Name: The life of James, first duke of Ormonde, 1610-1688; (vol. 2)
Author: Winifred Anne Henrietta Christina Herbert Gardner Burghclere, Baroness (1864–1933)

Ormonde and the Bishop of Waterford dispute over Ardfinnan

Ardfinnan · town · Tipperary · 1662–1664

The Manor of Ardfinnan, long reckoned part of the Butler domains, was claimed by the Bishop of Waterford. Ormonde referred the case to Primate Bramhall for arbitration; when the award went against him, he not only acquiesced but voluntarily made over all retrospective profits connected with Ardfinnan to the Bishop.

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for a yearly rent of ,£5,000. On referring the matter to his lawyer and agent, that worthy gave excellent reasons for computing these rights, actual and potential, at an income averaging from £26,000 to ,£27,000. Ormonde was, however, determined that the " settlement of the whole Kingdom should not be delayed for his particular benefit or interest,"1 and he intimated that he would content himself with ,£50,000 paid down. Even at that period this sum scarcely represented the capital of ,£5,000 a year, but Ormonde had honourable as well as personal reasons for preferring ready money. The large loans he had guaranteed or raised during the Civil War were still unpaid. Charles II., it is true, had sought to protect him from pursuit by his creditors by making over to him such of the bonds as were held by forfeited persons. " But this was not the Duke of Ormonde's way of wiping out debts." 2 He had accepted the grant partly as a means of staving off ruin until he could fulfil his obligations, partly to enable him to effect equitable arrangements, where exorbitant interest was demanded. No sooner did he obtain possession of the £50,000, than he straightway directed his agents to pay his creditors, in some cases, their full dues, in all others, a just composition, Irish creditors being proffered the choice of being paid in land. To the present generation it may well seem that no other line of conduct was open to Ormonde, but such an opinion would argue scant knowledge of the moral standards of that age. In contemporary France, when a gentleman evinced a desire to pay his tradespeople, so curious an aberration could only be explained as a symptom of un miracle de la grace — or, in evangelical phraseology, a religious " conversion." In England and Ireland, great folk were hardly less ready to shelter themselves behind the privileges of a great position. The Manor of Ardfinnan had long been reckoned part and parcel of the Butler domains. The Bishop of Waterford, however, having advanced a claim upon Ormonde, the Duke promptly referred the
1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 216. 2 Idem, p. 217.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

As the companion tells it

The town of Ardfinnan in Tipperary was at the centre of a dispute between 1662 and 1664. The manor had long been reckoned part and parcel of the Butler domains. But the Bishop of Waterford advanced a claim upon Ormonde, and Ormonde promptly referred the matter to Primate Bramhall for arbitration. When the award went against him, he not only acquiesced but voluntarily made over all retrospective profits connected with the manor to the Bishop. What Ormonde did here was consistent with his conduct throughout. During the Civil War he had guaranteed or raised large loans that remained unpaid. Charles II had sought to protect him from creditors by making over bonds held by forfeited persons, but as the record says, "this was not the Duke of Ormonde's way of wiping out debts." When money came to him, he directed his agents to pay his creditors, in some cases their full dues, in all others a just composition. Irish creditors were offered the choice of being paid in land. In that age, such conduct was remarkable. The record notes that in contemporary France, a gentleman's desire to pay his tradespeople could only be explained as "un miracle de la grace." In England and Ireland, great folk were hardly less ready to shelter themselves behind the privileges of position. Ormonde had said the settlement of the whole Kingdom should not be delayed for his particular benefit or interest. His agent had computed his rights at an income averaging from £26,000 to £27,000, but Ormonde was determined to content himself with less. The dispute shows the same man: when the award went against him, he gave back more than was asked.

Ormonde develops Phoenix Park with deer, hounds and hawks

Phoenix Park · electoral division · Dublin · 1662–1668

Ormonde established his hawks, hounds, and horses at the Phoenix Park and appointed Colonel Edward Cooke as Ranger, who collected falcons, dogs, and beagles with enthusiasm. Deer and partridges were stocked at considerable expense, with partridges brought from Lord Bulkeley's property in North Wales since none could be found near Dublin.

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devotional. When Ormonde abandoned the Lodge for Chapelizod he established his hawks, hounds, and horses at the Phoenix, making over their supervision, with the title of Ranger of the Phoenix Park, to Colonel Edward Cooke, one of the Commissioners of the Court of Claims. It was a labour of love to Cooke, who collected falcons, dogs, and even a pack of beagles with equal enthusiasm, writing Ormonde amusing reports on his charges. Deer and partridges were amongst the Duke's earliest investments for the Park. A sum of ,£334 was expended on the former ; the Duke obtaining Lord Bulkeley's leave to send a gentleman with nets and dogs to his property in North Wales to collect coveys, which were not to be had in the neighbourhood of Dublin.1 Indeed, so barren was that country of partridges that Strafford had been reduced to hawking small hedgerow birds, for lack of a bigger quarry.
From the outset, Ormonde thoroughly appreciated the capabilities of the domain, which had come under his care. He instructed Colonel Cooke to lay in provisions of beech-mast and mustard for planting, and left the Government no peace till he could round off the borders of the new park by the acquisition of Chapelizod and various other small lots of land. These purchases, the nucleus of the present Phoenix Park, cost the Treasury some ^10,000, the wall erected at the same time proving almost as expensive as the land it enclosed. Nor did the ^7,890 then expended cover the bill in this instance, for the contractor, Dodson by name, was dishonest and his work required to be perpetually recommenced. Indeed, it does not seem to have fulfilled its primary purpose. On one occasion, Ossory reported that some of the deer had broken out, and "got away past recovery" to the mountains.2 And Cooke declared that the poaching privates of His Majesty's army were as destructive to the precious partridges as their natural enemies " the ringtails and kites. There is scarcely a partridge left in these

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 8

As the companion tells it

Phoenix Park was where the Duke of Ormonde chose to house his hawks, his hounds, and his horses. He handed their supervision to Colonel Edward Cooke, one of the Commissioners of the Court of Claims, giving him the title of Ranger of the Phoenix Park. Cooke threw himself into it. He collected falcons, dogs, and even a pack of beagles, writing Ormonde amusing reports on how his charges were doing. Deer and partridges were among the Duke's earliest investments for the Park. He spent 334 pounds on the deer. For the partridges, none could be found anywhere near Dublin. The country was so barren of them that Strafford had once been reduced to hawking small hedgerow birds for lack of bigger quarry. Ormonde obtained Lord Bulkeley's leave to send a gentleman with nets and dogs to Bulkeley's property in North Wales to collect coveys and bring them back. Ormonde grasped from the outset what the domain could become. He told Cooke to lay in provisions of beech-mast and mustard for planting. He pressed the Government relentlessly to let him round off the park's borders by acquiring Chapelizod and various other small lots of land. These purchases, the nucleus of the present Phoenix Park, cost the Treasury some 10,000 pounds. The wall built at the same time proved almost as expensive as the land it enclosed. The 7,890 pounds spent on it did not cover the bill, because the contractor, a man named Dodson, was dishonest, and his work had to be perpetually recommenced. It does not seem to have done its job. Ossory reported that some of the deer had broken out and, as he put it, got away past recovery to the mountains. Cooke declared that the poaching privates of His Majesty's army were as destructive to the precious partridges as their natural enemies, the ringtails and the kites. There is scarcely a partridge left, he wrote.

Peter Talbot arrested at Luttrellstown

Luttrellstown · population centre · Dublin · 1678

Peter Talbot, the titular Archbishop, was dying of a cruel malady at Colonel Talbot's house at Luttrellstown when Ormonde received orders to arrest him. He was carried from there to the Castle in a sedan chair, and eventually died in prison.

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act of grace on Ormonde's part, he had been permitted to creep home to die, and was now confined to his bed in Colonel Talbot's house at Luttrellstown. When committed to the Castle he was carried thither in a sedan chair with a servant in attendance. A conspiracy organised by a person in Talbot's condition could scarcely be formidable. Nevertheless, to prison he went, and in prison, eventually, he died.1
By October the 14th, Ormonde and the Irish Council had formulated a series of measures for the protection of Protestants. Officers and soldiers were ordered to repair to their respective garrisons, and all Jesuits and regular priests to quit the kingdom under six weeks.2 Convents and seminaries were suppressed, and Romanists were enjoined to procure licenses for the retention of their fire-arms. The Lord-Lieutenant, also, did his utmost to revise and equip the now almost extinct militia. Remembering, moreover, that pillage and robbery had been contributory factors to the Rebellion of 1641, he took stringent measures to break up the gangs of Tories that still infested certain districts. Henceforward, until the death, submission, or capture of their outlaw kinsfolk had been effected, relations of Tories became liable to imprisonment ; and in a parish where murder had been committed, failing the apprehension of the murderer or the receipt of information enabling his prosecution, the Popish priest could be either sent to prison, or transported beyond seas.3

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 25

As the companion tells it

Luttrellstown is the place the road passes through. In 1678 Peter Talbot, the titular Archbishop, was dying of a cruel malady at Colonel Talbot's house here. He had been permitted, as an act of grace on Ormonde's part, to creep home to die, and was confined to his bed. Then Ormonde received orders to arrest him. He was carried from Luttrellstown to the Castle in a sedan chair, with a servant in attendance. A conspiracy organised by a person in Talbot's condition could scarcely be formidable. Nevertheless, to prison he went, and in prison, eventually, he died. By October the 14th, Ormonde and the Irish Council had formulated a series of measures for the protection of Protestants. Officers and soldiers were ordered to repair to their garrisons, and all Jesuits and regular priests to quit the kingdom under six weeks. Convents and seminaries were suppressed. Romanists were enjoined to procure licenses for the retention of their fire-arms. Ormonde also did his utmost to revise and equip the almost extinct militia. Remembering that pillage and robbery had been contributory factors to the Rebellion of 1641, he took stringent measures to break up the gangs of Tories that still infested certain districts. Relations of Tories became liable to imprisonment until their outlaw kinsfolk were dead, submitted, or captured. In a parish where murder had been committed, failing the apprehension of the murderer, the Popish priest could be sent to prison or transported beyond seas.

Cavan called to arms and Belturbet garrison requisitioned

Belturbet · town · Cavan · 1666

As panic spread from Dublin during the Carrickfergus crisis, Sir Francis Hamilton called the County of Cavan to arms and requisitioned the garrison of Belturbet. Ormonde reprimanded this pandering to excitement.

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Cheerful as he appeared, the sequel to the rising must have been particularly painful to one of Ormonde's humane disposition. But it was his clear duty to make an example of the ringleaders, and nine of these unhappy men paid for the brief revolt with their lives. During the enquiry that preceded the executions, it transpired that although the State undoubtedly owed a year's pay to the delinquents, thanks to their officer's generosity, only six weeks' wages were in fact due. As a fellow-man, this discovery may have lightened Ormonde's hard task ; though as a Governor it must have added to his anxieties, showing that more serious causes than want of pay had prompted the rising. Of alarums and excursions, indeed, at this period there was no lack. During Ormonde's absence in the North, Dublin was seized with panic, and the terror spreading, Sir Francis Hamilton called the County of Cavan to arms, requisitioning the garrison of Belturbet. With good reason, Ormonde reproved this pandering to excitement, but during many months his position was certainly precarious. The Treasury was empty, the troops were on the verge of mutiny, and yet he knew that at any moment the country might be plunged in the throes of revolution. It was a relief when the English administration finally sent him ;£ 15,000. But he had to wait for this niggardly dole.
In the circumstances, it is much to Ormonde's credit

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

As the companion tells it

The town of Belturbet in County Cavan found itself caught up in a wider panic. In 1666, during what is known as the Carrickfergus crisis, fear spread from Dublin outward through the country. Sir Francis Hamilton, responding to that terror, called the whole County of Cavan to arms and requisitioned the garrison of Belturbet. Ormonde, the governor, reprimanded Hamilton for what he called this pandering to excitement. With good reason, he saw that such alarm could only deepen the country's instability. The aftermath of a brief revolt had already forced him to make an example of nine ringleaders, who paid with their lives. An enquiry revealed that the State owed the rebels a year's pay, though their officer's generosity meant only six weeks' wages were truly due. That discovery showed Ormonde that something beyond want of pay had driven the rising. His position was precarious for many months. The Treasury was empty, the troops were on the verge of mutiny, and revolution threatened at any moment. Relief came at last when the English administration sent 15,000 pounds, but even that he called a niggardly dole, and he had to wait for it.

Ship embargoed at Waterford over false arms plot

Waterford · city · Waterford · 1679

The Earl of Orrery, relying on sea-captains' depositions, announced that a specified ship would shortly unload five to six thousand muskets at Waterford for an imminent French invasion. Ormonde, though doubting the choice of harbour given the surrounding troops, took no risks; the vessel was embargoed and examined, and turned out to carry salt rather than firearms.

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Roger Boyle's activities were, however, fast drawing to a close. He had long been ailing. In October it became clear that he was in the grip of a mortal malady ; and on the 1 6th of that month he passed away. Yet, up to the last, he interested himself in ferreting out plots and conspirators. Indeed, the most notable mare's nest of that demented period was of the Earl's providing. On the strength of certain sea-captains' depositions, he announced that a ship he specified would shortly unload five thousand to six thousand muskets at Waterford —
1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 582.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 27

As the companion tells it

Waterford, in 1679, was the scene of a false alarm about a French invasion. The Earl of Orrery, relying on sea-captains' depositions, announced that a specified ship would shortly unload 5,000 to 6,000 muskets at the port for the coming French forces. Ormonde, though doubting that the harbour would be chosen given the troops surrounding it, took no risks. The vessel was embargoed and examined. It carried salt, not firearms. Orrery himself was dying that October, and passed away on the 16th, still ferreting out plots to the last.

