having only departed for Dundalk the previous September. Mr. Shales, Purveyor-General to the Protestant army, was blamed for the Dundalk disasters through failure to provide medicines, and was taken prisoner and confined in Belfast as a result.

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how remarkable, or rather how unaccountable, is their silence with regard to great events which took place in Belfast during the long years in which they were being compiled. This is particularly applicable to the occurrences of the revolutionary wars. They contain nothing with respect to King William in Belfast except what has been copied, yet his presence here was a historical incident in which the whole nation was interested. They are almost equally blank about Schomberg, who was nearly a year in and about the town, saving the few weeks of his absence at Dundalk ; not less uninforming about the multitudes of diseased soldiers who were conveyed to Belfast from that place both by sea and land in November, 1689, though they had only departed from it in the September preceding; or of Mr. Shales, Purveyor-General to the Protestant army, who was accused of being the cause of all the Dundalk disasters by failing to provide medicines and other necessaries for the troops, and who was in consequ'uce taken prisoner and confined here; or of the numerous persons of distinction who arrived in the town during the busy year which preceded the battle of the Boyne ; and many memoraMlia which might reasonably have been expected to have been sufficiently exciting to force attention from our old corporators. No person can properly write of past events in whose mind there is not a picture of the era under consideration, but any assistance from those who were witnesses or hearers of them is not to be derived from the Corporate Eecords of Belfast.
It only remains to make some observations on the outward appearance of the Town Book, and on some small "pendicles" which were the property of the former Corporation, and have passed over from it to tbe Mayor for the time being and the present Corporate body of Belfast.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 108

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1689, was a town full of soldiers and sickness. Schomberg spent nearly a year in and about the town, save for a few weeks of absence at Dundalk. The soldiers departed from Belfast in September, and by November they were coming back in ruin. Multitudes of diseased soldiers were conveyed to Belfast from Dundalk, both by sea and by land. Their absence had lasted barely weeks. The blame fell on Shales, the Purveyor-General to the Protestant army. He was accused of causing all the Dundalk disasters by failing to provide medicines and other necessaries for the troops. As a consequence he was taken prisoner and confined in Belfast. The old Corporate Records of Belfast say almost nothing about any of this. They are silent about Schomberg's long stay, about the diseased soldiers pouring back into the town, about Shales locked up. They barely mention King William's presence in Belfast, though the whole nation was interested in that. The records are nearly blank about the numerous persons of distinction who arrived during the busy year before the Battle of the Boyne. The author calls their silence unaccountable. He notes that no person can properly write of past events without a picture of the era, and yet no such help comes from those old corporate records, compiled over long years by men who must have witnessed or heard of these things.

Dr. Haliday's Deathbed Scene in Castle Street

Castle Street · street · Roscommon · 1802

An account of Dr. Alexander Henry Haliday's final days, as described in a letter to Dr. Drennan from Mrs. Mattear. Three nights before he died he played cards, and on his last night he played out the rubber, blessed his departing guest, and was helped up to bed after comforting his wife.

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1 Dr. Haliday's resideace was in Castle Street, probably one of the fine old houses which ran from Castle Place to Fountain Street. The account of his death is curious. It is in one of the excellent letters to Dr. Drennan, who had written to inquire what spiritual aid Haliday had at the closing scene. This is the answer from Mrs. Mattear— "You ask what religious aid Haliday had. . . . Three nights before he died Bruce and I played cards with him, & the very night that was his last he played out the rubber. Now, said he, the game is finished, and the last act near a close ; blessed the departing guest and sent his love to her sister ; was helped up to bed, comforted his wife, spoke of the blessing her sister and Wm. had been to them the last gloomy winter — and the rest you know."
The same letter contains many other interesting notices. Two are here inserted. "The New Burying Ground is at the back of the Poor House nearly opposite to M'Cabe's. It is a neat place, well laid out and like a garden. Many that day were choosing their resting places, parLiculaily Dissenters. To avoid fees the Corporation would not allow consecration, and Bristow with Isaac Saunders is much hurt." This refers to the time of Dr. Haliday's funeral.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 258

As the companion tells it

A residence in Castle Street, Dr. Haliday's house, probably one of the fine old houses that ran from Castle Place to Fountain Street. He died there in 1802, and the account of his last days comes from a letter Mrs. Mattear wrote to Dr. Drennan, who had asked what spiritual aid Haliday had at the closing scene. Her answer was this. Three nights before he died, Bruce and she played cards with him. On his very last night he played out the rubber. Then he said, 'Now, the game is finished, and the last act near a close.' He blessed the departing guest and sent his love to her sister. He was helped up to bed, comforted his wife, and spoke of the blessing her sister and Wm. had been to them the last gloomy winter. Mrs. Mattear finished, 'and the rest you know.' The same letter tells that the new burying ground was at the back of the Poor House, nearly opposite M'Cabe's. It was a neat place, well laid out and like a garden. Many that day were choosing their resting places, particularly Dissenters. To avoid fees, the Corporation would not allow consecration, and Bristow with Isaac Saunders was much hurt. This was at the time of Dr. Haliday's funeral.

First Fever Hospital Opened in Factory Row

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1797

Amid the poverty and distress at the end of the eighteenth century caused by bad seasons and political disturbances, the first hospital in Ireland for fever was opened with six beds in Factory Row, Belfast, in 1797.

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combined with the political disturbances, produced at the end of the century. One of those times of misfortune from which no nation or town is exempt had arisen. Yet in 1797 the " First Hospital in Ireland for Fever was opened with Six Beds in Factory Row;" and in 1799 "a Bazaar for the benefit of the poor was held in Skipper Street by the young ladies of Belfast " — both most striking contrasts to the present action of the town in similar directions.
"Prior to 1792 the sole Medical relief publicly afforded to the

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 290

As the companion tells it

Belfast at the close of the eighteenth century was hit by bad seasons and political disturbances, a time of misfortune from which no town is exempt. Yet out of that distress came something new. In 1797 the first hospital in Ireland for fever opened with six beds in Factory Row. Two years later, in 1799, a bazaar for the benefit of the poor was held in Skipper Street by the young ladies of Belfast. Both were striking acts of charity against the poverty around them.

First News of the 1641 Rebellion Reaches Belfast

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1641

Lord Edward Chichester wrote from Belfast to the King reporting that Irish septs had risen with force, taken Charlemont, Dungannon, Tandragee, and Newry, and that great fires had been seen near Belfast, causing alarm throughout the region.

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" May it please your Majesty. I have had advertizement from some credible persons that certain Septe of the Irish of good quahities in the northern parts of your Majesty's Kingdom of Ireland two nights last past did rise with force, and have taken Charlemont, Dungannon, and Tanragee, and the Newry, with your Majesty's Stores there, Towns all of good consequence, the furthest within 40 miles of this place, and have slain only one man, and that they are advancing near into these parts, and that this last night of all there hath been seen great fires so near as were discerned from this place, and that your Ma*'**^ ill affected subjects of that nation do resort to them and add much to their number. What the intent is cannot at present be considered, but those Septes are all of the Eomish religion. I have for the present given Advertizement thereof throughout these parts, that your Mamies good subjects may put themselves into a way for defence and preservation of the country, until further course may be taken to suppress them. I have likewise commanded your Mamies forces in these parts to be in readiness in their several garrisons to defend the place and suppress the outrages if any shall be there attempted, and have layed the best guard that for the present can be gotten to preserve your Ma*'*^* Stores at Carrigfergus, and shall be otherwise as watchful and diligent as I may to contribute my best assistance to the suppression of these tumidts. This is all that at present is done, and all the certain relation I am able to give your Matie. thereof. Notwithstanding I have humbly thought it my duty to represent these things to your
98 HISTORY OF BELFAST.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 48

As the companion tells it

In 1641, Belfast was where Lord Edward Chichester sat down to write to the King with alarming news. He had heard from credible persons that certain septs of the Irish, men he called of good quality in the northern parts, had risen with force two nights before. They had taken Charlemont, Dungannon, Tandragee, and Newry, along with the King's stores there. These were all towns of good consequence, the furthest within 40 miles of where he wrote. They had slain only one man, but they were advancing near into those parts. That last night, great fires had been seen so near as to be discerned from where Chichester was. The King's ill-affected subjects of that nation were resorting to them and adding to their number. What their intent was could not yet be considered, but Chichester noted that those septs were all of the Romish religion. He had given advertisement throughout the parts so the King's good subjects might put themselves into a way for defence and preservation of the country until further course could be taken to suppress them. He had commanded the King's forces in those parts to be in readiness in their several garrisons, to defend the place and suppress any outrages attempted. He had laid the best guard that could be gotten to preserve the King's stores at Carrickfergus, and he wrote that he would be otherwise as watchful and diligent as he might to contribute his best assistance to the suppression of these tumults.

Gallows Erected at the Market House Window

near Belfast · city · Antrim

A correspondent recalled the large empty room in the old Market House in Belfast where the Sovereign held court, and how a gallows was erected outside the window in the gable end, linking the building to grim associations of public execution.

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" There was a large empty room in the Market House — the entrance to it was from Corn Market, where the Rev^ Mr. Bristow the then Sovereign hekl his Court. I remember when a boy going up the stairs to look at it ; and afterwards out of the window in the gable was the gallow.s erected."
Could this have been the room clouded by the ghastly associations of 1798, in which the gay, festive, and crowded assemblage of thirty years before met for their enjoyment ?

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 288

As the companion tells it

In Belfast, the old Market House held a large empty room. You reached it from Corn Market, up the stairs. The Reverend Mr. Bristow, the Sovereign, held his court there. A correspondent remembered going up those stairs as a boy to look at it. Out of the window in the gable end, a gallows was erected. The same room may have hosted a gay, festive, crowded assemblage thirty years before, now clouded by the ghastly associations of 1798.

Hearts of Steel burn Waddell Cunningham's house

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1770

In 1770 the agrarian secret society known as the 'Hearts of Steel' burned the house of merchant Waddell Cunningham in Belfast. This act of violence marked him as a target of popular unrest against landlords and their agents.

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The burning of his house in Belfast by the " Hearts of Steel " in 1770, his spirited attempt in favour of popular election at Carrickfergus, and the part he took at the demonstrations in town in commemoration of the early French Eevolution, rendered him a public character of the time of the utmost distinction. The following particulars of his early life and general career have been communicated by Waddell Cunningham Douglas, Esq. of Bellevue, Eostrevor.
" Waddell Cunningham was the youngest son of a large family all now extinct. They lived in the townland of Ballymacilmoyle, near Lough Neagh, where the ruins of the family residence still remain. The house and property are in my possession, and let as a farm. He went to New York at an early age, long before the Eevolutionary War, where he amassed a large fortune, and returned to settle in Belfast at the age of 30. His death took place in his house at the foot of Hercules Street, and he left his property to his youngest nephew, James Douglas, my father, of whom I am the representative. He married a Miss Hyde, but had no issue.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 433

As the companion tells it

In 1770, the road passes through Belfast, where the Hearts of Steel burned the house of a merchant named Waddell Cunningham. The Hearts of Steel were an agrarian secret society, and the burning marked Cunningham as a target of popular unrest. But it did not finish him. He went on to make what the record calls a spirited attempt in favour of popular election at Carrickfergus, and took part in demonstrations in town commemorating the early French Revolution. These things made him, in the words of the source, a public character of the time of the utmost distinction. Cunningham was the youngest son of a large family from the townland of Ballymacilmoyle, near Lough Neagh. He went to New York at an early age, long before the Revolutionary War, amassed a large fortune there, and returned to settle in Belfast at the age of 30. He married a Miss Hyde but had no issue. He died in his house at the foot of Hercules Street, and left his property to his youngest nephew, James Douglas. The particulars of his life were communicated by Waddell Cunningham Douglas of Bellevue, Rostrevor.