Catholics expelled from Galway, householders petition for return

Galway · city · Galway · 1678–1679

A great number of Catholics were expelled from Galway, but the drawbacks of their absence soon became so evident that Protestant householders petitioned the Council for the exiles' return and offered bonds for their loyal conduct. This episode vindicated Ormonde's earlier warning that driving out Catholic servants, tradesmen, and tenants would ruin the town's reviving prosperity.

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justified. A great number of Catholics having been expelled from Galway, the drawbacks to their continued absence soon became so manifest, that the Protestant householders, not content with petitioning the Council for the exiles' return, actually offered bonds for their loyal deportment.1
The folly no less than the cruelty of the proposals made by the Protestant extremists was, however, best demonstrated by Ormonde himself in a letter to Sir Robert Southwell.'2 Being well aware that English politicians were generally ignorant of the fundamental differences between the two countries, he took care to remind his correspondent that the Penal Laws in England and Ireland were no more identical than the relative proportion of Catholics and Protestants. In England, with one Papist to a hundred Protestants, it was safe and easy to disarm recusants. In Ireland, with fifteen Papists to every Protestant, the process would scarcely be so simple or so rapid. If Romanists really harboured designs against the Government, could any sane person seriously propose simultaneously to empty all the garrisons, scattering the soldiery

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 26

As the companion tells it

Galway, in 1678 and 1679, saw a great number of Catholics expelled from the town. The drawbacks to their continued absence soon became so manifest that Protestant householders petitioned the Council for the exiles' return and offered bonds for their loyal conduct. This vindicated Ormonde's earlier warning that driving out Catholic servants, tradesmen, and tenants would ruin the town's reviving prosperity. Ormonde himself demonstrated the folly in a letter to Sir Robert Southwell. He reminded his correspondent that English politicians were generally ignorant of the fundamental differences between the two countries. The Penal Laws in England and Ireland were no more identical than the relative proportion of Catholics and Protestants. In England, with one Papist to a hundred Protestants, it was safe and easy to disarm recusants. In Ireland, with fifteen Papists to every Protestant, the process would scarcely be so simple or so rapid.

Court of Wards building as Commission headquarters

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1662

The building formerly sacred to the Court of Wards in Dublin was chosen by its size and locality as headquarters for the Commission of Claims. Its ingenious steward Thomas Crawe undertook to provide table-linen, pewter, plate, and cool beer for the Commissioners and their attendants at £16 5s. a week.

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Early in 1662 Ormonde had informed the Lords- Justices that a sum of ,£1,200, or £25 a week, would be allowed for the expenses of the Commission. Ormonde himself acknowledged that he had no genius for figures ; and the Justices were obliged to point out that £2$ a week came not to ,£1,200 but to ,£1,300 a year. Even on the higher scale, they likewise foresaw that it would be difficult to provide suitably for " soe many persons, so eminently employed by His Majesty, who, moreover, will have to entertain persons of quality." Happily, the building, formerly sacred to the Court of Wards, which stood designated by its size and locality for the headquarters of the Commission, owned amongst its other amenities a remarkably ingenious steward. This invaluable man undertook to provide table-linen, pewter, and plate for the use of the Commissioners, their secretaries, and attendants at the Court, and to " keep a table for them as reasonably as he can afford," not forgetting " to lay in cool beer " l at the modest rate of £16, 5s. od. a week. It was he, indeed, who saved the situation, since lodgings for each Commissioner and his two servants at 25s. a week absorbed the remainder of the allowance. As it was, the Justices were jubilant over the bargain they had driven, their remarks on the paucity of the funds showing that charges of parsimony brought against the Treasury are no modern development.2 It is perhaps unnecessary to add that, eventually, the expenses incurred largely exceeded good Mr Thomas Crawe's estimate, and that a more generous outlay had finally to be sanctioned.
The first claimants who appeared before the Commissioners were mainly those who had too good a record to dread investigation, and one verdict of innocency succeeded another. But such a state of things was not to

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 9

As the companion tells it

Dublin in 1662, and the city held the headquarters of a Commission of Claims. Early that year Ormonde had told the Lords-Justices that a sum of £1,200, or £25 a week, would be allowed for the expenses of the Commission. Ormonde himself owned that he had no genius for figures, and the Justices had to point out that £25 a week came not to £1,200 but to £1,300 a year. Even at the higher figure they foresaw difficulty in providing suitably for, as they put it, so many persons so eminently employed by His Majesty, who would also have to entertain persons of quality. The building chosen had formerly belonged to the Court of Wards, designated by its size and locality as the Commission's headquarters. Among its amenities was a remarkably ingenious steward, Thomas Crawe. He undertook to provide table-linen, pewter, and plate for the Commissioners, their secretaries, and attendants, and to keep a table for them as reasonably as he could afford, not forgetting to lay in cool beer, at the rate of £16 5s a week. He saved the situation, since lodgings for each Commissioner and his two servants at 25s a week absorbed the remainder. The Justices were jubilant over the bargain they had driven. In the end the expenses exceeded good Mr Thomas Crawe's estimate, and a more generous outlay had finally to be sanctioned. The first claimants to appear before the Commissioners were mainly those who had too good a record to dread investigation, and one verdict of innocency succeeded another.

Dublin civic and parliamentary honours for Ormonde

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1662

The day after his arrival, Ormonde received formal addresses from both Houses of Parliament, the University and Convocation. The Mayor presented him with a gold bowl valued at £400 and the freedom of the City in a gold casket, while Convocation's Prolocutor cited Aristotle on good magistrates.

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In the seventeenth century rejoicings were as longdrawn out, as the orations that were their inevitable accompaniment. The next day pomps and pageants began anew. Ormonde received the formal addresses of the two Houses of Parliament, the University and Convocation, while the Mayor presented him with a gold bowl valued at ^"400, and the freedom of the City enclosed in a gold casket. Convocation was less lavish of gifts than the municipality, but made amends by a copious display of erudition and eloquence. For the Prolocutor having reminded Ormonde of the "religious maxime of Government that Piety is the best Policy," also handsomely adduced Aristotle as testimony that "that which makes a flourishing city or a famous Kingdom is not so much the good Laws as the good man, the good magistrate such as Your Grace, who puts the laws into execution."
Thus after long years did Ormonde come once more into his own. Outwardly no scene could be fairer. But, perhaps in later days, when sorely plagued by the absence of good legislation in the country he was called to administer, the "good magistrate" may have felt that the wise laws of antiquity were as delusive as the applause of the fond and fickle multitude.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 6

As the companion tells it

Dublin, in 1662, held out every honour it had for Ormonde. The day after his arrival, the pageants began again. He received formal addresses from both Houses of Parliament, the University, and Convocation. The Mayor came forward with a gold bowl valued at 400 pounds, and with the freedom of the City, enclosed in a gold casket. Convocation gave fewer gifts than the city did, but made up for it with a show of learning. The Prolocutor reminded Ormonde of what he called the religious maxim of government, that piety is the best policy. He then brought in Aristotle as his witness, saying that what makes a flourishing city or a famous kingdom is not so much good laws as the good man, the good magistrate, such as Your Grace, who puts the laws into execution. After long years away, Ormonde had come once more into his own. No scene could have been fairer from the outside. Yet in later days, when he was sorely plagued by the absence of good legislation in the country he was called to administer, that good magistrate may have felt the wise laws of antiquity were as delusive as the applause of a fond and fickle multitude.

Fall of Drogheda and death of Verney

Drogheda · town · Louth · 1649

Drogheda fell during Cromwell's campaign, and Verney was killed there. Ormonde was unable to prevent the catastrophe and also tried unsuccessfully to succour Wexford.

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Ormonde, James Butler — continued. proclamation, i. 346 ; re-installed at Kilkenny, i. 348; "Ormonde's Peace" (1648 O.S.), i. 349; receives news of the execution of Charles I,, i. 351 ; his feelings, i. 352 ; invites the Prince of Wales to Ireland, i. 351, 358 ; Milton's abuse of him, i. 359 ; advances on Dublin with Inchiquin, i. 361 ; the plot to assassinate him, i. 362 ; results of his delays, i. 363 ; battle of Rathmines (July 1649), i. 365 et seq. ; results of his defeat, i. 370 ; fresh negotiations with O'Neill, i. 37J> 37° 5 retreats to Trim, i, 372 ; fall of Drogheda and death of Verney, i. 373, 374 ; tries to succour Wexford, 375 ; death of O'Neill, i. 380; relieves Waterford, i. 380, 381 ; now advises Charles II. not to come, i. 382 ; hostility of the Irish Catholics to, i. 388, 397 ; requested to discharge his English following, i. 390 ; declines Cromwell's safe conduct to leave Ireland, i. 392 ; fits out a yacht, i. 393, 394; Fanning's hostility to, i. 394 ; made a scapegoat for Cromwell's campaign, i. 398 ; declines to be ordered to resign by the priests, ibid. ; Clanricarde accepted as his successor, i. 400 ; vindicates himself against the Catholic Bishops, i. 400 ; urged by Charles II. and the Duke of York, he leaves in the Elizabeth (December 1650), i. 402 ; joins Lady Ormonde at Caen, i. 406, 410 ; is unwise in money matters, i. 407 ; at the Louvre, i. 409, 410 ; and the Duke of Lorraine's schemes, i. 411 et seq. ; his tact with Henrietta Maria, i. 421 ; his anxiety as to King's safety (after Worcester), i. 419, 422, 423 ; made a Privy Councillor, i. 424 ; friendship for Sir Edward Hyde, i. 424 et seq. ; in Paris with Charles II. (1652-4), i. 444 ; his poverty while there, i. 447; the question of "tips," i. 448 ; at Port Royal, i. 449 ; leaves Paris with Charles for Spa, i. 454 ; at Aachen and Cologne, i. 455 ; employed to prevent the Duke of Gloucester's pervertion to Rome, i. 459 et seq. : pawns his Garter and the Parliament's jewel, i. 464 ; swims the Rhine, i. 471 ; with Charles

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 44

As the companion tells it

Drogheda, the town the road passes through, fell in 1649 during Cromwell's campaign. Verney was killed there. Ormonde, James Butler, could not prevent the catastrophe. He had retreated to Trim before the fall came. After Drogheda was lost, he tried to succour Wexford, but that attempt failed too. The death of O'Neill followed, and then Ormonde relieved Waterford. He was made a scapegoat for Cromwell's campaign. The Irish Catholics turned hostile toward him. He declined Cromwell's offer of safe conduct to leave Ireland, and fitted out a yacht instead. He would not be ordered to resign by the priests. Clanricarde was accepted as his successor. Ormonde vindicated himself against the Catholic Bishops, and eventually, urged by Charles the Second and the Duke of York, he left Ireland aboard the Elizabeth.

Irish Parliament in Dublin blocked by Shaftesbury's faction

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1679–1680

Shaftesbury and his allies moved heaven and earth to defer the meeting of the Irish Parliament in Dublin, exploiting an unwritten law that forbade simultaneous sessions at Westminster and Dublin. Every bill sent to England for revision by the Lord-Lieutenant and his Parliament was torn to shreds by hostile criticism.

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Lord-Lieutenant and his Parliament, should be torn to shreds by hostile criticism. The preamble of one article was discovered to be faulty, the adjectives in another were inappropriate, while, in the drafting of a third, the Viceroy had taken unwarrantable liberties, actually forsaking the English model for one more adapted to Irish needs. It must, however, not be imagined that this subterranean campaign against Ormonde, was restricted to Council Board manoeuvres, or to slander, adroitly insinuated into the royal ear. The blocking of Ormonde's intended legislation was certainly well calculated to retard the meeting of Parliament in Dublin. But there were two means of injuring Ormonde, which, often as they had previously been employed, were now again hopefully resumed by his antagonists : the first was the accusation of Popish proclivities ; the second, of mismanagement of the Revenue. With regard to the former charge, an amusing letter of Ormonde's shows that no fabrication seemed too improbable at this crisis to command the acceptance of the gullible multitude. Some wiseacre had, it appears, prepared an " article " against Ormonde, with sworn testimony to boot, accusing the Lord-Deputy of having received the Sacrament, after the Romish rite, at Lady Clancarty's.
" Now," said Ormonde, " though it may be as truly sworn that I was circumcised at Christchurch, and that few of any brains that know me, or have but a superficial account of my life will give credit to so incredible a forgery; yet, if it get into a narrative, thousands will swallow it as truth, and against this there is no fence. The credulous that trust in prints, will never hear or consider whether it be material or no, that I could have as many masses and sacraments as I had a mind to, brought mee, and more secretly, into my lodgings than to go anywhere abroad for them ; that the laity never have the Sacrament given them (unless they are sick), but at Mass : that masses are never sayd, but in the morning, and I defie anybody to prove that ever I was to see my Sister this 20 years, but in an afternoon." 1

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 29

As the companion tells it

Dublin in the years 1679 and 1680 was a city where Parliament could not meet. Shaftesbury and his allies moved to defer its session, exploiting an old unwritten rule that forbade Parliament sitting at Westminster and Dublin at the same time. Every bill Ormonde sent to England came back torn to shreds. The preamble of one article was found faulty. The adjectives in another were inappropriate. In a third, the Viceroy had taken liberties, abandoning the English model for one suited to Irish needs. But the campaign went beyond Council Board manoeuvres and whispers in the royal ear. Shaftesbury's faction had two favourite lines of attack against Ormonde. The first was the accusation of Popish proclivities. The second was mismanagement of the Revenue. On the Popish charge, someone prepared an article with sworn testimony accusing the Lord-Deputy of receiving the Sacrament after the Romish rite at Lady Clancarty's. Ormonde answered in a letter. He said it might as truthfully be sworn that he was circumcised at Christchurch, and few who knew him would credit such a forgery. Yet, he warned, "if it get into a narrative, thousands will swallow it as truth." He pointed out that the laity never receive the Sacrament except at Mass, that masses are never said but in the morning, and he defied anybody to prove he had visited his sister in 20 years except in an afternoon.