Killing of about 100 men near Monaghan

Monaghan · town · Monaghan · 1642

After riding through the night from Kinard through Monaghan, the cavalry force killed about 100 men found in their way in the surrounding countryside, while searching for Lady Blayney, who had already been moved deeper into the woods.

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nothing was left quicke, but some angrie dogges and Embers, and after dale breake tliy came thnnigh Moniiaglian, and lieing soe farr in the Rebelles cuntrie soe suddenly, tliey killed about 100 men they found in there way, but tlic good Ladie was removed further into the woods the night before, and tlie Countrey were drawing togetlier uppon another occasion to meet 8'' Phelomie O'Neale, to considder of makeing head againe our armie ; soe after we lighted on about 1600 Cowes and nianie mares and releeved verie manie prissoners, and alsoe tooke 40 or GO men that came -to scout and discover about Monnaghan, and ]nett Capfi Barnett's Horse from whome Capt" Dillon, that commanded Capt" Chichester's Troope, brought much preyes & diversse prisoners, and the. Horse marched backe to Charlemonte with their prey and arrived there safe at night, after a long march of neare 60 miles in 2 dayes and a night. In the forte of Dungannon Avas found a brasse peece of Ordinance, Avhich carries between 4 or 5^*^ bullett, which the Lord Montgomerie brouglit backe with his foot to Charlemont, witli one of S'^ Philomie's O'A'eale's Teames taken at Kinnard, and with it made 3 Sliott but with little harme to the Castle, which the Lord IMontgomerie perceaveihg and that some of the Kebelles appeared by a wood-side, and not knowing but the Horse being absent tliey might gett between him and them, & being alt<igether unable to Ij^e there haveing no more victualles or ammunition, therefore was requisite to march home, So they retreated to Blackwater over that broken passe and there stayed till the Horse returned on Thursday night.
The next day Capt" Rawden was sent with a partie of Horse backe to Dungannon, with ammunition and a 100 Cowes, and as much provision of Corne and nieale as could bee gotten in the Howses and created thereabout.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 334

As the companion tells it

In 1642, a cavalry force rode through the night from Kinard through Monaghan. They had gone so far and so suddenly into rebel country that at daybreak they killed about 100 men they found in their way. They had come searching for Lady Blayney, but she had been removed further into the woods the night before. The country people had been drawing together for another purpose, to meet Sir Phelim O'Neale and consider making head against the army. The force lighted on about 1600 cows and many mares, relieved very many prisoners, and took 40 or 60 men who came to scout about the town. They met Captain Barnett's Horse, and Captain Dillon, who commanded Captain Chichester's Troop, brought much prey and diverse prisoners from them. The Horse marched back to Charlemont with their prey and arrived safe at night, after a long march of near 60 miles in 2 days and a night. In the fort of Dungannon was found a brass piece of ordnance carrying between 4 or 5 bullet. Lord Montgomery brought it back with his foot to Charlemont, with one of Sir Phelim O'Neale's teams taken at Kinnard. They made 3 shots with it but did little harm to the Castle. Lord Montgomery saw some rebels appear by a wood-side, and not knowing whether they might get between him and his men while the Horse was absent, and having no more victuals or ammunition, he judged it requisite to march home. They retreated to Blackwater over that broken pass and stayed there till the Horse returned on Thursday night. The next day Captain Rawden was sent with a party of Horse back to Dungannon, with ammunition and 100 cows, and as much provision of corn and meal as could be gotten in the houses thereabout.

Sir Neill O'Neill dies of wounds from the Battle of the Boyne

Waterford · city · Waterford · 1690

Sir Neill O'Neill, Baronet, a Belfast Burgess under King James's government and grandson of Sir Brian MacFelim O'Neill, died at Waterford on 8 July 1690 from a wound received fighting for King James at the Battle of the Boyne.

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sources barely agree with regard at least to residences, but it would be quite impossible to enter farther into the historj' or genealogy of the O'Xeills. Those mentioned are only three out of the six of the name who were Burgesses of Belfast in King James's Parliament. "The Inquisition of attainders of the O'jS'eills in 1691 has about 100 in number." According to Kirkpatrick {Preshyterian Loyalty, p. 421), Xeill O'Neill of Belfast was a Presbyterian, which is correct. He was of course not the first here mentioned of the same name in the list of Burgesses. The Baronet, Sir Neill O'Neill, died at Waterford, 8th July, 1690, of the wound he received fighting for King James at the Boyne. He was grandson or great-grandson, as well as I can trace, of the great and unfortunate Sir Brian MacFelim O'Xeill of Queeu Elizabeth's time. — Memoirs of the Duke of Berwicl: ; Eyland's History of Waterford.
"A Captain Thomas M'Naughton of Colonel Cormack CXeill's regiment is, in the Inquisition for Attainders, termed of Kiltimurry County of Antrim."

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn

As the companion tells it

Waterford is where Sir Neill O'Neill, a Baronet, came after the Battle of the Boyne. He had been fighting for King James, and he carried a wound from that fight. He died here on the 8th of July, 1690. He was one of six men of the O'Neill name who served as Burgesses of Belfast in King James's Parliament. The records of the O'Neills are difficult to trace, and sources barely agree, even on where they lived. But Sir Neill's line can be followed back, as well as it can be traced, to Sir Brian MacFelim O'Neill, of Queen Elizabeth's time, called great and unfortunate. After the war, the Inquisition of Attainders of the O'Neills in 1691 listed about 100 of them. A Captain Thomas M'Naughton of Colonel Cormack O'Neill's regiment is named in that same Inquisition, termed of Kiltimurry, County Antrim. The source for Sir Neill's death is the Memoirs of the Duke of Berwick and Eyland's History of Waterford.

Soldiers Hanged at Lisburn for Raiding Belfast Magazine

near Lisburn · town · Antrim · 1689–1690

Four soldiers were executed by hanging at Lisburn as punishment for breaking open the military magazine located in Belfast.

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"Four soldiers were hanged at Lisburn for breaking open the Magazine in Belfast,"^
These casualties and disorders, together with the extent of sickness in the town, made this a deplorable winter. Schomberg, in his proclamations against drunkenness and profane swearing, imputes their disasters at Dundalk, and the distemper now prevailing in Belfast, to these and other gross delinquencies.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn

As the companion tells it

In the town of Lisburn, four soldiers were hanged for breaking open the magazine in Belfast. This was a deplorable winter. Sickness spread through the town, and Schomberg blamed the disasters at Dundalk and the distemper now prevailing in Belfast on drunkenness, profane swearing, and other gross delinquencies.

Thomas Russell's Execution and Grave at Downpatrick

near Downpatrick · town · Down · 1803

Thomas Russell, having entered into a further rebellion five years after 1798, was captured, tried, and executed in Downpatrick, where a stone in the burying-place bears the inscription 'The Grave of Russell.'

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when awaiting execution ; the latter, five years after the death or exile of his friends, entered into an absurd rebellion again, in the desire of reviving the dead embers of 1798, was taken prisoner, tried, and executed in Downpatrick, and a stone in the burying-place there, on which are chiselled the words, "The Grave of Kussell," may yet keep green lor a time the memory of his name.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 317

As the companion tells it

Downpatrick is where Thomas Russell met his end. Five years after 1798, when his friends were dead or exiled, he entered into a rebellion again, hoping to revive what was left of that year. He was taken prisoner, tried, and executed here. A stone in the burying-place bears the words, "The Grave of Russell," and may yet keep green the memory of his name.

Belfast Filled with Hospitals of Sick Soldiers from Dundalk Camp

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1690

When King William landed at Carrickfergus in 1690 and travelled to Belfast, the town was described as full of the King's army and artillery, besides many hospitals of sick soldiers from the Camp of Dundalk. This reflects the toll of disease on the army stationed in the region during the Williamite War.

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" That, upon the landing of their Majesties' army at Bangor in the County of Down the 15^^ fi^y of August 1689 under command of his Grace Frederick Duke of Schomberg, general of their Majesties' forces, when he came to Belfast he issued a Proclamation bearing date the 1 8*'^ of September, empowering and commanding all Protestant subjects to return to their respective properties and the Corporations to their ancient Charters, and the Protestant Justices to their respective trusts, empowering them to do and execute all things they might or could do by virtiie of their Charters and Commissions of the Peace : pursuant to which Proclamation Captain Eobert Leathes, the last Sovereign of the Old Charter at the time when the new one was brought to Belfast, took upon him again the Government of the Corporation as formerly and continued therein till Michaelmas 1690; in which year the 14*^^ day of June his most gracious and puissant Majesty King William landed at Carrickfergus, and that same day his Majesty and Duke Schomberg in a Coach came to Belfast, the town at that time being full of his Majesty's army and train of Artillery, besides many hospitals of sick soldiers from the Camp of Dundalk — was received at the entrance of the town by the Sovereign, Burgesses, and Inhabitants and that part of the Army there in their best Formality, with acclamations of great joy and rejoicing, and was conducted to the Castle where he graciously received the Sovereign and Burgesses — where the Sovereign upon his knee humbly presented the Eod of Authority which his Majesty received bidding him rise and gave it back again ; and the Sovereign again kneeling presented an Address of the Sovereign, Burgesses, and Commonalty which was read before his Majesty and after received it, and the King put it in his jDocket, and then the Sovereign and Burgesses had the honour of kissing his Majesty's hand. That his Majesty staid five nights in Belfast, and was very well pleased with the Inhabitants and the Town, and its situation, and said (when within the Castle and the doors being open to the Gardens) that it was a little (or like) Whitehall. It cannot be omitted to tell that the Sovereign intended to acquaint his Majesty that this Corporation had neither Lands, Tenements, Hereditaments, Eents or Commons to maintain and support the authority of the same or for discharging any public Taxes or charges of the Town, though by its Trade it was considerable in Customs and Excise in the Exchequer to the value of Q

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 106

As the companion tells it

Belfast in 1690 was a town full of soldiers, and many of them were sick. King William landed at Carrickfergus on the 14th of June that year, and came by coach the same day with Duke Schomberg to Belfast. The town was full of his Majesty's army and train of artillery, besides many hospitals of sick soldiers from the Camp of Dundalk. Disease had taken its toll on the army stationed in the region, and Belfast was carrying that weight. The arrival had been prepared the year before. In August 1689, Frederick Duke of Schomberg had landed at Bangor with the army, and when he came to Belfast he issued a proclamation on the 18th of September commanding all Protestant subjects to return to their properties, the Corporations to their ancient charters, and the Protestant justices to their trusts. Captain Robert Leathes, the last Sovereign under the Old Charter, took up the governance of the Corporation again and held it until Michaelmas 1690. When King William arrived, the Sovereign, Burgesses, and Inhabitants received him at the entrance of the town, with that part of the Army in their best formality, with acclamations of great joy. He was conducted to the Castle. The Sovereign, upon his knee, presented the Rod of Authority. The King received it, bade him rise, and gave it back. The Sovereign knelt again and presented an Address from the Sovereign, Burgesses, and Commonalty. It was read before his Majesty. The King received it and put it in his pocket. Then the Sovereign and Burgesses had the honour of kissing his Majesty's hand. The King stayed five nights in Belfast. He was well pleased with the inhabitants, the town, and its situation. Standing within the Castle with the doors open to the gardens, he said it was, in the words of the source, "a little (or like) Whitehall."

Death of Sovereign Henry Ellis and His Inventory

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1721

Mr. Henry Ellis, Sovereign of Belfast, died around 1721; his will and inventory reveal customs of his final illness, including provision of ale and brandy for those who waked all night, and funeral expenses including payment for ringing the Market House bell.

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The will of Mr. Ellis, in which he designates himself " Soveraigne of Belfast," which office he had several times filled, is very short ; but the inventory of his property, notices connected with its disposal, customs during his illness and at his death, and which, it may be imagined, were commonly prevalent at the time, make up a document of great length, many sheets being filled with the details. The plate specified amounted in value to £22 16s. 9d., consisting of rings, buttons, swords, buckles for " shows " and other purposes, but only five tea-spoons ; there was one " Skreen " with the Ten Commandments, one grey vest and " britches," two old " tye Wiggs," and one old '■ Bobb "SVigg," a Lignum Vitie Punch Bowl ; five " Chainy " tea-cups, and nineteen Pewter Dishes. All the property of the deceased, however inconsiderable, is mentioned with the same precision, even down to " one pot with a hole in it." The funeral charges, and the expenses incurred during the illness of Mr. Ellis, which seems to have been long, are expressed with minuteness ; the sack and white wine for himself were small in value compared with that of the " ale and brandy to ye people yt waked all night during his sickness." The funeral expenses are very large, among which are " 5s. 5d. for ringing the Market House Bell," which was probably, from this amount, a ceremony many
THE "BURIAL REGISTRY" FROM 1712 TO 1736. 581

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 280

As the companion tells it

Belfast has an old story tucked in its records. In 1721, the Sovereign of Belfast, Mr. Henry Ellis, died after a long illness. He had held the office of Sovereign several times, and his will, in which he calls himself Soveraigne of Belfast, was very short. But the inventory of his property ran to many sheets. His plate was valued at 22 pounds, 16 shillings and 9 pence: rings, buttons, swords, buckles for shows, and only five tea-spoons. There was a screen with the Ten Commandments, one grey vest and britches, two old tye wigs and one old bob wig, a Lignum Vitae punch bowl, five china tea-cups, and nineteen pewter dishes. Everything was listed with the same precision, down to one pot with a hole in it. The funeral charges and the expenses of his illness were set out in minute detail. The sack and white wine for himself were small in value compared with the ale and brandy for the people that waked all night during his sickness. Among the funeral expenses was 5 shillings and 5 pence for ringing the Market House bell, which was probably, from that amount, a ceremony many took part in.

Essex proposes fort and corporate town at Belfast

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1573

Essex describes Carrickfergus as unsuitable for a garrison town due to lack of wood and harbour, and proposes founding a fortified corporate town at Belfast instead, with a bridge over the Lagan. The plan was never carried out.

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" The experience of the beginning of this winter whereof I have made trial here, doth persuade how unnecessary this town of Knockfergus is for the lodging of any garrison, both for lack of wood and convenient harbour for ships and for annoying of enemies which commonly keep themselves in the woods. Therefore considering that near unto, Belfaste is a place meet for a corporate town, armed with all commodities, as a principal haven, wood and good ground, standing also upon a border, and a place of great importance for service, I think it convenient that a fortification be made there at the spring ; the fortification for the circuit, and a storehouse for victuals to be at her Majesty's charges ; all other buildings at mine, and such as shall
40 HISTORY OF BELFAST.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 21

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1573, was put forward as the site for a fortified town, though the plan never came to anything. Essex had spent the start of winter in Carrickfergus, and found it wanting. There was no wood there, no convenient harbour for ships, and enemies kept themselves in the woods beyond reach. He wrote that Belfast was a place meet for a corporate town, armed with all commodities: a principal haven, wood, and good ground. It stood upon a border, and he called it a place of great importance for service. He proposed that a fortification be made there in the spring, with a storehouse for victuals, both at her Majesty's charges, while all other buildings would be at his own. Nothing came of it.

Excommunication proceedings against Down Presbyterian ministers

near Down · parish · Down · 1670

In 1670, Bishop Leslie urged Bishop Boyle of Down to use his power against Presbyterian ministers, resulting in twelve ministers of Down being summoned to court and threatened with excommunication, including Gilbert Kennedy and Michael Bruce, the latter recently released from imprisonment in Scotland.

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Tyrone, where his descendants are respectable and numerous. Daring the administration of Strafford, the Presbyterians of Ireland were almost as ill-treated as those of Scotland, so that Gilbert had still great hardships to contend with. He preached in the Glens near Comber, in the starlight ; and as soldiers were quartered in many of the houses, the people had to leave home after the soldiers were asleep, and return before they were up next morning. They carried their children from Lisburn and all the surrounding country to be baptised by him. In 1670, Bishop Leslie paid a visit to Boyle, Bishop of Down, and urged him to use his power, which he did presently, in a very vigorous manner, by summoning twelve of the ministers of Down to his Court, and going on with excommunication against them. Among these were Gilbert Kennedy and Michael Bruce, the latter of whom had but lately returned to his parish after sufferings and long imprisonment in Scotland. Through the interference of the Primate, this new intended persecution fell to the ground. The difficulties and discouragements that the early Presbyterian Fathers in their settlement in Ulster had to encounter were gradually disappearing, a brighter era was at hand, the Prince of Orange had ascended the throne, and the dismal die of persecution was about to be obliterated. Gilbert Kennedy was minister of Comber, Dundonald, and Holywood until his death, and his remains were interred in the aisle of Dundonald Church, where his name still appears upon his tomb.
Gilbert, son of Gilbert (primus), was minister of Tullylish, where he was greatly beloved, and continued that ministry until his death in 1745. He was married to a Miss Laing.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 441

As the companion tells it

As you travel through Down, you are moving through a parish where Presbyterians once met under great hardship. Under the administration of Strafford, the Presbyterians of Ireland were almost as ill-treated as those of Scotland. Gilbert Kennedy preached in the Glens near Comber, in the starlight. Soldiers were quartered in many of the houses, so the people had to leave home after the soldiers were asleep and return before they were up next morning. They carried their children from Lisburn and all the surrounding country to be baptised by him. In 1670, Bishop Leslie paid a visit to Boyle, Bishop of Down, and urged him to use his power. Boyle did so presently, and in a very vigorous manner. He summoned twelve of the ministers of Down to his Court and went on with excommunication against them. Among these were Gilbert Kennedy and Michael Bruce. Bruce had but lately returned to his parish after sufferings and long imprisonment in Scotland. Through the interference of the Primate, this new intended persecution fell to the ground. The difficulties and discouragements that the early Presbyterian Fathers in their settlement in Ulster had to encounter were gradually disappearing. A brighter era was at hand. The Prince of Orange had ascended the throne, and the dismal die of persecution was about to be obliterated. Gilbert Kennedy was minister of Comber, Dundonald, and Holywood until his death, and his remains were interred in the aisle of Dundonald Church, where his name still appears upon his tomb.

Lady Donegall's Lifelong Mourning for Husband and Daughters

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1708

After the deaths of her husband and children, Lady Donegall observed the anniversaries as days of prayer, fasting, and seclusion for the remainder of her life.

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^ The days on whicli the two events occurred — the death of her husband and the destruction of her children — were observed by Lady Donegall during the remainder of her life as days of prayer, fasting, and seclusion. Swift commemorated her virtues in the following lines, before misfortunes blighted her life : — "Unerring Heaven, with bounteous hand.
Has formed a model for our land.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 280

As the companion tells it

As you pass through Belfast, there is a story from 1708. Lady Donegall lost her husband and her children. For the rest of her life she marked the days those deaths occurred with prayer, fasting, and seclusion. Swift had praised her virtues in verse before the misfortunes came, writing that unerring Heaven had formed a model for our land.

Presbytery erected and Mr Brice silenced in Belfast, 1644

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1644

After the Scots took possession of Belfast, they erected a Presbytery of about twenty elders and four deacons, and silenced the minister Mr Brice and other ministers in the Scottish quarters for refusing to take the Covenant.

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"Who being duely sworne and examined Saith that since the Scotts have possessed themselves of Belfast they have erected a Presbytery there consisting of about Twenty Elders and fower Deacons, and that they have silenced one Mr. Brice and other ministers in the Scottish quarters for not taking the Covenant. He saith also that while he, this Examinant, was resident in Belfast, the free Commoners of the saide Towne (who have of them, except a very few, taken the Covenant) preferred a Peticion to this Examinant, and to the Burgesses of the same, a true copy of which Peticion followeth in these words, viz. : ' The humble Request of the whole free Comoners of the Burrogh of Belfast unto the Sovereigne and Free Burgesses of the same. First — Our Request is, and as wee conceive our Right is by His Ma^'^s letters patents, that we may all of us have our free votes in electing and choosing of Burgesses as occasion of vacancy may require ; if not, wee protest against the Election as unlawfull. Further, our request is, that such men as shall be chosen to be free Burgesses bee of the Inhabitants and resident wi*^in our Corporation, and free of the same, and men of good respect, and such as have subscribed to the Covenant for the Reformacion of Religion for the true worship and service of God, the Honor of our King, and good of his people — otheiwise wee hould all other persons nominated, or elected to be chosen, to be Malignants, and wee protest against any other Election as unlawfull — whereas also there are some of the free Burgesses that are neither Inhabitants w^^^in the Corporation, neither assistants for any good or welfare of the same ; therefore wee thinke it fitt that such shall bee removed, according to the Orders and Customes of this said Towne warranted by the said Letters Patents.' He saith also, 'that the said Peticion was delivered to him this Examinant about three Weekes since at w'^^ Time he kept Court for the Towne and Borrough of Belfast. But upon perusall of the contents of the Peticion, and finding the same to be of dangerous consequence he refused to assent thereiinto, and having adjourned the Gourte, w^^Hn a few days after hee repay red to Dublin to acquaint Collonell Chichester, who is principally interested in the saide Towne, with the Contents of the said Peticion being still insisted upon by the said Comoners.'

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 53

As the companion tells it

In 1644, after the Scots took possession of Belfast, they erected a Presbytery there of about 20 elders and 4 deacons. They silenced a minister, Mr Brice, and other ministers in the Scottish quarters, for refusing to take the Covenant. A sworn examiner reported what followed. While he was resident in Belfast, the free commoners of the town, most of whom had taken the Covenant, brought him a petition, addressed to him and to the burgesses. Their request was that all free commoners should have their votes in electing burgesses, as they believed was their right by the king's letters patents. If not, they protested against any election as unlawful. They asked that men chosen as burgesses be inhabitants and resident within the corporation, men of good respect, and men who had subscribed to the Covenant for the reformation of religion, the honour of the king, and the good of his people. Anyone else, they held, was a malignant. They asked that burgesses who were neither inhabitants nor assistants to the welfare of the corporation be removed, according to the orders and customs of the town. The petition was delivered to the examiner about three weeks before his testimony, when he kept court for the town and borough of Belfast. He read it, found it of dangerous consequence, and refused to assent. He adjourned the court and within a few days went to Dublin to inform Colonel Chichester, who was principally interested in the town. The commoners were still insisting on their petition.