Limavady Castle secured by Forbes with country-folk

near Limavady · town · Derry · 1663

Sir Arthur Forbes, lacking trustworthy troops, put his trust in the country-folk of Ulster and with their help secured Limavady Castle against the conspirators. This action helped strangle the northern rebellion before it could begin.

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It was fortunate that Forbes had been trained by one of the most dashing officers of the period. Naturally enough, he would have preferred to be covered by Ormonde's aegis, but he also recognised that hesitation would be fatal, and he took the only decision compatible with safety, though it may well have appeared a counsel of despair. He elected to put his trust in the countryfolk. They responded to his confidence, and, thanks to their help, Limavaddy Castle was secured. For the arrest of Staples he made use of the few soldiers who yet remained uncorrupted. The attitude of Staples's "oulde companie" was menacing. Once deprived of their chief, however, they did not stir. The capture of Staples was the signal for the flight of the ringleaders, and thus the northern rebellion was strangled ere it had come to life.
In the capital, where, as Forbes warned Ormonde " wone (sic) Mister blude was apone the plote," the conspiracy might not have collapsed readily. But, again, one of the principals proved ill-inspired in the choice of confidants.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 10

As the companion tells it

In 1663, the town of Limavady became the place where a northern rebellion died before it could draw breath. Sir Arthur Forbes had been trained by one of the most dashing officers of the period. He would have preferred Ormonde's protection, but he knew hesitation would be fatal. He took the only decision compatible with safety, though it may have seemed a counsel of despair. He put his trust in the country-folk of Ulster. They responded to his confidence, and with their help the castle was secured. For the arrest of Staples he used the few soldiers who yet remained uncorrupted. The attitude of Staples's old company was menacing, but once deprived of their chief they did not stir. The capture of Staples was the signal for the ringleaders to flee, and the northern rebellion was strangled before it had come to life. In the capital, where Forbes warned Ormonde that "wone Mister blude was apone the plote," the conspiracy might not have collapsed so readily. But there too, one of the principals proved ill-inspired in his choice of confidants.

Ormonde lands at Duncannon and proceeds to Kilkenny

Duncannon · town · Wexford · 1665

Ormonde landed at Duncannon on 3 September 1665 and was met by his son Ossory. Father and son then travelled to Kilkenny, where Ormonde spent a month preparing for Parliament before opening it in Dublin.

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In the autumn of 1665 Ormonde was back again at his post. Landing at Duncannon on September the 3rd he found Ossory awaiting him, and father and son then proceeded to Kilkenny, where Ormonde spent a month before opening Parliament in Dublin.1 Doubtless that month was not wasted, for many negotiations were needful before the Explanatory Bill could be passed through a recalcitrant House of Commons. Even Orrery, who was skilled in " lobbying," seems to have despaired of bringing it to a successful issue. Discontent was rife throughout the island ; and the fear of a Dutch raid, abetted by native or English malcontents, was no idle imagination. Nothing but satisfaction was, however, visible on the day of Ormonde's state entry into Dublin. He was welcomed by a band of young gentlemen, clad in suits of "ashcolour, trimmed with scarlet and silver, and all in white scarves." 2 As a variation on the boy orator who had harangued him at his first entry, the Viceroy was now confronted at every turn by the gods and goddesses of antiquity, Ceres " under a canopy attended by four virgins," 3 being kept in countenance by Vulcan and several Cyclops, while Bacchus — most appropriately, since the Mayor had devoted over ^100 to his rites — was very much in the foreground. Fireworks, salvoes of great and small shot, and unbounded enthusiasm completed the order of the day.
The atmosphere of the House of Commons was, it must be owned, less highly charged with amiability. The majority of members viewed the Explanatory Act as an attempt to advantage "the Irish interest" at their expense. Had they not given Ormonde a weapon against themselves by their late intrigues with the fanatics, he

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

As the companion tells it

In the autumn of 1665, Ormonde returned to his post, landing at Duncannon on September 3. His son Ossory was waiting for him there. Father and son then travelled together to Kilkenny, where Ormonde spent a month before opening Parliament in Dublin. That month was surely not wasted. Many negotiations were needed before the Explanatory Bill could be passed through a House of Commons that resisted it. Even Orrery, skilled in lobbying, seemed to despair of bringing the bill to a successful outcome. Discontent was widespread across the island. The fear of a Dutch raid, supported by native or English malcontents, was no idle imagination. Yet nothing but satisfaction was visible on the day of Ormonde's state entry into Dublin. He was welcomed by a band of young gentlemen, clad in suits of "ashcolour, trimmed with scarlet and silver, and all in white scarves." As a variation on the boy orator who had harangued him at his first entry, the Viceroy was now confronted at every turn by the gods and goddesses of antiquity. Ceres appeared "under a canopy attended by four virgins," kept in countenance by Vulcan and several Cyclops, while Bacchus, most appropriately, since the Mayor had devoted over 100 to his rites, stood very much in the foreground. Fireworks, salvoes of great and small shot, and unbounded enthusiasm completed the order of the day. The atmosphere in the House of Commons was less amiable. The majority of members viewed the Explanatory Act as an attempt to advantage "the Irish interest" at their expense.

Ormonde opposes alienation of Phoenix Park to court favourites

Phoenix Park · electoral division · Dublin · 1662–1669

Ormonde firmly opposed the alienation of the Phoenix Park to greedy court figures such as the Duchess of Cleveland and Sir James Edwardes, who had obtained grants of the domain from the King. The author credits Dublin's citizens with owing Ormonde a debt of gratitude for preserving the beautiful tract of land.

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The initial ^io,ooo and Dodson's "decayed" wall were not the only expenses incurred by the Administration on account of the Phoenix Park.2 It must be owned that bills connected with that property had a fatal tendency to increase and multiply. By 1669 the total outlay had reached ^31,000, a great sum in those days. On the other hand, there are few financial transactions of the period, which public opinion would now more gladly ratify than the preservation of that beautiful tract of country for the citizens of Dublin. The Irish capital, in fact, owes no small debt of gratitude to the Duke of Ormonde, both for its acquisition, and for the determined fashion in which he opposed its alienation to greedy Court harpies like the Duchess of Cleveland and Sir James Edwardes, who had obtained grants of the domain from the too facile Monarch.
On the 27th of October Ormonde met Parliament to give his assent to the Bill of Settlement and several other Acts relating to the Revenue. His speech, on this occasion, being unusually long, he was unable to compass the "comely Confidence," which had characterised the harangue of the "small youth," who had welcomed him to Dublin. In short, the great Duke's memory played him false. He stopped dead, tried to recall his periods, only to break down again, but his excellent good sense quickly came to his aid. Without more ado, he told his audience:

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 8

As the companion tells it

Phoenix Park, in Dublin, was a property the Administration spent heavily on, and by 1669 the total outlay had reached 31,000, a great sum in those days. The bills connected with that property had what the author calls a fatal tendency to increase and multiply. Yet there are few financial transactions of the period which public opinion would now more gladly ratify than the preservation of that beautiful tract of country for the citizens of Dublin. The Irish capital owes no small debt of gratitude to the Duke of Ormonde, both for its acquisition and for the determined fashion in which he opposed its alienation to greedy court figures like the Duchess of Cleveland and Sir James Edwardes. They had obtained grants of the domain from the too facile monarch. On the 27th of October Ormonde met Parliament to give his assent to the Bill of Settlement and several other Acts relating to the Revenue. His speech on this occasion was unusually long, and he was unable to manage the comely confidence that had characterised an earlier address. The great Duke's memory played him false. He stopped dead, tried to recall his periods, only to break down again, but his excellent good sense quickly came to his aid.

Ormonde's daily routine in Dublin as Lord Lieutenant

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1684

Chief-Justice Keatinge, writing from Dublin in December 1684, described the septuagenarian Duke of Ormonde's active daily routine while still serving as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Ormonde was said to be 'still the selfsame man, early up in his closet until eleven in the morning,' riding out three days a week, and retaining his good humour.

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According to Chief-Justice Keatinge, who, at this time^ was in close contact with Ormonde, the " peevishness," if peevishness there was, must have rested with the King rather than with the Duke. Indeed, the account Keatinge gives of Ormonde's activities suggests the septuagenarians of our generation, when old age, or, at least, its disabilities is practically abolished.2. Even a twentieth-century veteran, who had led Ormonde's hard life, would have no cause to complain if described " as still the selfsame man, early up in his closet until eleven in the morning, three days excepted, when he rides abroad, and abateth nothing of his good, facetious humour." In these circumstances, Ormonde might well have disliked resigning an office, which for the first time in the history of Ireland gave no indication of being troublesome. " For since the first English Conquest, the kingdom was never in such a condition of peace and plenty and improvement." Moreover, as he had frankly admitted a short time previously to Arran, Ormonde's preferences were all for a public career. Only a "splenetic disposition," he held, could be pleased at the substitution of "trivial
1 Carte MSS., vol. ccxx. f. 90. Ormonde to Arran, 20th November 1684.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

Dublin, in 1684, was a city where the Duke of Ormonde still kept the hours of a man half his age. He was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Chief-Justice Keatinge, who was in close contact with him, wrote that December that Ormonde was still the selfsame man. He was early up in his closet until eleven in the morning, three days excepted, when he rides abroad, and abateth nothing of his good, facetious humour. Keatinge said any peevishness between Ormonde and the King rested with the King rather than the Duke. Ormonde was a septuagenarian who had led a hard life, and still he had no cause to complain. He might well have disliked resigning the office, which for the first time in the history of Ireland gave no indication of being troublesome. Since the first English Conquest, the kingdom was never in such a condition of peace and plenty and improvement. He had told Arran a short time before that his preferences were all for a public career. Only a splenetic disposition could be pleased at the substitution of trivial life for it.

Ormonde's Dublin letter on grandson's education during Popish Plot

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1679

Writing from Dublin to Sir Robert Southwell, Ormonde confessed that during the critical phase of the Popish Plot he gave more thought to Lord James's education and concerns than prudence warranted.

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crucial phases of the Popish Plot, Ormonde confessed that he gave the boy's concerns more thought "than a wise man would in such a conjuncture." x Already during Ossory's lifetime, the direction of the lad's studies had been constantly referred to the Duke, who, indeed, defrayed the not inconsiderable bills for the keep, journeys, lessons, and clothes of the said Lord James. If there is safety in a multitude of counsellors, he should have been the best educated youth of the period. Lord Arlington, Sir Robert Southwell, and the Bishop of Oxford all had their say on the momentous subject of his training ; although, as sometimes happens, these high authorities were seldom agreed on the course of action to be adopted. Arlington was characteristically desirous that James should be early apprenticed to the courtly profession, a scheme that Ormonde as energetically opposed. Failing the Whitehall curriculum, the Lord Chamberlain advocated a French Academy, a suggestion to which Ormonde was not unfriendly, though he was more wholeheartedly in favour of sending the boy to the University of Oxford.
Undoubtedly, the visit Lord James paid to France in 1675 was not calculated to convert Ormonde to the superior advantages of a continental residence for his grandson. On this occasion, it was mainly in search of health that Lord James had gone to the south in company with a French tutor, De L'Ange, or Lange by name. Whether Ormonde took any part in the selection of the boy's mentor, history does not relate. But the choice was not fortunate. Lange sequestered the Hope of the Butlers' at his own native place, Orange, whence for many months, little news, save in the shape of bills, was received of the travellers. The Duke might accuse himself of possessing an intelligence " that lay very crass " to finance, but his native good sense, reinforced by the practical knowledge of the cost of living abroad which he had acquired by somewhat painful personal experience, told him that it

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 31

As the companion tells it

Dublin, 1679. The Popish Plot had the country in its grip, and the Duke of Ormonde, writing from this city to Sir Robert Southwell, confessed that he gave more thought to his grandson Lord James's education and concerns than a wise man would in such a conjuncture. The direction of the boy's studies had been constantly referred to him, and Ormonde had been paying the not inconsiderable bills for the lad's keep, journeys, lessons, and clothes. If safety lies in a multitude of counsellors, Lord James should have been the best educated youth of the period. Lord Arlington, Sir Robert Southwell, and the Bishop of Oxford all weighed in on his training, though these authorities were seldom agreed on what should be done. Arlington wanted James apprenticed early to the courtly profession, a scheme Ormonde energetically opposed. Failing a Whitehall curriculum, the Lord Chamberlain advocated a French Academy, a suggestion Ormonde was not unfriendly to, though he was more wholeheartedly in favour of sending the boy to Oxford. A visit Lord James paid to France in 1675 had not helped the continental case. He went south in search of health with a French tutor named De L'Ange, or Lange. The choice was not fortunate. Lange kept the Hope of the Butlers at his own native place, Orange, and for months little news came, save in the shape of bills. Ormonde accused himself of an intelligence that lay very crass to finance, but his good sense and his own painful experience of the cost of living abroad told him what those bills meant.

Ossory and Emilia's household debts in Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1668

While Ossory acted as his father's deputy in Dublin, the Duchess of Ormonde worried about the bills he and his wife Emilia were running up. She complained that Emilia gave servants too much freedom to spend on credit without checking bills, and that Emilia's debts at Dublin were likely great.

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" who complain of him to be a bad pay-master, and I cannot," says the Duchess, "but fear and suspect him so, because that neither he nor his lady does know what their debts are, or to whom they owe, though the greatest part is hers, who gave so large a power unto her servants to go on the score, without looking nor counting the bills herself. And this prejudice," the Duchess continued, "will be still, unless you can prevail with one or both of them, to manage their expenses with more care, or to be concerned in the government of the family, which I do fear my daughter will not apply herself to, for I hear she eats more in her chamber than at the table, which is not the way to live with that decency that both now is, and will be, hereafter, expected from her. And I believe her debts at Dublin are great, so as I know now what course of life they can propose unto themselves if they run out of all compass after all the help they have had from us both in Ireland and here." 1
Bearing in mind, not only these repeated grants in aid, but Ossory's unlucky pre-nuptial boasts of the accomplished Emilia's genius for housekeeping, the Duchess showed no less forbearance than tact in beseeching Mathew to bestow the much needed advice " from yourself, without naming me, to avoid my daughter taking any exception, as possibly she might, at my finding fault."

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 15

As the companion tells it

Dublin, in 1668, was where Ossory kept house with his wife Emilia while he acted as his father's deputy. The Duchess of Ormonde watched the bills they ran up and feared what they owed. She wrote that someone complained of Ossory as a bad pay-master, and she could not but fear and suspect him so, because neither he nor his lady knew what their debts were or to whom they owed. The greatest part, she said, was Emilia's, who had given her servants such large power to go on the score without looking at or counting the bills herself. This trouble would continue, the Duchess said, unless one or both of them could be persuaded to manage their expenses with more care, or to take part in the government of the household. She feared her daughter would not apply herself, for she heard Emilia ate more in her chamber than at the table, which was not the way to live with the decency expected of her. She believed her debts there were great, and did not know what course of life they could propose if they ran out of all compass after all the help they had received. The Duchess asked Mathew to give the needed advice himself, "without naming me, to avoid my daughter taking any exception, as possibly she might, at my finding fault." This showed forbearance, given Ossory's pre-nuptial boasts of Emilia's genius for housekeeping.

Parliament meets at Dublin, 1661

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1661

On 8 May 1661, the Irish Parliament met at Dublin, and the Lower House was immediately revealed as dominated by deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. Lord Orrery boasted that only one Papist could be found in the entire assembly.

Read the passage

On May the 8th, 1661, Parliament met at Dublin ; and it was immediately apparent that the members of the Lower House were merely the deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. In fact, Lord Orrery boasted that in the entire assembly only one Papist could be found.1 The dominant party wished the Declaration to be confirmed "verbatim." The Upper House, representing the older landed interest, was equally determined that it should not pass without amendment. It will be remembered that in 1643, when the English Parliament was in great straits for money, any adventurer making a further advance of a fourth on his original loan, was promised double the value of his first stake. For instance, by this act, known as the " Doubling Ordinance," a man who had risked £1,200, on lending another £300 was entitled not to ,£1,500 worth of property, but to the equivalent of £3,000. In Leinster this sum purchased 3,000 acres, in Ulster 9,000. Never was there a more lucrative gamble. Already it was evident that land to satisfy bona fide claims would be hard to find, but if the " Doubling Ordinance " was accepted, the Irish Catholics might bid adieu for ever to all hope of restoration.
Even in the Irish House of Lords, which from its composition was no less anxious to preserve the ancient landowners, than was the House of Commons to protect the new settlers, there were a few men who advocated the

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 5

As the companion tells it

Dublin was where the Irish Parliament gathered on the 8th of May, 1661, and the Lower House showed its colours at once. Its members were deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. Lord Orrery boasted that in the entire assembly only one Papist could be found. The dominant party wanted the Declaration confirmed, in the source's words, verbatim. The Upper House, representing the older landed interest, was equally determined it should not pass without amendment. In 1643, when the English Parliament was in great straits for money, any adventurer making a further advance of a fourth on his original loan was promised double the value of his first stake. By this act, known as the Doubling Ordinance, a man who had risked 1,200 pounds, on lending another 300, was entitled not to 1,500 pounds worth of property, but to the equivalent of 3,000 pounds. In Leinster this sum purchased 3,000 acres, in Ulster 9,000. Never, the book says, was there a more lucrative gamble. Already it was evident that land to satisfy bona fide claims would be hard to find, but if the Doubling Ordinance was accepted, the Irish Catholics might bid adieu for ever to all hope of restoration. Even in the Irish House of Lords, which from its composition was no less anxious to preserve the ancient landowners than the House of Commons was to protect the new settlers, there were a few men who advocated the

Colonel Lawrence's Dublin upholsterer's business

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1668

Colonel Richard Lawrence, Ormonde's trusted lieutenant in establishing the linen trade, had been settled in an upholsterer's business in Dublin which he described as being in as plentiful a way of trade as most of his quality. By 1668 he gave up this Dublin business to devote his energies to Ormonde's new linen venture at Chapelizod.

Read the passage

To secure such valuable instruments, Lawrence, acting on behalf of Ormonde, was ready to offer two or three years salary, " at the best wages Holland gives," paid down in advance, with £$ for transportation fares, and sundry other privileges. The bait was too tempting to be rejected. The desired auxiliaries flocked to Lawrence's aid. By 1668 he had given up his own upholsterer's "business" in Dublin, where he declared himself to be settled " in as plentiful a way of trade as most of his quality," and was preparing to devote his entire energies to the new venture.1
Some three years previously, Ormonde had acquired a house and 450 acres at Chapelizod — the Chapelle d'Iseult of the Arthurian legend — as a more convenient residence than the Phoenix Park, and it was at Chapelizod that he now established his emigrants. Like all building operations in which the Duchess was concerned, the Viceroy's mansion at Chapelizod turned out rather a costly undertaking, but, at any rate, the Dutch garden she laid out gave vast satisfaction to the good lady, and the little property was an excellent centre for Ormonde's commercial colony. The modern proprietor might not consider it an addition to the amenities of his dwellinghouse to be confronted by a large thatched barn, hastily converted into a factory containing twenty looms. With all their happy instinct in matters artistic, these details do not seem to have affected our forefathers, and their interest in such work formed an ample compensation for the disfigurement of the view. Moreover, although Lawrence begged Ormonde to make him a Justice of the Peace that he might keep the workpeople, with their natural " disposition to disorder, and their aptness to deceive," in good order, it is difficult to think of these phlegmatic Dutchmen and godly Huguenots as a crew of riotous reprobates. At any rate, between the foreigners' technical skill, Lawrence's supervision and the Duke's benevolent patronage, the enterprise throve and prospered.2 Lawrence remained manager,

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 14

As the companion tells it

Dublin was where Colonel Richard Lawrence ran an upholsterer's business, and by his own account he was settled, as he put it, "in as plentiful a way of trade as most of his quality." He was a trusted lieutenant of the Duke of Ormonde, and Ormonde had grander plans for him. The duke wanted to establish a linen trade, and Lawrence was the man he chose to make it happen. To bring skilled workers over from Holland, Lawrence offered two or three years of salary paid in advance, at what he called "the best wages Holland gives," plus money for transportation and other privileges. The offer was tempting enough that the workers came. By 1668 Lawrence had given up his Dublin upholsterer's business entirely and was devoting himself to Ormonde's new venture. The duke had acquired a house and 450 acres at Chapelizod, a place whose name connects to the Arthurian legend of Chapelle d'Iseult. There, a large thatched barn was converted into a factory holding twenty looms. The Dutch garden laid out by the Duchess gave her great satisfaction, even if the mansion itself proved costly. Lawrence asked Ormonde to make him a Justice of the Peace, so he could keep the workpeople, with what he called their "disposition to disorder, and their aptness to deceive," in good order. It is hard to picture the Dutch and Huguenot workers as riotous, but Lawrence took no chances. Between the foreigners' skill, Lawrence's supervision, and Ormonde's patronage, the enterprise prospered, and Lawrence remained its manager.

Kilkenny celebrates Ormonde's appointment as Viceroy

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1661

On news of Ormonde's appointment as Lord-Lieutenant reaching Kilkenny in mid-November 1661, the town erupted in celebration with bonfires and salvoes. The festivities expressed local pride in their fellow townsman's elevation.

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At first, indeed, the transports of joy Ormonde's appointment excited seemed to give the lie to these sombre prognostications. The news was given out on the 4th of November. By the middle of the month it reached Kilkenny, which straightway went mad with delight, the little town blazing with bonfires, and echoing with salvoes to the glory of the new Viceroy. Dublin was not far behind Kilkenny in rejoicing. Ormonde was gravely informed that the intelligence was not only " to the very great comfort of honest men," but that the " other sort " also pretended great joy!2 Certainly both Houses, the Anglican Clergy, the Provost and Fellows of Trinity vied with one another to do honour to their new Governor. As for the Speaker, Sir Audley Mervyn, his florid periods
1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 74, 7th November 1661.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 6

As the companion tells it

In November 1661, news reached Kilkenny that Ormonde had been appointed Lord-Lieutenant. The town, as one account puts it, went "mad with delight." Bonfires blazed through the streets and salvoes echoed to the glory of the new Viceroy. Kilkenny claimed him as one of its own, and the celebration was a matter of local pride. Dublin was not far behind in its rejoicing. Ormonde was told the news was not only to the very great comfort of honest men, but that the other sort also pretended great joy. Both Houses, the Anglican clergy, and the Provost and Fellows of Trinity vied with one another to honour their new Governor.

Ormonde accused of exceeding powers at Carrickfergus Court Martials

near Carrickfergus · town · Antrim · 1667

Among the impeachment articles drawn up against Ormonde by Buckingham and Sir Robert Howard was a charge that he had exceeded his authority in conducting Court Martials at Carrickfergus. The Solicitor-General, Sir Heneage Finch, considered most of the articles baseless, but the Carrickfergus charge was among those that gave him concern given the political climate.

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It was not only Buckingham's enmity that Ormonde had cause to fear. Buckingham's jackal, Sir Robert Howard, notorious for his bad plays and his want of principle, as witness the Indian Queen, branded by Evelyn as "a ridiculous play," and the unjustifiable attack on the Dutch fleet, was equally intent on contriving Ormonde's ruin. The origin of this hatred was not far to seek. Howard had set his heart on being made a Commissioner for administering the Explanatory Act, and chose to ascribe his failure in the matter to the Lord-Lieutenant. Consequently he also longed to be avenged on the Duke, and between his industry and Buckingham's imaginative genius there seemed a fair chance that the two men's spite would be gratified. Indeed, by the middle of October, the pair had succeeded in " cooking up " an impeachment in twelve articles against Ormonde. It is true that when this precious document fell into the hands of the Solicitor- General, Sir Heneage Finch, the latter vowed that ten out of the twelve articles were rubbish. But to a generation that remembered Strafford's attainder, and were even then witnessing Clarendon's destruction, the charges brought against Ormonde of having exceeded his powers in the Carrickfergus Court Martials, and in quartering troops in Dublin had an ugly sound. Finch himself was alarmed. The quartering of soldiery was, he said, forbidden by an Irish Statute of Henry VI. ; but, as offences against Irish law could not be tried in England, he hoped he could furnish an adequate defence of Ormonde's conduct. The lawyer did not say, but doubtless thought, that the real danger of the situation lay in the temper of the English House of Commons. At this juncture no accusation touching a friend of Clarendon's was too frivolous for that Assembly.
Buckingham and Howard did not rely entirely on these articles. The Land Settlement had raised up countless

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 14

As the companion tells it

Carrickfergus is a town the road passes through or near, and in 1667 its name turned up in a political fight that reached all the way to the English House of Commons. The Duke of Ormonde, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, had enemies. The most dangerous was Buckingham, but beside him worked Sir Robert Howard, a man notorious for bad plays and a want of principle. Howard had wanted to be made a Commissioner for administering the Explanatory Act, and he blamed Ormonde for his failure. By the middle of October, Buckingham and Howard had cooked up an impeachment in twelve articles against Ormonde. When the document reached the Solicitor-General, Sir Heneage Finch, he vowed that ten of the twelve articles were rubbish. But the remaining charges gave him concern. Among them was the accusation that Ormonde had exceeded his powers in the Carrickfergus Court Martials. The other was that he had quartered troops in Dublin. Finch said the quartering of soldiery was forbidden by an Irish Statute of Henry the Sixth, but since offences against Irish law could not be tried in England, he hoped he could defend Ormonde's conduct. The real danger, though Finch did not say so, lay in the temper of the English House of Commons. A generation that remembered Strafford's attainder and was watching Clarendon's destruction would not dismiss any accusation against a friend of Clarendon's, however thin it seemed. Buckingham and Howard did not rely on the articles alone. The Land Settlement had raised up countless enemies as well.

Ormonde seeks solace at Carrick after Ossory's death

Carrick-on-Suir · town · Tipperary · 1680

After the death of his son Ossory in 1680, the Duke of Ormonde wrote from Carrick to Lady Clancarty, confessing he had come there to divert his thoughts from grief. Every room reminded him of lost family and friends, and he reflected on how few valuable allies and relations remained to him.

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" I designed to come hither to divert my thoughts from the just cause I had to grieve at Kilkenny, and as I was ready to take coach, was assured of my dear sister Hamilton's death, before I was certain she was otherwise sick than of a light indisposition. What an aggravation and remembrancer of my other misfortune this was, you may easily imagine. When I came hither, every place and every roome put me in mind of the merrier and
i68o] LOYAL SUBMISSION 311

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 29

As the companion tells it

In 1680, the Duke of Ormonde came to Carrick-on-Suir after the death of his son Ossory. He wrote to Lady Clancarty that he came "to divert my thoughts from" grief at Kilkenny. But just as he was ready to take coach, word came that his dear sister Hamilton had died, when he had thought her only lightly indisposed. Every room here reminded him of lost family and friends, and of how few valuable allies and relations remained to him.

Ormonde's witty defence of the Lord Mayor of Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1678

Ormonde was accused of being responsible for the Mayor of Dublin being exceptionally dull-witted. He characteristically replied with humor, noting that the mayor had wit enough to grow rich, become an alderman, and thereby attain the mayoralty, suggesting the accuser was simply being merry.