Toome castle built during Tyrone's Rebellion

Toome · townland · Antrim · 1595–1603

A castle and fort at Toome, with a strong earthen rampart, was built by the Lord Deputy during the time of Tyrone's Rebellion, standing at a fordable crossing between the counties of Tyrone and Antrim and garrisoned by warders under Sir Thomas Phillips.

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There is a Castle and forte at Toome w^^ a stronge rampier of Earth buylte by the nowe Lo. Deputie in the tyme of Tyron's rebellion. It lies upon the intrance of the Bawne out of Lough Chichester upon a passable forde in somer between the counties of Tyrone and Antryme S'" Thomas Phillips hath a warde there from his Ma^i^ of two and twenty warders.
From thence we went to Dunluce where S'" Eandall M'Donell hath buylte a fayre stone walle aboute the whole rocke w^'Un w'^^ he hath erected a good house of stone w^^ many lodginges and other roomes.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 325

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here stood a castle and fort at Toome, built by the Lord Deputy during Tyrone's Rebellion. It had a strong rampart of earth, and it lay at the entrance of the Bawn out of Lough Chichester, upon a passable ford in summer between the counties of Tyrone and Antrim. Sir Thomas Phillips kept a ward there from His Majesty of two and twenty warders.

Belfast fortified with rampart and ditch against rebel incursion, 1642

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1642

Fearing Irish aggression during the rebellion, the inhabitants and soldiers of Belfast began in early 1642 to surround the town with a rampart and wet ditch, later strengthened further, which spared Belfast from direct attack during the war.

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pointed governors of the County of Antrim, and to the command of the forces therein ; and this town served as a refuge for the people of the surrounding country, so far as its size and defenceless condition permitted. The inhabitants and soldiers proceeded early in 1642 to surround it with a rampart and wet ditch, which were afterwards improved and strengthened,^ and Belfast during the rebellion enjoyed immunity from any direct Irish aggression. The rebellion extended itself through other parts of the kingdom ; and at last assistance was obtained from Scotland to subdue it. In April, 1642, 2500 men, the first instalment of a stipulated army of 10,000, arrived in Carrickfergus for that purpose, under the command of General Eobert Monro. Part of this force was quartered in Malone, quite close to Belfast. The Scotch were joined by the English here, and a power thus arose to cope with the insurgents, if that object had been pursued at once with vigour and determination. But Monro, after a time, became inactive, influenced, it has been supposed, by secret instructions to protract the war. Amicable relations at the first subsisted between the Scottish commander and Chichester, Conway, Montgomery, Eawdon, and other Protestant, or, as they are frequently styled, English officers — as both were deemed to have the same desire in view, the speedy suppression of the rebellion. Details of many military transactions at a distance, in which they jointly took part, are accessible to every reader. Besides these, there are also in manuscript, or in rare tracts, narratives of specific incidents directed to particular localities — the produc-

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 49

As the companion tells it

The road brings you near Belfast, a town that in 1642 became a refuge for people from the surrounding country, so far as its size and defenceless condition permitted. The rebellion had spread, and the inhabitants and soldiers feared Irish aggression. Early in 1642 they began to surround the town with a rampart and a wet ditch. These defences were afterwards improved and strengthened, and Belfast enjoyed immunity from any direct Irish attack during the rebellion. Help came from Scotland. In April 1642, 2500 men arrived in Carrickfergus, the first instalment of a stipulated army of 10,000, under the command of General Robert Monro. Part of this force was quartered in Malone, close to Belfast. The Scotch were joined by the English, and a power arose to cope with the insurgents, had that object been pursued at once with vigour and determination. But Monro became inactive after a time, influenced, it has been supposed, by secret instructions to protract the war. Amicable relations at first subsisted between Monro and Chichester, Conway, Montgomery, Rawdon, and other officers, frequently styled English or Protestant. Both were deemed to have the same desire in view, the speedy suppression of the rebellion.

Chichester's account of famine conditions in the war-torn countryside

Carrickfergus · townland · Antrim · 1601

Writing from Knockfergus, Chichester describes the countryside as so miserably wasted that it affords no bread or grain, warning that great famine must necessarily follow the ongoing warfare in the region.

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I ame nowe a humble sutor to your honors for some l/)0 good foote to supplye our Companies, wee beinge nowe pestered w* Irishe, and some 20 Englj^sh horse yf yt shall please you ; I lykewyse desier wee miye be no more victuled w* fyshe, and that I maye be excused for not sendinge that prouision to the remote garrisons wher our men haue no meanes to seeth them nether is ther anie one that comes good thether, w^h must needes starue the soldiare, ther are heere great plentie, and I maye be blamde for not essewenge of them, but I haue geven your lordships my reasons ; I must be driuen to victeyle those garrisons full w^ victualls this wynter for the countrie affoordes nothinge but a fewe beenes, and to those remote places none wyll haue accease, besydes this the countrie of hit selfe is so miserable wasted, that great famine must needs followe ; The order that is taken by your honors is most commodious for the soldiare lyenge in good townes or neare sea coastes, but such as lye upon the enimies borders must trust to their owne stoore, and for breade this countrie affoordes none, nor grayne to make hyt; I knowe my Lorde Deputie and others geue your honores dayly notice of the strenth of the enimie, his declyninge and of their hopes of their speedie ouerthrowenge and beatinge of him, but the sommers warres worke not so great effects as the wynter and springe in this countrie before w^i' tyme If he be well sett unto of all sydes I thinke he wylbe vtterly rewyned w* all his confederattes, he is att this instant strayted upe w* manie garrisons w^h in longer neights wyll continewally serue upon him, I humbly becheech your honors to geue order that our tooles maye be of better makiuge and that they maye come vnto us directly out of Englande. It is longe passage betwyxt this and Dublyu and those wehaue fromthem weeneewe make before wee worke w* them wherby the queene is duble charged.
694 HISTORY OF BELFAST.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, in 1601, Sir Arthur Chichester wrote from Knockfergus to warn that the countryside had been ruined. He called the land so miserable wasted that great famine must needs follow. He said the country affords nothing but a few beans, and for bread this country affords none, nor grain to make it. He was writing to ask for soldiers. He said his companies were pestered with Irish and he wanted good foot to supply them, and some 20 English horse if it should please his honors. He also begged not to be victualled with fish any more. The problem was that the fish could not be used in the remote garrisons, where the men had no means to seethe them, and so the soldier must needs starve. He said he would have to victual those garrisons full with victuals this winter, because the country affords nothing, and none will have access to those remote places. He said the order taken by his honors is most commodious for the soldier lying in good towns or near sea coasts, but such as lie upon the enemies borders must trust to their own store. He wrote that the summer's wars work not so great effects as the winter and spring in this country. He said the enemy is at this instant straighted up with many garrisons, which in longer nights will continually serve upon him. He thought if he be well set unto of all sides, he will be utterly ruined with all his confederates. He ended by asking that their tools be of better making and come directly out of England, because the passage between this and Dublin is long, and the tools they get from there need to be made anew before they can work with them, whereby the Queen is double charged.

Compulsory Church Attendance Enforced by Fines in Belfast

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1615

An order of the Belfast Corporation in 1615 imposed graduated fines on householders, married women, servants, and children who failed to attend church on the Sabbath or holy days, enforced by distress on goods by the churchwardens of Shankill parish.

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"October 15, 1615. It was Ordered that every freeman and other inhabitant within the Corporation, of the age of eighteen years or above, that shall be absent from Church or other place appointed for common prayer upon the ' Sabboth ' or any other day appointed to be kept holy by the Laws or Statutes of this Eealm without reasonable cause, shall for every default forfeit to the use of the Corporation as followeth, vizt : — Every householder 5 shillings; every woman that is married 2 shillings and 6 pence ; every servant man or woman one shilling ; every child Ten pence, to be levied by distress by the chnrch- ■wardens of the Parish of Shankhill out of the goods and chattels of every offender who is a householder ; and all other forfeitures for the married women, servants, and children to be levied out of the goods of the husbands, fathers, mothers, and masters of the said offenders. "^

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 90

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1615, ran its Sundays by order of the Corporation. On October 15 of that year, the Corporation declared that every freeman and every other inhabitant aged 18 or above who was absent from church or any appointed place of common prayer on the Sabbath, or any day kept holy by the laws of the realm, without reasonable cause, would forfeit money to the use of the Corporation. The fines were set by rank. Every householder paid 5 shillings for each default. Every married woman paid 2 shillings and 6 pence. Every servant, man or woman, paid 1 shilling. Every child paid 10 pence. The churchwardens of the parish of Shankill were to levy these sums by distress, taking goods and chattels from any householder who offended. For married women, servants, and children, the forfeitures were to be taken from the goods of their husbands, fathers, mothers, and masters.

Contemporary Report of the Belfast Castle Fire

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1708

Sir Richard Cox reported the fire in a letter to Sir Robert Southwell dated April 27th, 1708, confirming Lady Donegall's house burned with two or three daughters in it.

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Scarcely had Lady Donegall recovered from the calamity of her husband's death and the possible annoyance consequent on these petitions, when another misfortune yet more disastrous befell her. The Castle of Belfast was burnt in April, 1708, and of her six daughters three who were children perished in the flames. Their ages have not been ascertained, but as their mother was the second wife of Lord Donegall, and he himself killed in his fortieth year, their great youthfulness may be inferred. No contemporary document has been discovered giving a connected narrative of this event. Molyneux, who visited the town shortly after its occurrence, merely alludes to it in connection with the destruction of Lisburn by fire, the effects of which he had just witnessed. Sir Eichard Cox, in one of his letters to Sir Eobert Southwell, mentions among the news of the day, under date of April 27th, 1708, "Lady Donegal's House at Belfast is burn'd, and two or three of her daughters in it." We are informed by tradition that it was occasioned by the carelessness of a servant in placing a large wood fire in a room recently washed, and leaving it therein untended; that some sailors first discovered it ; that a servant called Catherine Douglas lost her life ; that others escaped with difficulty ; and, more interesting, that a " daughter of Parson Berkeley was also burnt to death in the Castle," ^ which last statement is made in connection with a belief that the father of the great George Berkeley, Bishop of Cloyne, was Collector of Belfast in 1G84. It was not his father, but his grandfather, who held that office.^ Tlie fact is mentioned in the introduction to the Life of Berkeley and elsewhere ; but who was the parson, as it is related that the bishop's father resided near Thomastown, in the county of Kil-
1 Joy's MSS.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 280

As the companion tells it

In April 1708, Belfast saw its castle burn. Lady Donegall had scarcely recovered from the death of her husband, Lord Donegall, who was killed in his fortieth year, and from the trouble of petitions that followed, when this further disaster struck. Of her six daughters, three who were children perished in the flames. Their ages were never ascertained, but their youthfulness may be inferred from the fact that their mother was Lord Donegall's second wife. No contemporary document gives a full account of the fire. Molyneux, who visited the town shortly after, merely alluded to it alongside the destruction of Lisburn by fire, the effects of which he had just witnessed. Sir Richard Cox, in a letter to Sir Robert Southwell dated April 27th, 1708, recorded among the news of the day: "Lady Donegal's House at Belfast is burn'd, and two or three of her daughters in it." Tradition says the fire began through the carelessness of a servant, who placed a large wood fire in a room recently washed and left it untended. Sailors were the first to discover it. A servant called Catherine Douglas lost her life. Others escaped with difficulty. Tradition also holds that a daughter of Parson Berkeley was burnt to death in the Castle. This has been linked to a belief that the father of George Berkeley, Bishop of Cloyne, served as Collector of Belfast, but it was not his father, rather his grandfather, who held that office. Who the parson was remains uncertain, as the bishop's father is said to have resided near Thomastown.