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" if it be laid to my charge that my Lord Mayor has no more wit than God has sent him, I suppose the intelligencer is merry ; he had wit enough to get to be rich, and an Alderman, and I think by those steps men get to be Lord Mayors."3
Later, when told that he was accused not only of failing to carry out the suppression of Popish mass-houses, ordained by his own proclamations, but of putting these buildings under a guard of soldiers, he quietly remarked :

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 26

As the companion tells it

Dublin, 1678. Ormonde was accused of being responsible for the Lord Mayor of Dublin being a dull-witted man. He answered with humor. As he put it, if it be laid to my charge that my Lord Mayor has no more wit than God has sent him, I suppose the intelligencer is merry. He had wit enough to get to be rich, and an alderman, and those steps, Ormonde said, are how men get to be Lord Mayors.

Cautionary reprisals seize lands in Kildare

Kildare · town · Kildare · 1661

Through Mervyn and his accomplices' scheme of 'cautionary reprisals,' most lands in Kildare were entrusted to Sir Charles Coote, Lord Massareene, and associates, depriving rightful claimants of their property.

Read the passage

hard to find. But, by a stroke of ingenious villainy, Mervyn and his accomplices devised " cautionary reprisals," whereby most of the lands in Dublin, Louth, and Kildare were entrusted to the keeping of Sir Charles Coote, now Lord Mountrath, Lord Massareene, and three or four members of " the gang." Dublin rang with the complaints of widows vainly appealing for the jointures guaranteed to them by law ; while " nominees," like Lord Fingall, who could not be treated with the same disregard as these defenceless creatures, were accorded grants on the exchequer to still their clamours.
On May the 8th, 1661, Parliament met at Dublin ; and it was immediately apparent that the members of the Lower House were merely the deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. In fact, Lord Orrery boasted that in the entire assembly only one Papist could be found.1 The dominant party wished the Declaration to be confirmed "verbatim." The Upper House, representing the older landed interest, was equally determined that it should not pass without amendment. It will be remembered that in 1643, when the English Parliament was in great straits for money, any adventurer making a further advance of a fourth on his original loan, was promised double the value of his first stake. For instance, by this act, known as the " Doubling Ordinance," a man who had risked £1,200, on lending another £300 was entitled not to ,£1,500 worth of property, but to the equivalent of £3,000. In Leinster this sum purchased 3,000 acres, in Ulster 9,000. Never was there a more lucrative gamble. Already it was evident that land to satisfy bona fide claims would be hard to find, but if the " Doubling Ordinance " was accepted, the Irish Catholics might bid adieu for ever to all hope of restoration.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 5

As the companion tells it

The town of Kildare sits along this road, and in 1661 most of the lands here had been seized through a scheme one writer called cautionary reprisals. Mervyn and his accomplices devised it. By this stroke of what the record calls ingenious villainy, most of the lands in Dublin, Louth, and Kildare were entrusted to the keeping of Sir Charles Coote, now Lord Mountrath, Lord Massareene, and three or four members of what the source terms the gang. The complaints of widows rang through Dublin, women vainly appealing for the jointures guaranteed to them by law. Nominees like Lord Fingall, who could not be treated with the same disregard as these defenceless creatures, were accorded grants on the exchequer to still their clamours. On May the 8th, 1661, Parliament met at Dublin, and it was immediately apparent that the members of the Lower House were merely the deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. Lord Orrery boasted that in the entire assembly only one Papist could be found. The dominant party wished the Declaration to be confirmed verbatim. The Upper House, representing the older landed interest, was equally determined that it should not pass without amendment. It will be remembered that in 1643, when the English Parliament was in great straits for money, any adventurer making a further advance of a fourth on his original loan was promised double the value of his first stake. By this act, known as the Doubling Ordinance, a man who had risked 1,200 pounds, on lending another 300, was entitled not to 1,500 worth of property but to the equivalent of 3,000. In Leinster this sum purchased 3,000 acres, in Ulster 9,000. The Irish Catholics might bid adieu for ever to all hope of restoration.

Cautionary reprisals seize lands in Louth

Louth · town · Louth · 1661

Through Mervyn and his accomplices' scheme of 'cautionary reprisals,' most lands in Louth were entrusted to Sir Charles Coote, Lord Massareene, and associates, depriving rightful claimants of their property.

Read the passage

hard to find. But, by a stroke of ingenious villainy, Mervyn and his accomplices devised " cautionary reprisals," whereby most of the lands in Dublin, Louth, and Kildare were entrusted to the keeping of Sir Charles Coote, now Lord Mountrath, Lord Massareene, and three or four members of " the gang." Dublin rang with the complaints of widows vainly appealing for the jointures guaranteed to them by law ; while " nominees," like Lord Fingall, who could not be treated with the same disregard as these defenceless creatures, were accorded grants on the exchequer to still their clamours.
On May the 8th, 1661, Parliament met at Dublin ; and it was immediately apparent that the members of the Lower House were merely the deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. In fact, Lord Orrery boasted that in the entire assembly only one Papist could be found.1 The dominant party wished the Declaration to be confirmed "verbatim." The Upper House, representing the older landed interest, was equally determined that it should not pass without amendment. It will be remembered that in 1643, when the English Parliament was in great straits for money, any adventurer making a further advance of a fourth on his original loan, was promised double the value of his first stake. For instance, by this act, known as the " Doubling Ordinance," a man who had risked £1,200, on lending another £300 was entitled not to ,£1,500 worth of property, but to the equivalent of £3,000. In Leinster this sum purchased 3,000 acres, in Ulster 9,000. Never was there a more lucrative gamble. Already it was evident that land to satisfy bona fide claims would be hard to find, but if the " Doubling Ordinance " was accepted, the Irish Catholics might bid adieu for ever to all hope of restoration.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 5

As the companion tells it

The town of Louth was caught up in a scheme its victims called cautionary reprisals. Mervyn and his accomplices devised it. By this stroke of what the record calls ingenious villainy, most of the lands in Dublin, Louth, and Kildare were entrusted to the keeping of Sir Charles Coote, now Lord Mountrath, Lord Massareene, and three or four members of what was called the gang. Dublin rang with the complaints of widows vainly appealing for the jointures guaranteed to them by law. Nominees like Lord Fingall, who could not be treated with the same disregard as these defenceless creatures, were accorded grants on the exchequer to still their clamours. On the 8th of May, 1661, Parliament met at Dublin. It was immediately apparent that the members of the Lower House were merely the deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. Lord Orrery boasted that in the entire assembly only one Papist could be found. The dominant party wished the Declaration to be confirmed verbatim. The Upper House, representing the older landed interest, was equally determined that it should not pass without amendment. In 1643, when the English Parliament was in great straits for money, any adventurer making a further advance of a fourth on his original loan was promised double the value of his first stake. By this act, known as the Doubling Ordinance, a man who had risked 1,200 pounds, on lending another 300 pounds, was entitled to the equivalent of 3,000 pounds. In Leinster this sum purchased 3,000 acres, in Ulster 9,000. If the Doubling Ordinance was accepted, the Irish Catholics might bid adieu for ever to all hope of restoration.

Convention of Estates in Dublin declares for free Parliament

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1660

A Convention of Estates met in Dublin in February 1660 and proved docile to royalist suggestions, proclaiming its independence of England and declaring for a free Parliament at Westminster. The King's return was soon no longer a debatable question.

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Dissimilar as were the two Presidents, they were equally ambitious of contributing to the King's restoration — an event they recognised to be inevitable. Some faint opposition was offered to their schemes by Sir Hardress Waller, the Parliamentary Commander of Dublin Castle, but he was quickly mastered by Coote. The Convention of Estates that met in Dublin in February 1660 proved docile to royalist suggestions, proclaiming its independence of England and declaring for a free Parliament at Westminster. Soon the King's return was no longer a debateable question. The terms on which it should be effected alone gave rise to discussion, the King's freedom to confirm or alter the Land Settlement remaining the single matter of dispute.
Both Coote and Broghill were vitally interested in the decision to be taken. Coote had benefited largely by the victory of Puritanism. Broghill had risen to affluence by his connection with Cromwell, receiving Blarney Castle and ;£ 1,000 a year in return for his services, though having fought in his youth on the royalist side, it was perhaps less of an effort for Broghill than for Coote to throw in

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 3

As the companion tells it

As you pass through Dublin, you are moving through a city where a Convention of Estates met in February 1660. Two men, Coote and Broghill, were both ambitious to see the King restored, an event they recognised as inevitable. Sir Hardress Waller, the Parliamentary Commander of Dublin Castle, offered some faint opposition, but Coote quickly mastered him. The Convention that gathered here proved docile to royalist suggestions. It proclaimed its independence of England and declared for a free Parliament at Westminster. Soon the King's return was no longer a debatable question. Only the terms on which it should be effected gave rise to discussion, and the single matter of dispute remained the King's freedom to confirm or alter the Land Settlement. Both Coote and Broghill had a vital interest in what would be decided. Coote had benefited largely by the victory of Puritanism. Broghill had risen to affluence through his connection with Cromwell, receiving Blarney Castle and 1,000 pounds a year for his services.

Duchess prepares Kilkenny household with provisions

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1669

The Duchess planned a three months' visit to Kilkenny and laid in sufficient beer, wine, and all provisions not only for herself but also for her son Ossory's family left behind there. This careful provisioning was clearly intended to prevent her daughter-in-law Emilia from incurring fresh debts.

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Perhaps the Duchess felt that she must be the more explicit in enumerating her household gear, as she was not minded to give the feckless Emilia a power of attorney in these matters. In fact, she had evidently resolved to leave but little to her daughter-in-law's ordering. For she tells Mathew that she had not only laid in sufficient beer for her own intended three months' visit to Kilkenny, but also for " my son's family, where I leave them wine and all provisions also." x Clearly, Emilia was not again to have the opportunity of " running up scores." Undoubtedly, at this juncture, the Duchess's prudence was no less necessary than edifying. At first, as he told Arlington, Ormonde did not believe that he could afford to make his home in England. This would have been a small grief to the minister, who was haunted by a dread of Ormonde's possibly adverse influence. But the family finances did not allow of two costly establishments ; and if Ormonde lived in Ireland, Ossory also would have to make his head-quarters in that country. Arlington would thus have lost his brother-in-law's companionship ; and it is to this cause we must attribute the fact that the minister did not oppose the monetary arrangement Ormonde now submitted to the King.
The ,£50,000, of which mention has been lately made, was not the Crown's sole unredeemed obligation towards Ormonde. .£48,356, 2s. 8d. still remained undischarged, though guaranteed by both Acts of Settlement. The fact is that this debt had been somewhat awkwardly assigned, being charged not on the general compensation fund raised by adventurers, soldiers, and grantees, but on the last ,£100,000 of that stock. This latter sum not being forthcoming, recourse might have been had to the second provision devised for safeguarding Ormonde's

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 15

As the companion tells it

The road passes through Kilkenny, where in 1669 the Duchess of Ormonde made ready for a three months' visit. She laid in beer and wine and all provisions, not only for herself but for her son Ossory's family, whom she left behind there. She wrote to Mathew that she had left them wine and all provisions also. Her care was deliberate. She had no intention of giving her daughter-in-law Emilia a power of attorney in these matters, and she resolved to leave little to Emilia's ordering. Emilia was feckless, and the Duchess meant to deny her the chance of running up scores again. The Duchess's prudence was no less necessary than edifying. Ormonde told Arlington he did not believe he could afford to make his home in England. The family finances did not allow of two costly establishments. If Ormonde lived in Ireland, Ossory also would have to make his headquarters in that country. Arlington was haunted by a dread of Ormonde's possibly adverse influence, but the minister did not oppose the monetary arrangement Ormonde now submitted to the King, for he would have lost his brother-in-law Ossory's companionship. The Crown's debts to Ormonde remained. 50,000 pounds was not the sole unredeemed obligation. 48,356 pounds, 2 shillings and 8 pence still remained undischarged, though guaranteed by both Acts of Settlement. This debt had been awkwardly assigned, charged not on the general compensation fund raised by adventurers, soldiers, and grantees, but on the last 100,000 pounds of that stock. That sum was not forthcoming, and recourse might have been had to the second provision devised for safeguarding Ormonde's interests.

Ormonde at Kilkenny during the Popish Plot alarm

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1678

In late September 1678, Ormonde received official notice of the alleged Popish Plot while staying at Kilkenny, having just completed an inspection tour of Munster's forts and garrisons. He expressed scepticism about Oates's allegations in a letter to Southwell dated 5 October 1678.

Read the passage

This startling communication reached Ormonde at Kilkenny, where he had taken up his abode after a journey of inspection among the forts and garrisons of Munster. He carried out his orders. But it is clear that " Oates, his tale " did not command Ormonde's implicit belief.
" If it be true," he remarked to Southwell, " the Jesuits have found a short and sure way to put me out of the Government, but I hope I shall rather goe alone, then in the company1 they designe, though it be the best in the world."2

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 25

As the companion tells it

In late September 1678, Kilkenny was where Ormonde was staying after completing an inspection of the forts and garrisons of Munster. Word reached him there of the Popish Plot. He carried out his orders, but Oates's tale did not command his belief. He wrote to Southwell, if it be true, the Jesuits have found a short and sure way to put me out of the Government, but I hope I shall rather go alone, then in the company they design, though it be the best in the world.

Ormonde offers Kilkenny and its park to Lord Rochester

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1684

Ormonde proposed lending Kilkenny and its park to Lord and Lady Rochester, partly for the Lord-Lieutenant's convenience and partly to secure Lady Rochester's presence near her daughter Lady Ossory during childbirth.

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That Ormonde's anxiety for the young peoples' welfare had suffered no diminution is manifest by his proposal not only to establish them at Dunmore for the summer, during the reconstruction of the Castle, " whilst Dublin will be rubbish," 3 but also to lend Kilkenny and its park to Lord and Lady Rochester. Doubtless he hoped this arrange-
1 Carte, vol. v. p. 174. Rochester to Ormonde, Whitehall, 13th December

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

In 1684, Ormonde proposed to lend Kilkenny and its park to Lord and Lady Rochester. He wanted Lady Rochester near her daughter Lady Ossory during childbirth, and the arrangement suited the Lord-Lieutenant's convenience too. Ormonde had also planned to establish the young people at Dunmore for the summer, calling Dublin, in his words, "rubbish."