Death of Sir John Chichester near Carrickfergus

Carrickfergus · townland · Antrim · 1597

Sir John Chichester, who had recaptured Belfast Castle, was himself killed in November of the same year in a conflict with Sir James Macdonnell near Carrickfergus.

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Sir John Chichester was himself killed in the November of the same year, in a conflict with Sir James Macdonnell near Carrickfergus.^
1 The account of the taking and retaking of Belfast Castle, and its results, will be found in an article in the Ulster Journal of Archceology, vol. v., pp. 188-

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Carrickfergus, Sir John Chichester met his end. He had recaptured Belfast Castle, but in November 1597, he was killed in a conflict with Sir James Macdonnell near here.

Death of Vicar Simon Chichester in Rebellion or Plague

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1641

Simon Chichester, Vicar of Belfast admitted in 1632, is said to have either lost his life in the rebellion of 1641 or died of the pestilence that was prevalent at the time, though no confirmation of either account survives.

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The next Vicar was Simon Chichester, probably from tlie name some connection of the family to whom the town as well as the church patronage belonged. He was admitted on 17th September, 1632, to the Vicarage of Belfast on the presentation of Faithful Fortescue, Charles Poyntz, and Tristram Beresford, trustees of the will of Lord Arthur Chichester, deceased. The Vicarage in the Eegal Visitation 1633-4, and during Mr. Chichester's incumbency, is stated to have been worth £50 per annum ; but he held with Belfast the living of Templepatrick, to which he was inducted at the same time. He was a Master of Arts, educated most probably at Oxford, but nothing is known of his permanency of residence or general proceedings while Vicar of Belfast. He is said to have lost his life in the rebellion of 1641, or to have died of the pestilence prevalent at the time. No confirmation of either statement has been obtained, though one or other may be perfectly accurate, as he was certainly not Vicar in 1642.
The next Vicar was Ludovicus Downes, who had the misfortune to hold the office, nominally, all through the civil wars. His appointment, and the time at which it took place, are proved by the " Triennial Visitation at Lisnegarvie 27th Aug., 1661." That visitation mentions his presentation and induction on the first of November, 1642.^ Mr. Downes, it may with safety be inferred, was for a considerable part of his incumbency non-resident. That he was in Belfast, however, at its commencement cannot be doubted, as the bequests of the two cloaks by two several inhabitants of the town in 1643 afford sufficient

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 180

As the companion tells it

Belfast has a vicar whose end no one can settle. Simon Chichester took up the Vicarage of Belfast on the 17th of September, 1632. His name suggests some connection to the Chichester family, who held both the town and the church patronage. He was presented by three trustees of the will of Lord Arthur Chichester, deceased: Faithful Fortescue, Charles Poyntz, and Tristram Beresford. He was a Master of Arts, probably educated at Oxford. The Royal Visitation of 1633 to 1634 valued the vicarage at 50 pounds per annum, and he held the living of Templepatrick alongside Belfast, inducted to both at the same time. Nothing is known of where he lived or what he did while vicar. He is said to have lost his life in the rebellion of 1641, or to have died of the pestilence prevalent at the time. No confirmation of either statement has been obtained, though one or other may be perfectly accurate. What is certain is that he was no longer vicar in 1642. His successor, Ludovicus Downes, was presented and inducted on the 1st of November that year, and held the office through the civil wars that followed.

Elaborate Funeral of Merchant David Chalmers

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1719

David Chalmers, a first-class shopkeeper and merchant, died in October 1719; his funeral involved seventeen mourning cloaks, ringing of both public bells of the town, and payment to a porter for sweeping the street during the burial procession.

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In October, 1719, the obituary of a member of another rather noted family in Belfast, and his will also, or, more properly, the inventory of his goods and chattels, throws some little additional light on the state and practices of the period. This was " David Chalmers MarChant pr Daniel Mussindins, — the beast Mar Cloth and seventeen Clokes " — a formidable company of tearless mourners passing to the churchyard. ^Mr. Chalmers was a firstclass shopkeeper, and probably brother of John Chalmers, who was Sovereign in 1702. The inventory and notes of matters resulting from his death are almost as copious as those of Mr. Ellis. The " cash received for the shop goods sould at the Cant " was but £23. The sexton of the church is paid 1.3s. for ringing the church bell, and the Sovereign 10s. for "liberty of the Market House Bell;" from which sums it may be inferred that the two public bells of the town kept up an unceasing clangour while Mr. Chalmers lay unburied. A porter received sixpence " for sweeping the street at the Burial." The whole town appears to have been in commotion outwardly about this funeral. The executors had to unravel long columns of accounts, from which many original entries might be obtained, such as —
"P'lfor administering and spent with the Eegister £1 7s. ll|d.; Cash p<^ Mitchell for a Quarter's Schooling of little David Chalmers 2s. ; and for one Load of Turf and a Question Book 4d."

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 280

As the companion tells it

In October 1719, Belfast saw the funeral of David Chalmers, a first-class shopkeeper and merchant, and probably brother of John Chalmers, who had been Sovereign of the town in 1702. His obituary and the inventory of his goods both survive, and together they show something of how the town marked a notable death. The funeral procession included, in the words of the record, "the beast Mar Cloth and seventeen Clokes" — seventeen mourning cloaks, a formidable company passing to the churchyard. The town's two public bells rang without cease while Chalmers lay unburied. The sexton of the church was paid one pound three shillings for ringing the church bell, and the Sovereign received ten shillings for "liberty of the Market House Bell." A porter got sixpence "for sweeping the street at the Burial." The whole town appears to have been in commotion outwardly about this funeral. After the burial, the executors unravelled long columns of accounts. The shop goods sold at the Cant brought in only twenty-three pounds. Among the entries: one pound seven shillings and elevenpence for administering and spent with the Register; two shillings paid to Mitchell for a quarter's schooling of little David Chalmers; and fourpence for one load of turf and a question book.

Failed Association plot to seize Carrickfergus

Carrickfergus · townland · Antrim · 1689

In February 1689 a force of 1000 men under Colonel Bermingham and Major Baker marched from Belfast to try to seize Carrickfergus from Irish army control, but the attempt failed and revealed the Protestant army's weakness to Tyrconnel.

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The Association now having a considerable force at their command in Belfast, James's forces having left the town a short time before, resolved to make an effort to obtain Carrickfergus, which, in the possession of the Irish army, acted as a restraint on their movements. On the 21st February, 1689, a body of 1000 men, under the command of Colonel Bermingham and Major Baker, marched from this town for that purpose. This was also an unsuccessful exploit, indicating unpreparedness and defective organisation on the side of the Association. The small army commanded by Bermingham was too tardy in its progress. On its arrival at Carrickfergus, Mark Talbot, Lieutenant-Colonel to the Earl of Antrim, desired to know the meaning of their coming. "... He was told that they came to demand the place for the Prince of Orange, to check the insolencies and robberies of the soldiers, and to put the Town and Castle, and the Stores contained in them, under the command of a Protestant governor."^ A parley ensued, not attended however with satisfactory results, as its effect was to make Tyrconnel accpiainted with the true state of the Protestant army around Belfast : " that they were untrained, had few experienced Officers, the most part of them without Arms, and such as they had were unfit for service ; that they were much scattered, and their numbers not near what had been written, and was confidently reported in Dublin ; and that they wanted all Ammunition and necessary Provisions for appearing in the Field. Tyrconnel, who had for twenty days deferred sending down his Army, after it had been agreed on in Council in Dublin, resolved, upon this Information, to despatch the most considerable and best trained Part of it, under the command of Lieutenant-General Hamilton, an experienced
1 Harris's Life of King William, vol. ii., p. 233.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 77

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, in February 1689, the Association made a failed attempt to seize Carrickfergus from the Irish army. The Association had a considerable force in Belfast, and with James's forces having left that town, they resolved to take Carrickfergus, which in Irish hands restrained their movements. On the 21st of February 1689, a body of 1000 men under Colonel Bermingham and Major Baker marched from Belfast for that purpose. Bermingham's small army was too slow in its progress. On its arrival at Carrickfergus, Mark Talbot, Lieutenant-Colonel to the Earl of Antrim, asked the meaning of their coming. They told him they came to demand the place for the Prince of Orange, to check the insolencies and robberies of the soldiers, and to put the town and castle and the stores under the command of a Protestant governor. A parley followed, but without satisfactory results. Its effect was to make Tyrconnel acquainted with the true state of the Protestant army around Belfast. They were untrained, had few experienced officers, most without arms, and such arms as they had were unfit for service. They were much scattered, their numbers not near what had been written and confidently reported in Dublin, and they wanted all ammunition and necessary provisions for appearing in the field. Tyrconnel had for 20 days deferred sending down his army after it had been agreed on in council in Dublin. Upon this information he resolved to despatch the most considerable and best trained part of it under Lieutenant-General Hamilton.

Funeral procession of Rev. William Bristow to Newtownbreda

near Newtownbreda · population centre · Down · 1808

On 26 December 1808, the remains of Rev. William Bristow were conveyed to the family burying place at Newtownbreda. The town mourned deeply, with the church bell tolling and ships in the harbour flying colours at half-mast during the elaborate funeral procession.

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" The universal feeling of unfeigned sorrow, upon the death of ' a gentleman ' so long resident here, and so highly respected, was depicted on every countenance, and the last mark of respect was evinced by the general attendance at his funeral. During the day the Church Bell tolled, and the vessels in the harbour had their colours hoisted half-mast high. There was a large attendance of persons of the first rank.
" After the service in the Church, the procession proceeded thus : —

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 421

As the companion tells it

Newtownbreda was the family burying place of Reverend William Bristow, a gentleman long resident and highly respected in the town. On 26 December 1808 his remains were conveyed here. The feeling of sorrow was on every countenance. The Church Bell tolled through the day, and the vessels in the harbour flew their colours half-mast high. Persons of the first rank attended in great numbers. After the service in the Church, the procession proceeded.

Gunpowder Explosion at Mr. Johnston's House, North Street

North Street · street · Dublin · 1816

In February 1816 several shots were heard from North Street, and the town watch found the front of Mr. Johnston's house badly damaged by an explosion of gunpowder or other combustibles. No suspicious person could be found despite a search lasting until six o'clock.

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" Prior to the fourth patrol going out (about | past 3 o'clock) several shots were heard apparently from J^ortli Street, and immediately on the Patrol getting to the top of North Street they found the front of Mr. Johnston's house a good deal destroyed by an explosion of gunpowder or some other combustibles, and although every search was made from that till six o'clock no suspicious person was found in the street, and the Guard was then discharged. "^
Sometimes petty or ludicrous matters engaged the attention of grave and intelligent men. In March, 1816, it is written in the book — " We would recommend that in future two Penny Baps should be provided for each maa as the Sergeant finds it

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 249

As the companion tells it

In February 1816, several shots were heard from North Street, and the patrol went to investigate. When they reached the top of North Street, they found the front of Mr. Johnston's house badly damaged by an explosion of gunpowder or some other combustibles. Every search was made from then until six o'clock, but no suspicious person could be found in the street. The guard was then discharged.

MacAdam's colours torn in Belfast's Market Place

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1644

Captain John MacAdam deposed that in May 1644, by order of Major General Monro, mutinous soldiers of his company marched from Strandmillis to Belfast and openly tore his company's colours in the Market Place before marching on to Carrickfergus.

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repair to Belfast, left the charge of his Company with one of his Sergeants, James (illerjihle), and he the Examinant went to Belfast where he lodged that night. And he sayeth that early the next morning one John Plunket, a gentleman then of the Examinant's Foot Company, came to the Examinant's chamber, and told him that the Foot Company were broken, and that many of them that were Covenanters had. by order of Major General Monro, marched that morning from Stranmillis to Belfast with drums, and colours flying, and that by like orders from Major General Monro they had that morning torn in pieces their colours in the Market Place of Belfast. Whereupon the Examinant, his chamber window looking into the Market Place, ran immediately to his chamber window, and looking out and seeing one Captain Kennedy, Captain of the Watch, in the Market Place, the Examinant called to the said Captain Kennedy, and taking notice to him of the mutinous and disordered carriage of the Examinant's said Company, desired the said Captain Kennedy to stay there until the Examinant could get ready and go to him. Whereupon the said Captain Kennedy answered that it was to no purpose, and that he would not do it, for that the said Company had done so by order of Major General Monro, and he the said Captain Kennedy had seen and read the said order under the hand of Major General Monro, whereby it was appointed that the said Company should march with colours and drums, as they did, to Belfast, and there openly in the Market Place tear the colours of the Examinant, as Captain of the said Company in Col. Chichester's Eegiment ; and that done, to march immediately with the said Company to Carrickfergus, and as the said Captain Kennedy then told the Examinant there was in the said order signed by Major General Monro, a clause requiring Colonel Hume who commanded the garrison at Belfast to be aiding and assisting to the operation of the said order."

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 53

As the companion tells it

In May 1644, this city of Belfast was the scene of a public act of mutiny carried out under orders. Captain John MacAdam of Colonel Chichester's Regiment had left his company at Stranmillis under a sergeant and come to Belfast, where he lodged for the night. Early the next morning, a gentleman of his Foot Company, John Plunket, came to his chamber with the news that the company were broken. Many of the soldiers, who were Covenanters, had marched from Stranmillis to Belfast that morning with drums beating and colours flying, all by order of Major General Monro. And by the same orders, they had torn their company's colours to pieces in the Market Place. MacAdam's chamber window looked out onto that Market Place. He ran to it and saw Captain Kennedy, the Captain of the Watch, standing below. He called down to Kennedy, telling him of the mutinous behaviour of his own company, and asked Kennedy to wait there until he could come down. Kennedy refused. He said it was to no purpose. The company had acted under an order signed by Major General Monro himself, which Kennedy had seen and read. The order directed the company to march with colours and drums to Belfast, to tear MacAdam's colours openly in the Market Place, and then to march on immediately to Carrickfergus. The order also carried a clause requiring Colonel Hume, who commanded the Belfast garrison, to aid and assist in carrying it out.

Maundeville of Belfast slain by Edward Bruce at Carrickfergus

Carrickfergus · townland · Antrim · 1315–1316

During Edward Bruce's invasion, the Castle of Belfast was destroyed and its owner, De Maundeville, was slain by Edward Bruce himself at Carrickfergus.

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followed the invasion — belong to the general history of Ireland, and are among the most romantic and eventful incidents which that history contains. The connection of this locality with it is briefly told. " The country," says Spenser, " had become a Avell inhabited and prosperous district, having in the midst Knockfergus, Belfast, Armagh, and Carlingford. . . . Bruce wasted Belfast, Greencastle, Kells, Bellturbet, Castletown, Newton, and many other very good towns and strongholds."^ The great poet has here twice introduced the name of Belfast, and if he included it and some others among good towns he must have written on very imperfect information. He lived two hundred and fifty years after the events,^ and even during that long interval Belfast had only reached the position of a castle of inconsiderable pretensions. It was held by De Mauudeville, which name appears a few years later so conspicuously in connection with it ; was certainly destroyed in those disastrous wars, and its owner, the Llaundeville of that day, slain in Carrickfergus by Edward Bruce himself Previously to these events, the ancient names, Dalaradia and Dalriada, had probably disappeared ; the territory had been divided by the Anglo-ISTormans into the three counties of " Cragfergus, Antrum, and Newtown of Bloethwyc." The two first names are obvious ; the third is the modern Xewtownards, the term Bloethwyc referring to the ecclesiastical title of the district in which it lay. In which of the three divisions the site of Belfast Avas situated is nowhere stated, but there is little doubt that it was in the first named, and that it was a small auxiliary to the great fortress of Carrickfergus.
Through all these disastrous circumstances the Anglo-iSTorman power was not extinguished. An Earl of Ulster still ruled, though with diminished influence. In 1333 that Earl was William

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 6

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Carrickfergus, Edward Bruce struck down the man who held Belfast. This was in the years around 1315 to 1316, during Bruce's invasion of Ireland. The country, as Spenser later wrote, had become a well inhabited and prosperous district, with Knockfergus, Belfast, Armagh, and Carlingford in the midst of it. Bruce wasted Belfast, Greencastle, Kells, Bellturbet, Castletown, Newton, and many other good towns and strongholds. Belfast itself was held by De Maundeville, a name that appears conspicuously in connection with it. The castle was certainly destroyed in those disastrous wars, and its owner, the Maundeville of that day, was slain here at Carrickfergus by Edward Bruce himself. Spenser lived two hundred and fifty years after the events, and even during that long interval Belfast had only reached the position of a castle of inconsiderable pretensions. He included it among good towns, which suggests he wrote on very imperfect information. Before these events, the ancient names Dalaradia and Dalriada had probably disappeared. The Anglo-Normans had divided the territory into three counties: Cragfergus, Antrum, and Newtown of Bloethwyc. The third is the modern Newtownards. In which of the three divisions the site of Belfast was situated is nowhere stated, but there is little doubt that it was in the first named, and that it was a small auxiliary to the great fortress of Carrickfergus. Through all these disastrous circumstances the Anglo-Norman power was not extinguished. An Earl of Ulster still ruled, though with diminished influence. In 1333 that Earl was William.

Parliamentary troops land at Groomsport, denied entry to Belfast, 1646

near Groomsport · town · Down · 1646

In late November 1646, Parliamentary Commissioners' forces arrived in Belfast Lough and landed part of their men at Groomsport and part on the Antrim side, as the Scots refused to allow any English soldier to enter Belfast itself.

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to organise a party in Ulster, prepared, wlien called on, to support the Parliament in opposition to the Scots. Mutual jealousies between these confederated allies had already ripened into public alienation, which not long after terminated in open hostility." ^ Ever since Belfast had been taken by Monro, the Parliament had desired, so far without effect, to get it out of his hands ; he still held it with a tenacious grasp, and informed the Scottish Government that, if they gave up Belfast, they might likewise part with all their interest in Ulster. As a garrison town, well situated, and now fortified in a suflicient manner, this statement, though exaggerated, is not without considerable truth. At all events, it was the opinion expressed by General Monro, and with this estimate of the value of the place desired, and with unfriendly sentiments towards the party claiming it, we come at last to relate in tlieir own words the reception which the Commissioners received in the town. They informed the Committee at Derby House from Dublin on 23rd November, that they would send on the ships, with a quorum of the Commissioners, viz., Sir Eobert King, Sir John Clot worthy, and Sir Eobert Meredith, to Belfast in charge of the forces, with £3500, part of the £5000 with which they had been entrusted for the public service. They then proceed to state that " they arrived in Belfast Lough at the latter end of November, and landed part of their men at Groomsport, part on the Antrim side, and some at first they left on shipboard; for the Scotch absolutely refused to allow a man of the English army to enter Belfast, but they did not or dared not refuse entrance to the Commissioners themselves. On the 1st December they wrote to Monro, informing him of their arrival ; they detail the sufferings of their men in the open fields, and demand quarters for them in Belfast."
Monro answered the same day in the following terms : —

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 54

As the companion tells it

Groomsport is a place the road passes near, on the County Down coast. In the latter end of November 1646, ships carrying Parliamentary Commissioners sailed into Belfast Lough and landed part of their soldiers here. More men were landed on the Antrim side, and some were left still on shipboard. The Scots under General Monro, who held Belfast as a garrison town, absolutely refused to allow a single English soldier inside. The Commissioners themselves were not refused entry, though the record says the Scots did not or dared not refuse them. The forces were left suffering in the open fields. On the 1st of December the Commissioners wrote to Monro from Belfast, telling him of their arrival and demanding quarters for their men. Monro answered the same day. The Commissioners had arrived with Sir Robert King, Sir John Clotworthy, and Sir Robert Meredith, bringing 3500 pounds, part of 5000 pounds entrusted to them for the public service. They had written to the Committee at Derby House from Dublin on the 23rd of November, outlining their plan. Monro had taken Belfast earlier and held it with a tenacious grasp. He had told the Scottish Government that if they gave up Belfast, they might as well part with all their interest in Ulster. The town was well situated and fortified. Mutual jealousies between the former allies had already ripened into public alienation, and the landing at Groomsport was part of that widening breach. The Commissioners' own words record that they landed part of their men at Groomsport, part on the Antrim side, and left some at first on shipboard, because the Scots would not let an English soldier enter Belfast.

Persecution of Scotch Ministers Under Strafford

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1636–1641

Following the church controversy in Belfast in August 1636 between Bishop Leslie and the Scots ministers, the Presbyterian ministers were silenced and forced to operate secretly in private houses as lecturers for the remainder of Strafford's rule.