Ormonde's financial strain and Arran's Dublin household

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1682

Ormonde faced immense expenses transporting his table for the Court in England, while simultaneously bearing the cost of Arran's housekeeping in Dublin. This financial burden consumed £15,000.

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From the moment when the Attorney-General brought the quo warranto against the City Charter, London knew that its liberties were in mortal jeopardy. The King, however, could achieve nothing until the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the next year were elected. During that interval Ormonde did not spare himself. On an average, he dined twice or thrice a week with the Lord Mayor to hearten him for the work, and, it must be added, for the intrigues needful to the King's purposes. Nor was it Ormonde's " reputation " alone on which the Ministry made drafts. As Lord Steward, his hospitality was likewise of considerable assistance to the Tory party and its candidates. Naturally, this entailed a large expenditure on Ormonde's part, the cost of transporting his " table " to Winchester or Newmarket, in the wake of the Court, being immense, while all the time the expenses of Arran's housekeeping in Dublin had to be met. When a sum of ;£i 5,000 was swallowed up in this manner, his comptrollor grimly remarked that " you cannot have your cake and eat it," 2 and the gibe has a despairing accent, not altogether unreflected in some of the Duke's letters.
" 1 feel," he confessed to Southwell, " the weight of a divided numerous family and the necessity that lies upon

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

In Dublin, in 1682, Ormonde was bearing a heavy financial burden on two fronts at once. As Lord Steward, he had to transport his table to Winchester or Newmarket, wherever the Court moved, and the cost was immense. At the same time, he had to meet the expenses of Arran's housekeeping in Dublin. The burden consumed £15,000. His comptrollor grimly remarked, in words from the source, that "you cannot have your cake and eat it." The gibe carried a despairing accent. Ormonde confessed to Southwell that he felt "the weight of a divided numerous family and the necessity that lies upon" him. He had been working hard in other ways too. During the interval before the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the next year were elected, Ormonde dined twice or thrice a week with the Lord Mayor, to hearten him for the work and for the intrigues needful to the King's purposes. His hospitality likewise served the Tory party and its candidates. All of it drew heavily on his purse.

Re-installed at Kilkenny and Ormonde's Peace

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1648

Ormonde was re-installed at Kilkenny after landing at Cork, and concluded what became known as 'Ormonde's Peace' in 1648 (Old Style).

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Ormonde, James Butler — continued. proclamation, i. 346 ; re-installed at Kilkenny, i. 348; "Ormonde's Peace" (1648 O.S.), i. 349; receives news of the execution of Charles I,, i. 351 ; his feelings, i. 352 ; invites the Prince of Wales to Ireland, i. 351, 358 ; Milton's abuse of him, i. 359 ; advances on Dublin with Inchiquin, i. 361 ; the plot to assassinate him, i. 362 ; results of his delays, i. 363 ; battle of Rathmines (July 1649), i. 365 et seq. ; results of his defeat, i. 370 ; fresh negotiations with O'Neill, i. 37J> 37° 5 retreats to Trim, i, 372 ; fall of Drogheda and death of Verney, i. 373, 374 ; tries to succour Wexford, 375 ; death of O'Neill, i. 380; relieves Waterford, i. 380, 381 ; now advises Charles II. not to come, i. 382 ; hostility of the Irish Catholics to, i. 388, 397 ; requested to discharge his English following, i. 390 ; declines Cromwell's safe conduct to leave Ireland, i. 392 ; fits out a yacht, i. 393, 394; Fanning's hostility to, i. 394 ; made a scapegoat for Cromwell's campaign, i. 398 ; declines to be ordered to resign by the priests, ibid. ; Clanricarde accepted as his successor, i. 400 ; vindicates himself against the Catholic Bishops, i. 400 ; urged by Charles II. and the Duke of York, he leaves in the Elizabeth (December 1650), i. 402 ; joins Lady Ormonde at Caen, i. 406, 410 ; is unwise in money matters, i. 407 ; at the Louvre, i. 409, 410 ; and the Duke of Lorraine's schemes, i. 411 et seq. ; his tact with Henrietta Maria, i. 421 ; his anxiety as to King's safety (after Worcester), i. 419, 422, 423 ; made a Privy Councillor, i. 424 ; friendship for Sir Edward Hyde, i. 424 et seq. ; in Paris with Charles II. (1652-4), i. 444 ; his poverty while there, i. 447; the question of "tips," i. 448 ; at Port Royal, i. 449 ; leaves Paris with Charles for Spa, i. 454 ; at Aachen and Cologne, i. 455 ; employed to prevent the Duke of Gloucester's pervertion to Rome, i. 459 et seq. : pawns his Garter and the Parliament's jewel, i. 464 ; swims the Rhine, i. 471 ; with Charles

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 44

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny is the city the road takes you through. In 1648, James Butler, Ormonde, was re-installed here after landing at Cork. What he concluded became known as Ormonde's Peace, dated by the Old Style calendar to that same year. Then came the news that Charles the First had been executed. His feelings at this news are recorded. He invited the Prince of Wales to Ireland. Milton abused him for it. He advanced on Dublin with Inchiquin. A plot to assassinate him was uncovered. His delays had consequences. The battle of Rathmines followed, and he was defeated. The results of that defeat were far-reaching. He entered fresh negotiations with O'Neill, then retreated to Trim. Drogheda fell, and Verney died. He tried to succour Wexford. O'Neill died. He relieved Waterford. By then he had changed his counsel and advised Charles the Second not to come to Ireland. The Irish Catholics grew hostile to him. He was requested to discharge his English following. He declined Cromwell's safe conduct to leave Ireland. He fitted out a yacht. Fanning showed hostility to him. He was made a scapegoat for Cromwell's campaign. He declined to be ordered to resign by the priests. Clanricarde was accepted as his successor. He vindicated himself against the Catholic Bishops. Urged by Charles the Second and the Duke of York, he left Ireland in the Elizabeth and joined Lady Ormonde at Caen.

Sir Allen Brodrick preached in Dublin during Commonwealth

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1649–1660

Sir Allen Brodrick, who began life as a '49 officer, frequently preached in Dublin during the Commonwealth period. He later developed interests in lighter literature and forwarded the second part of 'Hudibras' to the Lord-Lieutenant.

Read the passage

Sir Allen had begun life as a "49 officer" and frequently preached in Dublin during the Commonwealth. When, however, it became necessary to burn incense at other shrines, he developed a pretty interest in the lighter literature of the day. And although he might not inaptly have sat for the character of " Sir Knight," he made it his particular business to forward the second part of " Hudibras" to the Lord-Lieutenant, who loved that poem only less than his royal master.1 Neither the godly discipline of youthful days, nor the literary pursuits of his backsliding middle age seem, however, to have softened Brodrick's disposition. His most notable quarrel took place with Sir William Petty, to whom he actually sent a challenge. Petty accepted ; but as he was extremely short-sighted, he stipulated, having the choice of arms, that the meeting should take place in a dark cellar, and that the weapons should be carpenters' axes.'2 Although Brodrick studied the works of Dryden and Samuel Butler, he was never conspicuous for a ready sense of humour. He could not, however, be unconscious of the amusement excited by the sly doctor's proposals. He realised that
1 Carte MSS., vol. xxxiii. p. 140. Sir A. Brodrick to Ormonde, 24th November 1663.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 9

As the companion tells it

Dublin in the years of the Commonwealth heard Sir Allen Brodrick preach often. He had begun life as a '49 officer. But when it became necessary to burn incense at other shrines, he developed a pretty interest in the lighter literature of the day. He made it his particular business to forward the second part of Hudibras to the Lord-Lieutenant, who loved that poem only less than his royal master. Neither the godly discipline of his youthful days nor the literary pursuits of his backsliding middle age seem to have softened Brodrick's disposition. His most notable quarrel was with Sir William Petty, to whom he sent a challenge. Petty accepted. But as Petty was extremely short-sighted, he stipulated, having the choice of arms, that the meeting take place in a dark cellar, and that the weapons should be carpenters' axes. Brodrick studied the works of Dryden and Samuel Butler, yet he was never conspicuous for a ready sense of humour. He could not, however, be unconscious of the amusement excited by the sly doctor's proposals. He realised that

Dublin rejoices and Parliament convenes for Ormonde's arrival

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1661–1662

Dublin rivalled Kilkenny in celebrating Ormonde's appointment, with both Houses of Parliament, the Anglican Clergy, and the Provost and Fellows of Trinity College vying to honour the new Governor. Parliament met in Dublin with the New Year and immediately debated a Papist Plot.

Read the passage

At first, indeed, the transports of joy Ormonde's appointment excited seemed to give the lie to these sombre prognostications. The news was given out on the 4th of November. By the middle of the month it reached Kilkenny, which straightway went mad with delight, the little town blazing with bonfires, and echoing with salvoes to the glory of the new Viceroy. Dublin was not far behind Kilkenny in rejoicing. Ormonde was gravely informed that the intelligence was not only " to the very great comfort of honest men," but that the " other sort " also pretended great joy!2 Certainly both Houses, the Anglican Clergy, the Provost and Fellows of Trinity vied with one another to do honour to their new Governor. As for the Speaker, Sir Audley Mervyn, his florid periods
1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 74, 7th November 1661.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 6

As the companion tells it

Dublin celebrated Ormonde's appointment as Governor almost as wildly as Kilkenny did. The news went out on the 4th of November, and by mid-month Kilkenny blazed with bonfires and echoed with salvoes for the new Viceroy. Dublin was not far behind in rejoicing. Ormonde was gravely told the intelligence was not only, in the words of the source, "to the very great comfort of honest men," but that the "other sort" also pretended great joy. Both Houses of Parliament, the Anglican Clergy, and the Provost and Fellows of Trinity College vied with one another to honour their new Governor. The Speaker, Sir Audley Mervyn, brought his florid periods. Parliament met in Dublin with the New Year and immediately took up debate on a Papist Plot.

Irish Catholics flocking to Dublin amid Popish Plot panic

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1678

Ormonde was accused of allowing hosts of native Catholics to flock to Dublin during the Popish Plot scare. He replied that the concourse of Irish Papists to Dublin was no greater than in the past, and defended the garrison strength as adequate.

Read the passage

To these charges Ormonde, in reply, suggested that the actual garrison, consisting of a regiment of infantry, a troop of horse, a company of artillery, and two thousand militiamen, ought to secure the safety of the Capital. The concourse of Irish Papists to Dublin was no greater now, he declared, than in the past. The powder-magazine he freely acknowledged was without the city walls, instead of, as heretofore, in a tower in Dublin Castle, but it had been removed thence by Lord Robartes, who objected to living in close proximity to explosives. And, although Ormonde sweetly remarked that he did not share his predecessor's prejudice on the subject, he could not well revert to the former practice, the said tower, " like most of His Majesty's forts," being open to wind and weather. From any investigation bearing on the vigilance and integrity of his administration, Ormonde could only emerge with credit. Where his policy was impugned he ran a greater risk, since his critics were too often actuated by panic fear, or by personal motives of the most sordid kind. To the former, who insisted that every Romanist should hand over his arms to the nearest magistrate, Ormonde's proclamation, allowing their conditional retention, appeared criminally lax. No license, they argued, should enable a Papist to keep a fowling piece or a Court rapier, while they denounced the delay of twenty days allowed to procure the license as equally unjustifiable. Nor was it only the Lord - Lieutenant's caution and judgment these uncompromising Protestants challenged, but likewise his impartiality. During Blood's abortive rising in 1663, they asserted that he had treated the brethren in a very different fashion. Without warning uttered, good Englishmen and staunch Protestants had been summarily stripped of their weapons — a clear proof that Ormonde's tender mercies were reserved for would-be Papist murderers. Of course, Ormonde could, and did, reply that there was no similarity between the state of affairs in 1663 and 1678. In 1663 rebellion was not suspected — it was proved. Only at the eleventh hour, had the capture of the castle and the Lord- Lieutenant been averted. Whereas, in 1678, the alleged

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 26

Kilkenny Castle: siege, defence, and surrender by treachery

Kilkenny Castle · castle · Kilkenny

Kilkenny Castle was the site of multiple key events: Wentworth's visit, Ormonde's re-installation, and the ratification of 'Ormonde's Peace.' Cromwell prepared to attack the castle, and Sir Walter Butler mounted a gallant defence before it was surrendered by treachery.

Read the passage

Kilkenny Castle, i. 90 ; Wentworth at, i. 92 ; Ormonde re-installed in, i. 348; "Ormonde's Peace" ratified at, i. 350 ; Cromwell prepares to attack, i. 386 ; gallant defence of, by Sir Walter Butler, i.
386 ; surrendered by treachery,

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 43

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny Castle saw Wentworth's visit and Ormonde's re-installation. "Ormonde's Peace" was ratified at the castle. Cromwell prepared to attack it, and Sir Walter Butler mounted a gallant defence before it was surrendered by treachery.

Ormonde's planned return to Dublin for Parliament thwarted by Orrery

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1668

Ormonde hoped to return to Dublin in August 1668 to call a Parliament that would pass an Act of Oblivion and reform property and revenue systems. Orrery's arrival at Court in June brought these plans to a standstill, as Orrery convinced the King that Irish finances could be remedied without parliamentary reform.