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No ordination like that referred to in the above passage took place in this town, and it is singular that some of the very men so admitted were immediately after in conflict with their ecclesiastical superiors on ([uestions of church polity, and that the first notice of genuine Presbyterianism which is found in connection Avitli Belfast is in tlie controversy whicli took place here between the two churches in August, IG.'jG. This controversy does not seem to enter extensively into the main points of difference between the churches. On the one side, however, was Bishop Leslie, with several- coadjutors ; on the other, " Mr. Eobert Cunningham and other Scots ministers." This meeting was in the Church of Belfast, and at it were present many eminent persons.- Simon Chichester wai the Vicar, but his voice was not heard. Like most other religious controversies, it produced no change of opinion on either side, but resulted in the silencing of the Scotch ministers, who, for the reia.iinder of Strafford's rule, could only exercise their othce in this town and elsewhere in private houses as lecturers, in a half-concealed manner.
At the beginning of the rebellion of 1G41 the Scottish ministers suffered less from the Irish enemy than those of the more regular Episcopal faith ; and when, in a few months after its commencement, the army under ]\Ionro arrived, it was accompanied by several chaplains, avIio first brought their church in Ireland into Presbytia-ian form. In li'i4l', however, Belfast had as yet no fixed minister. The newly constituted Presbytery " appointed Mr. Baird to preach every third Sabbath in Belfast, there being the third part of a regiment under liis charge quartered there."^ J^rom the inl'requcncy of Mr. Baird's visits to the town this could afford but a very inadequate

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 192

As the companion tells it

Belfast saw its first real trace of Presbyterianism in a church controversy that broke out in August 1636. The meeting took place in the Church of Belfast, and many eminent persons were present. On one side stood Bishop Leslie, with several coadjutors. On the other stood "Mr. Robert Cunningham and other Scots ministers." Simon Chichester was the Vicar, but his voice was not heard. Like most religious controversies, this one changed no minds on either side. Its result was the silencing of the Scots ministers. For the remainder of Strafford's rule, they could exercise their office only in private houses, as lecturers, in a half-concealed manner, in Belfast and elsewhere. When the rebellion of 1641 began, the Scottish ministers suffered less from the Irish enemy than those of the more regular Episcopal faith. A few months after the rebellion's start, the army under Monro arrived, accompanied by several chaplains. Those chaplains first brought their church in Ireland into Presbyterian form. By 1641, Belfast still had no fixed minister. The newly constituted Presbytery "appointed Mr. Baird to preach every third Sabbath in Belfast, there being the third part of a regiment under his charge quartered there." But Mr. Baird's visits to the town were infrequent, and this could afford only a very inadequate provision.

Presbyterian ministers accused of clandestine preaching near Templepatrick and Six Mile Water

Templepatrick · townland · Antrim · 1661–1667

A letter to the Duke of Ormond alleges that Presbyterian ministers clandestinely performed ecclesiastical offices, kept people from parish churches, and stirred unrest, naming Kennedy of Templepatrick as preaching that people should bear losses for the sake of Scottish rebels. It also describes resistance to tithe bonds near the Six Mile Water close to Antrim.

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"This late rebellion in Scotland hath too much verified our fears in these parts that the indulgence lately given to the Presbyterians who were sent away and since permitted to re-enter would be of evil consequence. Ever since their coming till within these two or three months no complaints were brought to me of them but that they clancularly (^ clandestinely) did ecclesiastical offices, took and kept the people from their parish churches, received pensions regularly from the parishes which they formerly had usurped, and the people forced to pay their money by the authority of some landlords or rather landladies ; the clergy were greatly discouraged and greatly injured. But now of late they keep their conventicles more publicly and advance the former mischiefs to greater and more insufferable consequences, and have given us too much cause to believe that the Scotch rebellion was either born in Ireland or put to nurse there. May it please your grace I speak not this by chance or passion but can prove where Crookshank was entertained for many days together immediately before the rebellion. It is also informed and offered to be proved that Kennedy sometime of Templepatrick preached in the Diocese of Dromore that the people ought for a while to bear the loss of their goods for the Godly people in Scotland would speedly oppose the power. And about the Six Mile Water which is not far from Antrim the people when this summer they gave bond for payment of their tithes at All Saints would not sign the Bonds till they put in this clause, ' in case there be no war or public disturbance before that time,' or to that purpose."
March "28, 1661.—Hillshorough. " Here I am perpetually contending with the worst of the Scotcli ministers. I have a most uncomfortable employment, but I bless

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 349

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, a minister named Kennedy once preached a message that troubled the authorities. A letter written to the Duke of Ormond, dated March 28, 1661, from Hillsborough, alleged that Presbyterian ministers who had been sent away and then permitted to return were doing harm. The writer said that since their return, these ministers had clandestinely performed ecclesiastical offices, taken and kept people from their parish churches, and received pensions from the parishes they had formerly usurped. The people were forced to pay by the authority of landlords or landladies. The clergy, the letter said, were greatly discouraged and injured. Then the ministers began keeping their conventicles more publicly and advancing these mischiefs to greater consequences. The writer claimed the Scotch rebellion was either born in Ireland or put to nurse there, and said he could prove where Crookshank was entertained for many days before the rebellion. Kennedy, sometime of Templepatrick, was said to have preached in the Diocese of Dromore that the people ought for a while to bear the loss of their goods, for the Godly people in Scotland would speedily oppose the power. Near the Six Mile Water, close to Antrim, the people that summer were asked to give bond for payment of their tithes at All Saints. They would not sign until this clause was added: "in case there be no war or public disturbance before that time."

Punishment of De Burgo's murderers - hanged, slain, torn asunder

Carrickfergus · townland · Antrim · 1333

Following the murder of William De Burgo, those implicated were pursued and punished; the foreigners of Ulster involved were hanged, slain, or torn asunder by the king's men in retribution.

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The treacherous murder of the young De Burgo excited the rage of the country against all, directly or indirectly, implicated in it. They were pursued and punished ; and long after, in pardons granted to criminals, it was usual to except those who had aided or abetted, or been any way concerned in, the muider of William De Burgo. So strong was this feeling, that in the curious chronicle of Irish affairs from 1014 to 1590, called the Annals of Loch Ce, recently translated from the original Irish by W. M. Henness}% confirmation of it appears in these words — "William Burk, i.e., the Earl of Ulster, was slain by the foreigners of Ulster ; and all these foreigners fell in return, having been either hanged, slain, or torn asunder by the king of the Saxons' people." — Vol. i., p. 617.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 7

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Carrickfergus, in 1333, the murder of William De Burgo, the young Earl of Ulster, set off a fury across the country. The Annals of Loch Cé record that he was slain by the foreigners of Ulster, and that all these foreigners fell in return, having been either hanged, slain, or torn asunder by the king of the Saxons' people. The rage fell on everyone involved, directly or indirectly. They were pursued and punished. So deep was the feeling that for years afterward, pardons granted to criminals made a point of excepting anyone who had aided or abetted, or been any way concerned in, the murder of William De Burgo.

Seizures of United Irishmen Papers and Arms at Alexander's on Peter's Hill

near Peter's Hill · street · Louth · 1797

On 14 April 1797, numerous arrests of United Irishmen and seizure of important papers took place at the house of John Alexander on Peter's Hill in Belfast, revealing the extensive military organisation and stockpile of arms held by the conspiracy in Belfast and County Antrim.

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The United Irishmen acutely felt the disappointment resulting from the dispersion of tlie French fleet at Bantry Bay. Many advised that they should persevere without foreign assistance. At any rate, they did persevere, and it was on the 14th of April, 1797, only about three months after the French failure, that the numerous arrests of the body in full meeting, and the seizure of important papers, took place at the house of John Alexander, on
THE SEIZURES AT ALEXANDER'S ON PETER's HILL. 659

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 314

As the companion tells it

Somewhere about Peter's Hill, at the house of John Alexander, a key blow fell against the United Irishmen on the 14th of April, 1797. The movement had carried on after the French fleet failed at Bantry Bay just months before. Here, members were arrested in full meeting and important papers were seized, exposing the scale of their military organisation and arms stockpile across Belfast and County Antrim.

Standing Hospital at Belfast Cleared After Boyne Victory

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1690

Following King William's success, Captain Akerman ordered the removal of the Standing Hospital and its patients from Belfast to Dublin. This marked the disappearance of the evidences of bloodshed and calamity from the town after the war.

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In due time the first results of King William's progress were heard of in Belfast. Captain Akerman, a person in authority in Carrickfergus, writes, under date of 6th July, 1690 — " I heartily bless God for the good news and his Majesty's good success ; the Lord continue it. I have also received his Majesty's order to send all the Transport Shipps to Dublin, as likewise the persons and things belonging to the Standing Hospitall at Belfast which shall be done with all Expedition." Thus the dread evidences of bloodshed and calamity disappeared from the town. The tide of war rolled away to a distance, and though, besides the Boyne, other conflicts and other sieges had to be added to the long roll of Irish battles, the settlement of the Eevolution was completed, and Belfast was practically undisturbed by any further warlike contention.
To represent the town in King William's Parliament of 1692, the members were James Macartney and George Macartney.^ In 1695 the members were James Macartney and the Honourable Charles Chichester, fourth son of the second Earl of Donegall.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 88

As the companion tells it

When King William's success at the Boyne became known in Belfast in 1690, the town still carried the marks of war. Captain Akerman, an authority in Carrickfergus, wrote on the 6th of July, 1690: "I heartily bless God for the good news and his Majesty's good success; the Lord continue it." He had received the King's order to send all the transport ships to Dublin, and with them "the persons and things belonging to the Standing Hospitall at Belfast," to be done with all expedition. So the standing hospital and its patients were cleared from Belfast to Dublin, and the dread evidences of bloodshed and calamity disappeared from the town. The tide of war rolled away. Other battles and sieges followed elsewhere in Ireland, but the settlement of the Revolution was completed, and Belfast was practically undisturbed by any further warlike contention. In 1692 the town sent James Macartney and George Macartney to King William's Parliament. In 1695 the members were James Macartney and the Honourable Charles Chichester, fourth son of the second Earl of Donegall.

William Keyes Banished to Galway for Blood's Plot

Galway · city · Galway · 1673

Mr. William Keyes, Presbyterian minister of Belfast, was accused or suspected of complicity in Blood's plot and was banished to Galway as a result, leaving the town again without open Presbyterian worship for two years.

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coi'Qers." Their general history tliroughout the reign of Charles the Second is very interesting. Some gleams of sunshine appeared during that time, the principal of which was the establishment in 1G72 of the first Regiuni Donum, consisting of £600 a-year, among all the ministers in the north of Ireland — a very small contribution compared with that bestowed on tliem by Cromwell. The Covenant, it may be supposed, was burnt in l^>elfast as in other places, though the Town Records, Avhich might have been expected to contain some notice of the event if it happened, are silent on the subject, wov do they afford any evidence of the persecution of those times. Mr. Keyes did not conform, but held firmly to his faith and his church. He was one of those accused or suspected of complicity in Blood's plot, the extent of participation in which by the Presbyterian clergy is one of the disputed points of their history. Many of them, however, were imprisoned or banished in consequence of it, and in the latter class was the minister of Belfast. He was banished to Galway, and the town was again without any open religious service except that of the Episcopal Church. This continued for two years, when in 1064 Mr. Keyes was permitted to return to Belfast, where he remained till 1673, his ministry here then ceasing by his removal to Dublin.
The conclusion of the ministry of Mr. Keyes was distinguished by some remarkable proceedings, which show the depressed state of Presbyterianism — in this town at least — in 1673. "Mr. Keyes informs the Meeting^ of the dissatisfaction of Lady Donegall with the matter of his transportation." The meeting appointed a letter to be written by Mr. Patrick Adair, then of Cairncastle, to Mr. liryan, that he may inform that noble family about the business, " and to study to give them satisfaction. . . . Master P. Adair observed the Meeting's

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 195

As the companion tells it

Up ahead is Galway, the city William Keyes was banished to. He was the Presbyterian minister of Belfast, a man who refused to conform and held firmly to his faith and his church. He was accused or suspected of complicity in Blood's plot, the extent of Presbyterian clergy involvement in which remains a disputed point of their history. Many ministers were imprisoned or banished as a result, and Keyes fell into the latter class. Sent here to Galway, he left Belfast without any open religious service except that of the Episcopal Church, and that silence lasted for two years. He was later permitted to return to Belfast, where he remained until 1673, when his ministry ended with a removal to Dublin. His departure from Belfast was marked by trouble with Lady Donegall over the matter of his transportation, and the depressed state of Presbyterianism in the town was clear for all to see.

William Magill's Execution in Belfast

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1798

William Magill was the first of six persons executed in Belfast during the 1798 rebellion, put to death on 12th June 1798, having been accused of swearing soldiers from their allegiance. He reportedly met his sentence and execution with firmness and composure.

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^ Who was the shocking character here described ? The first of the six persons executed in Belfast was William Magill, on the 12th June, 1798 — at least this is the usual record. The only public crime laid to his charge was that he had sworn soldiers from their allegiance.
604: HISTORY OF BELFAST.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 316

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1798. William Magill was the first of six persons executed here during the rebellion. On the 12th of June, 1798, he was put to death. The charge against him was that he had sworn soldiers from their allegiance. He met his sentence and execution with firmness and composure.

Belfast shoemakers jailed at Carrickfergus for wage combination

Carrickfergus · townland · Antrim · 1802

Six Belfast shoemakers were sent to Carrickfergus Jail by the Sovereign of Belfast for combining to demand higher wages, treated as a serious crime at the time.

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Now for an instance of social intercourse in 1802. " On Wednesday night the Marquis and Marchioness of Donegall gave a Grand Ball and Supper in their House in Linen Hall Street, to a numerous party, consisting of more than 200 of the Nobility and principal Gentry of Belfast and its vicinity." A long account is given of the Ball and Supper, but no name is mentioned of any guest but that of Mr. Skefl&ngton. This was to celebrate the arrival of the Marquis and Marchioness, whose intended visit to the town was mentioned a few weeks before. Still the names of thB Belfast Gentry of 1802, whom the Marchioness delighted to honour, might have gratified modern curiosity. Many regulations are issued in this year, proving what must appear to our eyes a rude state of matters. " Carts and Cars are forbidden to traffic or draw within the town unless shod with iron, and the owners tliereof are directed to assemble with those vehicles quarterly in High Street before the wall of the old Churchyard for examination." Six Belfast Shoemakers were transmitted to Carrickfergus Jail by the Sovereign, for entering into a combination to raise their wages, though no clear account is given of the offence.
1801-1803.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 381

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, in 1802, six Belfast shoemakers were sent to Carrickfergus Jail by the Sovereign of Belfast. Their offence was entering into a combination to raise their wages. No clear account of the offence itself is given in the record, but it was treated as serious enough to land them in jail. The same year gives a picture of how rough Belfast could seem. The Marquis and Marchioness of Donegall gave a grand ball and supper in their house in Linen Hall Street, to more than 200 of the nobility and principal gentry of Belfast and its vicinity, celebrating their arrival in the town. Only one guest is named, a Mr. Skeffington. Other regulations that year show what the source calls a rude state of matters. Carts and cars were forbidden to traffic or draw within the town unless shod with iron, and their owners had to assemble with those vehicles quarterly in High Street, before the wall of the old churchyard, for examination. A working man who joined with his fellows to ask for better pay faced jail, while the gentry danced.

Butchers ordered to remove blood and garbage to prevent pestilential disease

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1664

In 1664 the Belfast assembly ordered that butchers must remove blood and garbage from slaughterhouses, which was fouling the river and streets and causing infectious smells feared to bring pestilential disease among the inhabitants. Butchers were required to carry waste twenty yards beyond high water mark under penalty.

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"At an Assembly held January 7th 1664. Whereas daily complaints are made that great annoyance is caused by butchers suffering the blood and garbage of their Slaughter Houses to lie in the street and run in the kennels and ditches of this Town to the corruption ot the Eiver, and annoyance of the neighbours by reason of the evil and infectious smells, that, if not timely prevented, will bring some pestilential disease among the inhabitants. It is Ordered that every butcher will cause to be carried the same day all blood and garbage of killed beasts twenty yards beyond high water mark, under the penalty of Twenty Shillings."
"Every person shall build and keep up the bank of the river with brick, or stone and lime. The wall to be built above the street as high as the parts already made. The building to be completed and finished before the last day of June. Penalty Ten Shillings."

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 103

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1664, had a problem with its butchers. On January 7 of that year, the assembly heard daily complaints that butchers were letting the blood and garbage of their slaughterhouses lie in the street and run into the kennels and ditches of the town. This was corrupting the river and troubling the neighbours with what the record calls "evil and infectious smells." The fear was that if it were not stopped, some pestilential disease would spread among the inhabitants. So the assembly ordered that every butcher must carry away the same day all blood and garbage from killed beasts, twenty yards beyond the high water mark. The penalty for failing was twenty shillings. The assembly also ordered that every person build and keep up the river bank with brick, or stone and lime, as high as the parts already made, finished before the last day of June, under penalty of ten shillings.

Colonel Matthews refuses Monro passage through Newry after Belfast affront

near Newry · town · Down · 1644

Following Monro's seizure of Belfast, Colonel Matthews, commandant at Newry, refused Monro passage through that town, declaring his men would rather lose their lives than suffer a similar affront to the one inflicted at Belfast.

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^ Monro's account of the taking of Belfast is in Dr. Reid's History of the Presbyterian Church, vol. i., p. 538, Appendix ; but of course without the more important supplementary matter supplied here in continuation of it. The foundations of Dr. Reid's account are Bibl. Jurid. Edin. MSS., Jac. 5. 2. Wod. 65, fol. No. 103. Monro heading his apology "The Surrender of Belfast" was rather audacious. In no sense could it have been termed a surrender of the town. That this was the public opinion may be inferred from the circumstance of Colonel Matthews, the commandant at Newry, refusing a passage to Monro through that town, saying they were resolved to lose their lives " rather than run the hazard of such an affront as had been given lately at Belfast." — Carte's Life of the Duke of Ormond, vol. i. , p. 496.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 51

As the companion tells it

In 1644, the road brings you near Newry in County Down. Monro had seized Belfast and called it a surrender, though the town had not truly surrendered. Word of that affront travelled fast. Colonel Matthews, the commandant at Newry, refused to let Monro pass through the town. His men, he said, were resolved to lose their lives rather than run the hazard of such an affront as had been given lately at Belfast. A whole town closed its gates rather than suffer what Belfast had suffered.

Death of John Chichester at the Camp at Dundalk

Dundalk · town · Louth · 1689

John Chichester, brother of the Earl of Donegall, raised and maintained a regiment at his own expense during the Revolution, was forced to retreat with his family, and ultimately died in the camp at Dundalk that same year.

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This petition was acceded to, and John Chichester died in the camp at Dundalk the same year. His wife, the lady of quality referred to as suffering under such misfortunes, was daughter of Viscount Charlemont, and aft^wards married Doctor Edward Walkington, Bishop of Down and Connor. — Lodge's Peerage, by Archdall, voh i., p. 331.

Internet Archive historyoftownofb00benn, Chapter 88

As the companion tells it

Dundalk, in 1689. John Chichester, brother of the Earl of Donegall, raised a regiment at his own expense during the Revolution, then was forced to retreat with his family. He died in the camp there that same year. His wife, daughter of Viscount Charlemont, afterwards married Doctor Edward Walkington, Bishop of Down and Connor.

A history of the town of Belfast : from the earliest times to the close of the eighteenth century ; with maps and illustrations

The stories, best first

Judge Upton's Ruling on the Island Magee Witches

Librarian Charged with Sedition and Escorted from Belfast

Printers and Proprietors of the Northern Star Prosecuted and Imprisoned

Prisoners at Dungannon fort freed by escaping captives

Riotous mob kills over a dozen in Belfast streets

Sir Henry Sidney's Skirmish at the Belfast Ford, 1575

State funeral of the Earl of Donegall through Belfast to Carrickfergus

Unruly Burials in Belfast Church Against Church Law

Burning of Dungannon and killing of Captain M'Council

Captain Lawson musters townsmen to defend Belfast, 1641

Execution of a Scot for robbing the Exchange Master

Executions in Belfast for forgery, sheep-stealing, and bleach-green robbery

Mass Hangings at Newtownards Gallows

Reward offered for capture of Thomas Russell

Roman Catholic priest O'Hamill arrested in Belfast under 1704 Popish Clergy Act

Skirmish traces found at Buller's Fields, Belfast

Anthony Shaw Flees Persecution

Cromwellian scheme to transplant Scots from Belfast and Antrim

Death and Elaborate Funeral of Sovereign William Leathes

Diseased Soldiers Brought to Belfast from Dundalk Camp

Dr. Haliday's Deathbed Scene in Castle Street

First Fever Hospital Opened in Factory Row

First News of the 1641 Rebellion Reaches Belfast

Gallows Erected at the Market House Window

Hearts of Steel burn Waddell Cunningham's house

Killing of about 100 men near Monaghan

Sir Neill O'Neill dies of wounds from the Battle of the Boyne

Soldiers Hanged at Lisburn for Raiding Belfast Magazine

Thomas Russell's Execution and Grave at Downpatrick

Belfast Filled with Hospitals of Sick Soldiers from Dundalk Camp

Death of Sovereign Henry Ellis and His Inventory

Essex proposes fort and corporate town at Belfast

Excommunication proceedings against Down Presbyterian ministers

Lady Donegall's Lifelong Mourning for Husband and Daughters

Presbytery erected and Mr Brice silenced in Belfast, 1644

Toome castle built during Tyrone's Rebellion

Belfast fortified with rampart and ditch against rebel incursion, 1642

Chichester's account of famine conditions in the war-torn countryside

Compulsory Church Attendance Enforced by Fines in Belfast

Contemporary Report of the Belfast Castle Fire

Death of Sir John Chichester near Carrickfergus

Death of Vicar Simon Chichester in Rebellion or Plague

Elaborate Funeral of Merchant David Chalmers

Failed Association plot to seize Carrickfergus

Funeral procession of Rev. William Bristow to Newtownbreda

Gunpowder Explosion at Mr. Johnston's House, North Street

MacAdam's colours torn in Belfast's Market Place

Maundeville of Belfast slain by Edward Bruce at Carrickfergus

Parliamentary troops land at Groomsport, denied entry to Belfast, 1646

Persecution of Scotch Ministers Under Strafford

Presbyterian ministers accused of clandestine preaching near Templepatrick and Six Mile Water

Punishment of De Burgo's murderers - hanged, slain, torn asunder

Seizures of United Irishmen Papers and Arms at Alexander's on Peter's Hill

Standing Hospital at Belfast Cleared After Boyne Victory

William Keyes Banished to Galway for Blood's Plot

William Magill's Execution in Belfast

Belfast shoemakers jailed at Carrickfergus for wage combination

Butchers ordered to remove blood and garbage to prevent pestilential disease

Colonel Matthews refuses Monro passage through Newry after Belfast affront

Death of John Chichester at the Camp at Dundalk