Read the passage

There were also other plans which Ormonde hoped to forward by his presence at Court. The entire Irish nation longed for two measures — an Act of Oblivion and Pardon for past offences, and the limitation of the royal title to property. Nor could it be denied that the process of collecting the revenues stood in urgent need of revision. But to carry out these reforms it would be necessary to call a Parliament ; and although Charles at first assented to the proposal, agreeing that Ormonde should return to Dublin in August for that very purpose, in June the arrival of Orrery brought all these fine projects to a standstill.
Orrery had been detained in Ireland by his old enemy, the gout, but although he reached England in a crippled condition his mental lucidity was unimpaired. In fact, his ever-acute intelligence was now vastly stimulated by the hope of succeeding to Ormonde's honours, a prospect which Buckingham and Ashley had dangled before his eyes, as the reward for his assistance in their crusade against the Duke. Even without this lure, however, Orrery would have had strong reasons for creating a diversion to the suggested reduction of the army, and the calling of Parliament. The first proposal meant the cashiering of the troops, who had been under his command since they came over to him from Inchiquin in 1649. The second proposal was equally unacceptable, since it was certain that an Irish Parliament would immediately open an enquiry into the doings of the Presidential Court of Munster.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 15

As the companion tells it

Dublin, 1668. Ormonde meant to come back here in August of that year to call a Parliament. The whole Irish nation, it was said, longed for two things: an Act of Oblivion and Pardon for past offences, and a limitation of the royal title to property. The collecting of revenues also stood in urgent need of revision. To carry out these reforms a Parliament had to be called, and Charles at first agreed, consenting that Ormonde should return to Dublin in August for that very purpose. Then in June, Orrery arrived at Court and brought all of it to a standstill. Orrery had been kept in Ireland by his old enemy, the gout, and reached England in a crippled condition, but his mental sharpness was unimpaired. His intelligence was sharpened still further by the hope of succeeding to Ormonde's honours, a prospect Buckingham and Ashley had dangled before him as the reward for helping their crusade against the Duke. Even without that lure, Orrery had strong reasons of his own for opposing the plan. The proposed reduction of the army meant cashiering troops who had served under him since they came over to him from Inchiquin in 1649. And a Parliament was equally unwelcome, because an Irish Parliament would certainly open an enquiry into the doings of the Presidential Court of Munster. So Orrery convinced the King that Irish finances could be remedied without parliamentary reform, and Ormonde's return came to nothing.

Ormonde takes up residence at Phoenix Lodge as Viceroy

Phoenix Park · electoral division · Dublin · 1662

On his arrival as Viceroy in 1662, Ormonde took up residence at the small and unpretentious Phoenix Lodge, where he had stayed before the battle of Rathmines and where Henry Cromwell had also lived. Sir Maurice Eustace and Lord Orrery both urged him to make it his home rather than Dublin Castle, which the Chancellor described as 'nastie and inconvenient.'

Read the passage

Such were the essentials of the country whose destinies were now entrusted to Ormonde's guidance. On his arrival, the new Viceroy took up his residence at the Phoenix Lodge. It was there that he had stayed before
1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 11S.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 8

As the companion tells it

In 1662, as the road goes through Phoenix Park in Dublin, Ormonde arrived as Viceroy and took up residence at Phoenix Lodge. He had stayed there before the battle of Rathmines, and Henry Cromwell had lived there too. Sir Maurice Eustace and Lord Orrery both urged him to make it his home rather than Dublin Castle, which the Chancellor called nastie and inconvenient.

Ormonde writes from Kilkenny on Ireland's poverty

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1665

Immediately on his return to Ireland, Ormonde wrote from Kilkenny to Arlington warning that the poverty of the Irish people was so great and apparent that they could not possibly pay what Parliament would charge them for the King's revenue.

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" That which looks most threateningly upon us is the poverty of this people, a poverty so great and so apparent that, in good earnest, I doe not see how it will be possible for them to pay what the Parliament will charge them with for the supply of the defect of the King's revenue."2
Ormonde anticipated that the want of money might even interfere with the administration of justice, and that, it would most certainly make it impossible to discharge the salaries either of the army or the civil service. There were only two ways, he held, in which the dangers threatened by the condition of the Treasury could be averted from the State : the repeal of those clauses in English acts of Parliament that obstructed Irish trade, or a yearly remittance of ,£30,000 from England to Ireland. Unluckily, neither remedy was to the liking of the English public.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

As the companion tells it

In 1665, Kilkenny was where the Duke of Ormonde sat down to write a letter that carried bad news. He had just returned to Ireland, and what he saw drove him to warn Arlington in England. The poverty of the Irish people was, in his words, so great and so apparent that he could not see how they would pay what Parliament would charge them for the King's revenue. He feared the want of money would interfere with the administration of justice, and would certainly make it impossible to pay the army or the civil service. He saw two ways to avert the danger. One was the repeal of clauses in English acts of Parliament that obstructed Irish trade. The other was a yearly remittance of 30,000 pounds from England to Ireland. Neither remedy was to the liking of the English public.

Planned seizure of Derry by Major Staples

near Derry · city · Derry · 1663

Major Staples, Member of Parliament for Strabane, had undertaken to seize Derry as part of a simultaneous rising fixed for 25 May 1663. He could rely on the goodwill of the garrison, who were his former company.

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Napoleonic era. Either he or his people owed the lands of Sarney, Beatowne, and Foylestone in County Meath, with some less valuable property in Wicklow, to royal grants. But these benefactions did not hinder him from throwing in his lot with the Roundheads. He was rewarded with fresh additions to his rent roll, and at the early age of twenty-two was made a Justice of the Peace by Henry Cromwell. Thus, at the Restoration, Thomas Blood had much to lose. Nor was he the man to submit meekly to decrees unbacked by irresistible power. In the Ulster of that period, D'Artagnan himself would have been powerless without clerical co-operation. Blood's brother-in-law Lackie, or Lecky, a Presbyterian minister, proved the very instrument of which the adventurer stood in need, bringing under Blood's magnetic sway seven influential members of the dispossessed Protestant hierarchy. The civilian element was represented by four lawyers, Shapcott, Reynolds, Whitfield, and Stevens. The ramifications of the plot extended to Scotland, the 25th of May being the date fixed for the simultaneous seizure of various fortresses, including Dublin Castle, Limavaddy, Derry, and Drogheda. About a fortnight before the appointed day Ormonde despatched a certain Sir Arthur Forbes, a former Lieutenant of Montrose's, to Ulster. Forbes could not spell, but he could observe to some purpose. Lackie's repeated expeditions to and fro, and the carefully subdued sense of excitement pervading the disaffected, put Sir Arthur on the track. As usual, an informer was not far to seek. But it was only forty-eight hours before the attempt was timed to come off, that Forbes was able to give Ormonde a sketch of the projected rising. The real danger lay in the temper of the troops. For instance, Major Staples, Member of Parliament for Strabane, who had undertaken to seize " Derei " (sic) could rely on the good-will of the garrison who were his "oulde companie." Forbes was not fainthearted; but he candidly confessed: "how to prevent it, I know not."1 Nor was he unduly pessimistic,

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 10

As the companion tells it

Derry was to have been seized on the 25th of May 1663, in a rising timed to strike several fortresses at once. Dublin Castle, Limavaddy, Drogheda, and Derry were all targets, with the plot's reach extending into Scotland. The man charged with taking Derry was Major Staples, Member of Parliament for Strabane. He had reason to be confident. The garrison at Derry were his old company, and he counted on their goodwill. The plot had grown around Thomas Blood, who had thrown in his lot with the Roundheads and been made a Justice of the Peace by Henry Cromwell at the age of 22. At the Restoration, Blood had much to lose. His brother-in-law Lackie, a Presbyterian minister, drew seven influential members of the dispossessed Protestant hierarchy into the scheme. Four lawyers, Shapcott, Reynolds, Whitfield, and Stevens, rounded out the civilian side. About a fortnight before the appointed day, Ormonde sent Sir Arthur Forbes to Ulster. Forbes could not spell, but he could observe. Lackie's repeated journeys and the subdued excitement among the disaffected put him on the track. An informer was not far to seek. Only 48 hours before the attempt was timed, Forbes gave Ormonde a sketch of the rising. The real danger lay in the temper of the troops. Forbes was not fainthearted, but he confessed, in the words of the record, "how to prevent it, I know not."

Restoration of Tipperary palatinate rights to Ormonde

Tipperary · town · Tipperary · 1660

Following the Restoration, Charles II restored the palatinate rights and regalities of Tipperary to Ormonde, which had been vested in his ancestors for centuries until unjustly seized by James I. These rights were described as immensely remunerative.

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Charles's rewards were not merely of a complimentary nature. Until they were unjustly seized by James I., the palatinate rights and regalities of Tipperary had been vested for centuries in Ormonde's ancestors. These rights were immensely remunerative, and Charles lost no time in conferring them anew on the Marquis. In its turn, Parliament was not slow to follow the Monarch's example.
1 On the attainder of the 2nd Duke of Ormonde this princely gift was appropriated by George I. and remained at Windsor until the accession of Queen Victoria. In the ensuing partition of heirlooms it was sent to Hanover. But after the war of 1866 it migrated once more, and now the gold dishes with the motto " Butler aboo " are in the possession of the Duke of Cumberland.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 1

As the companion tells it

Tipperary, a town along this road, was once a palatinate. For centuries, those rights and regalities were vested in Ormonde's ancestors, until James I unjustly seized them. Charles's rewards were not merely complimentary. After the Restoration in 1660, he lost no time in conferring them anew on the Marquis. They were immensely remunerative. Parliament followed the monarch's example.

Tipperary less planted than other districts under Cromwell

Tipperary · town · Tipperary · 1660

Tipperary, forming part of Ormonde's patrimony, had been less parcelled out among soldiers and adventurers than other Irish districts because Cromwell reserved it for his personal use. This made Ormonde's restoration of his estates there easier than if his lands had lain elsewhere.

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Strange to say, Charles's confident — over-confident — assertion that no good man would wonder at his haste to restore the Marquis " to some ease in his fortune," was justified. That act not only aroused little murmuring, but it was more easily accomplished than in the case of some of Ormonde's fellow sufferers.1 Tipperary had been less parcelled out amongst soldiers and adventurers than other districts. According to Clarendon, Cromwell had reserved it for his personal use ; so that Ormonde had less difficulty in coming by his own than if his patrimony had lain elsewhere. His title, likewise, was so unassailable, that the adventurers and soldiers settled on his lands, hoping to be recompensed for their docility, yielded them without much protest.
Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to imagine that Ormonde's financial position was satisfactory. From a schedule of the Butler estates, it appears that the rentroll, before 1640, averaged ,£8,867 per annum.'- Three large charges, however, already in existence, must have made considerable inroads on the revenue. During King James's sequestration of the property, when " Earl Walter was starving in the Fleet Prison for eight years together,''

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 4

As the companion tells it

Tipperary town sits in a landscape with a quieter history of upheaval than much of Ireland under Cromwell. After the Restoration in 1660, the Marquis of Ormonde recovered his estates here with less trouble than many of his fellow sufferers. The reason is simple. Tipperary had been less parcelled out among soldiers and adventurers than other districts. According to Clarendon, Cromwell had reserved it for his personal use, so Ormonde had less difficulty coming by his own than if his patrimony had lain elsewhere. His title was so unassailable that the adventurers and soldiers settled on his lands yielded them without much protest, hoping to be recompensed for their docility. Charles the Second's confident assertion that no good man would wonder at his haste to restore the Marquis to, in his words, "some ease in his fortune," was justified. The act aroused little murmuring. Even so, Ormonde's finances were far from sound. A schedule of the Butler estates shows the rentroll before 1640 averaged 8,867 pounds per annum. Three large charges already weighed on that revenue. During King James's sequestration of the property, Earl Walter was, as the record says, "starving in the Fleet Prison for eight years together."

Death of Lady Arran at Chapelizod

near Chapelizod · townland · Dublin · 1668

In July 1668, Lady Arran, the Duke of Ormonde's daughter-in-law, died at Chapelizod. The Duchess of Ormonde had been devoted to her and sincerely mourned her loss; Lord Arran's grief was noted as rare among courtiers of the period.

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In July 1668, Lady Arran died at Chapelizod. The Duchess had been devoted to this daughter-in-law and sincerely mourned her loss. Nor when Elizabeth came to England was her personal grief lessened by the sight of Lord Arran's misery. The love of husband and wife is certainly no modern development,1 but amongst the
1 Ormonde MSS., N.S., vol. iii. p. 437. Duchess of Ormonde to G. Mathew, 12th September 1668.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, in July 1668, Lady Arran died at Chapelizod. She was the Duke of Ormonde's daughter-in-law, and the Duchess had been devoted to her and sincerely mourned the loss. When the Duchess came to England, her grief was not lessened by the sight of Lord Arran's misery. His sorrow was noted as rare among courtiers of the time.

Duchess of Ormonde beloved by people of Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin

The Duchess of Ormonde was beloved by the people of Dublin, reflecting her great charities and long association with the city during the Confederate wars and Restoration period.

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Ormonde, Elizabeth, Duchess of, daughter of Lord Desmond, i. 35 ; ward of Lord Holland, i. 36 ; meets Lord Thurles, i. 36 et seq. ; their marriage, i. 43 ; in danger at Carrick, i. 162, 164 ; rejoins Ormonde in Dublin after Kilrush, i. 176 ; her great charities, i. 195, 435, 436 ; her illness, i. 196 ; loss of several of her children, i. 298, 299 ; her example at the siege works of Dublin, i. 315, 329 ; left in Dublin to discharge debts, i. 325 ; arrives in London, i. 328 ; her friendship for Lady Fanshawe, 329 ; purchase of a coach, ibid. ; Cromwell's pledges to, i. 391, 393, 434; at Caen (January 1651), i. 406 ; state of their family finances, i. 407 ; Lord Ossory's schooling, i. 419 ; befriends Lady Isabella Thynne, i. 420 ; leaves Caen to plead for her estates, i. 427 ; her appeal to Cromwell succeeds, i. 434 et seq. ; arrives in Ireland (I053)> i. 436; obtains Muskerry's release, i. 437 ; returns to England, i. 438 ; saved from arrest by Cromwell, i. 439 ; settles at Dunmore, and improves her estate, i. 443 ; beloved by the people of Dublin, i. 514 ; objects to Ossory's marriage engagement, i. 507; afterwards gives her consent, i. 515 ; news of the K estoration, i. 528 ; rejoins Ormonde (on the Restoration), ii. 2; her prudence, ii. 3 ; befriends Anne Hyde (Duchess of York), ii. 6 ; her view of the lax morals of the Court, ii. 99, 100 ; and Ossory's joining the Naval fight, ii. 118, 121 ; and the supper to Charles II., ii. 152; her housekeeping abilities, ii. 153 ; her careful economy, ii. 159 ; on Orrery's baffled ambition, ii. 158, 159 ; anxiety about her third son (Lord John), ii. 218 et seq. ; her gratification at Ossory's triumphs, ii. 226 ; dangerous illness of, ii. 378; her death, ii. 386; buried at Westminster, ii. 388
Ormonde, James, 1st Earl of, i. 4 ; derivation of the name, ibid.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 43

As the companion tells it

Dublin is the city the road passes through, and it was here that Elizabeth, Duchess of Ormonde, was beloved by the people. She was the daughter of Lord Desmond, and a ward of Lord Holland, before she met Lord Thurles and married him. Her life was bound up with this city across years of war and restoration. After the battle of Kilrush, she rejoined Ormonde in Dublin. During the siege works of Dublin, she set an example to others. She was left in the city to discharge debts. Her great charities were remembered long after. She lost several of her children, and suffered illness herself, yet she continued to act. When she left Caen to plead for her estates, her appeal to Cromwell succeeded. She obtained Muskerry's release. She was saved from arrest by Cromwell. She settled at Dunmore and improved her estate. On the Restoration, she rejoined Ormonde. Her prudence was noted. She befriended Anne Hyde, the Duchess of York, and Lady Fanshawe, and Lady Isabella Thynne. She gave a supper to Charles the Second. Her housekeeping abilities and careful economy were remarked upon. She watched her son Ossory join the naval fight, and felt gratification at his triumphs. She spoke her view of the lax morals of the court. She objected to Ossory's marriage engagement, and afterwards gave her consent. She felt anxiety about her third son, Lord John. After a dangerous illness, she died, and was buried at Westminster.

Dunmore proposed as summer residence for the Ossorys

Dunmore · street · Louth · 1684

Ormonde planned to establish Lord and Lady Ossory at Dunmore for the summer months while Dublin Castle was under reconstruction and Dublin was in disarray. This was part of his arrangements for his heir's domestic comfort.

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That Ormonde's anxiety for the young peoples' welfare had suffered no diminution is manifest by his proposal not only to establish them at Dunmore for the summer, during the reconstruction of the Castle, " whilst Dublin will be rubbish," 3 but also to lend Kilkenny and its park to Lord and Lady Rochester. Doubtless he hoped this arrange-
1 Carte, vol. v. p. 174. Rochester to Ormonde, Whitehall, 13th December

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

Dunmore was proposed as a summer residence for Lord and Lady Ossory. In 1684, Ormonde planned to establish them there for the summer during the reconstruction of Dublin Castle, 'whilst Dublin will be rubbish.' His concern for their welfare had not diminished. He also meant to lend Kilkenny and its park to Lord and Lady Rochester.

Foundation of Royal Hospital, Kilmainham

Kilmainham · townland · Dublin · 1677

Ormonde laid the foundation of the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham during his second term as Lord-Lieutenant. This was accompanied by a series of financial regulations.

Read the passage

Ormonde, James Butler — continued. ii. 139 ; Buckingham's attacks, ii. '39> '43 5 Alderman Barker's suit against, ibid. ; Orrery's betrayal of, ii. 145 et seq. ; Arlington's halfhearted support, ii. 151 ; the financial investigation, ii. 149; death of Lady Arran, ii. 151 ; Ormonde's dismissal by Charles, ii. 156 et seq. ; his financial position, ii. 160, 161, 174; elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford, ii. 165 ; libellous pamphlets about his finances, ii. 165 et seq. ; Lord Meath's accusations, ii. 169 et seq. ; defends the Remonstrants and Peter Walsh, ii. 179, 1S0; Blood's threats, ii. 181 ; is kidnapped in St James's Street, ii. 185 et seq. ; Buckingham's false accusations against, ii. 193 ; his vindication of his administration of the Land Acts, ii. 207 ; his justness in Sir W. Betty's case, ii. 208 ; ' ' First Gentleman of Europe," ii. 209; champions the Irish landowners against the Catholic demands (1673), ii. 214; the King's coldness to, ii. 215, 216 ; Buckingham's gibe, ibid. ; his third son's profligacy and reclamation, ii. 217 et seq. ; on Lord Gowran's marriage and death, ii. 221, 222 ; his emotion at his mother's death, ii. 231 ; his granddaughter's marriage to Lord Derby, ii. 232 ; his troubles with Lord Derby in Paris, ii. 235 et seq. ; re-admitted to the Cabinet, 247 ; but not to the King's favour, 248 ; bids farewell to Whitehall, ii. 249 ; reaches Kilkenny, ii. 250 ; coldly received by Essex in Dublin, ii. 251 ; regrets Clarendon's death, ibid. ; recalled by the King (April 1675), ii. 254; Irish financial troubles, ii. 255 et seq. ; Ranelagh's accusations falsified, ii. 259 ; re-appointed Lord- Lieutenant (April 1677), ii. 260 ; Essex gives him a good reception, ii. 262 ; lays the foundation of the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham, ii. 263 ; his financial regulations, ii. 263 et seq. ; on the condition of the Irish peasantry, ii. 265 ; and of the Nonconformists, ii. 267 ; on the Popish Plot, ii. 271 et seq. ; James's letter to, ii. 286 ; is vindicated by Ossory against Shaftesbury's attack, ii. 289 ; supported by the King

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 44

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, Ormonde laid the foundation of the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham. This was James Butler, first Duke of Ormonde, and he did it during his second term as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. The road to that moment had been long. He had been dismissed by King Charles, and libellous pamphlets circulated about his finances. Lord Meath made accusations against him. He defended the Remonstrants and Peter Walsh. Blood threatened him, and he was kidnapped in St James's Street. Buckingham made false accusations. He championed the Irish landowners against Catholic demands in 1673, but the King grew cold to him. He was re-admitted to the Cabinet, but not to the King's favour. He bid farewell to Whitehall and reached Kilkenny. Essex received him coldly in Dublin. He regretted Clarendon's death. Then the King recalled him. Irish financial troubles had to be addressed. Ranelagh's accusations against him were falsified. He was re-appointed Lord-Lieutenant, and this time Essex gave him a good reception. It was then, in 1677, that he laid the foundation of the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham. A series of financial regulations accompanied the foundation. He went on to address the condition of the Irish peasantry and the Nonconformists, and later spoke on the Popish Plot. James wrote to him, and he was vindicated by Ossory against Shaftesbury's attack, and supported by the King.

Kilkenny Grand Jury seeks permanent protection for reformed Tories

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1683

After the Brennan brothers were taken under the Lord-Deputy's protection in exchange for helping suppress fellow Tories, the Grand Jury of Kilkenny petitioned that this protection be made permanent, considering it the best means of putting down robbery and felony in the country.

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remained a chronic affliction to the Dublin Government. Nor were agricultural immigrants the sole victims of the ubiquitous raiders. The majority of these expropriators were indistinguishable from the autochthonous cowstealer. But there were others whose operations were conducted on a more ambitious scale. Foremost amongst this latter section, were the three Brennans,1 who, it was computed, had plundered the King's subjects of ;£i 8,000 during the two years they were " out." Captured and condemned to death, they contrived to escape and ship themselves and their "delicate" {i.e., well-bred) horses to Chester.2 Here, it is true, they were arrested and conveyed, heavily shackled, to prison. The prisons of England, like those of Ireland, could not, however, hold the Brennans. As Arran bitterly remarked, such opulent thieves could have little difficulty in buying themselves out of gaol ; and the next year saw them breaking into Kilkenny Castle and triumphantly carrying off the Duke's plate. This was not the last of their adventures. Twelve months later they were solemnly taken under his protection by the Lord-Deputy. In return for this act of grace they had, of course, promised to show a tale of their fellow Tories' heads. And they must have kept their pledge, for as the best means of putting down robbery and felony in the country the Grand Jury of Kilkenny petitioned that their protection might be made permanent. The old adage that a reformed poacher makes the best gamekeeper was evidently not unheeded in Tipperary.
Redmond O'Hanlon belonged to the same type of Tory as the Brennan brotherhood, with the saving distinction that he utterly declined to barter his life and freedom against those of his confederates.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 30

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny was a city that knew the Brennan brothers all too well. Three of them, operating on a scale beyond the common cattle thief, plundered the King's subjects of 18,000 pounds during the two years they were out. Captured and condemned to death, they escaped and shipped themselves and their well-bred horses to Chester, where they were arrested and conveyed in heavy shackles to prison. But the prisons of England could no more hold the Brennans than those of Ireland. As Arran bitterly remarked, such opulent thieves could easily buy their way out of gaol. The very next year they broke into Kilkenny Castle and carried off the Duke's plate. Twelve months after that, in 1683, the Lord-Deputy solemnly took them under his protection. In return for this act of grace they had promised to show a tale of their fellow Tories' heads. They must have kept their pledge, because the Grand Jury of Kilkenny petitioned that their protection be made permanent, calling it the best means of putting down robbery and felony in the country. The old adage that a reformed poacher makes the best gamekeeper was not unheeded. Redmond O'Hanlon belonged to the same type of Tory as the Brennan brotherhood, with one saving distinction: he utterly declined to barter his life and freedom against those of his confederates.

Landing at Cork after shipwreck

Cork · city · Cork · 1648

Ormonde was shipwrecked en route to Ireland and landed at Cork on 29th September 1648. He issued a proclamation upon landing.

Read the passage

King's concessions to the Confederates, ibid, et seq. ; the effect of the battle of Naseby, i. 261, 262, 263 ; limits of Ormonde's policy of toleration, i. 264 ; the Glamorgan incident, i. 265 et seq. ; relations with the Papal Nuncio, i. 279 ; clears himself from participation in Glamorgan's double dealing, i. 282, 283 ; protests to the King on the Glamorgan revelations, i. 285 ; the King's equivocations, i. 288 ; Puritan conspirators attempt to murder him, i. 290, 291 ; his efforts to conclude the Peace with Confederate Catholics, i. 293, 297 ; his difficulties increased by the King's flight to the Scots, i. 298 ; domestic losses, i. 299 ; and the battle of Benburb, i. 302 ; Ormonde's reply to the King's letter from Newcastle, i. 303, 304 ; subsequent instructions through Digby, ibid. ; concludes peace with the Supreme Council, i. 305 ; arrives at Kilkenny (August 1646), i. 309 ; obliged to retreat, i. 31 1 ; re-enters Dublin, and the Papist Army besieges the town, i. 312, 314 ; negotiates with the English Parliament for surrender of the town, i. 316, 320 ; the Papist Army retreats to Kilkenny, i. 319; Preston's appeals and treachery to, i. 320 ; by Charles's orders, re - opens negotiations with the Parliament, i. 323 ; terms of surrender of Dublin agreed to, i. 325 ; leaves Dublin for Bristol (28th July 1647), i. 326 ; proceeds to Acton on landing, i. 327 ; gracious reception by the King, Queen, and Prince at Hampton Court, ibid. ; his devoted imitation of the King, i. 328 ; his new coach and wardrobe, i. 329 et seq. ; forced to leave London, i. 334; escorts Lady Holland to Marlow, ibid. ; adventure with highwaymen, i. 335 ; secretly negotiates with the Scottish Lords, i. 336; his flight to Paris (March 1648), i. 337 ; his encounter with Lady Glamorgan, i. 339 ; revulsion of feeling among the Catholic Confederates in favour of, i. 339 ; urges on the Queen preparations for a fresh campaign in Ireland, i. 343 ; shipwrecked, 345 ; lands at Cork (29th September 1648), i. 346 ; his
2f

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 44

As the companion tells it

Cork was where Ormonde came ashore after a shipwreck, on the 29th of September 1648. He had been sailing to Ireland, and the sea put an end to that passage. The record calls it only shipwrecked, then lands at Cork, with nothing more of the wreck itself, no detail of the water or the coast or the vessel. What we have is the fact of it. He was James, first Duke of Ormonde, a man whose life in the records before this moment runs through years of negotiation and conflict. He had concluded peace with the Supreme Council at Kilkenny, re-entered Dublin, endured a siege there, negotiated surrender terms with the English Parliament, and left Dublin for Bristol on the 28th of July 1647. From Bristol he went to Acton, then to Hampton Court, where the King, the Queen, and the Prince received him. He was forced to leave London, escorted Lady Holland to Marlow, met highwaymen on the road, fled to Paris, met Lady Glamorgan there, and urged the Queen toward a fresh campaign in Ireland. Then the shipwreck. Then Cork. He issued a proclamation upon landing. The record does not give its words.

Mr Cottington's chapel at Holmpatrick and Lord John's gift

Holmpatrick · street · Dublin

Mr Cottington of Holmpatrick, an old friend of the Butler family, was rebuilding a ruinous chapel on his estate and solicited donations from every visitor. Lord John contributed the Ten Commandments to be placed above the altar, prompting Ormonde's dry remark that his son could readily part with things he did not care to keep himself.

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youth died, he wrote him a letter, "so noble, just, pious, and Christian," that Carte greatly regretted not being able to include it in his biography. An anecdote he has preserved, deserves, however, to be repeated, as characteristic alike of the " agreeable " prodigal, and of Ormonde's sense of humour. Mr Cottington of Holmepatrick, an old friend of the entire Butler family, had set his heart on rebuilding a ruinous chapel on his estate. Every visitor to Holmepatrick was consequently asked for a donation either towards its erection or decoration. Lord John's contribution took the form of the Ten Commandments, to be placed above the altar. The young man's gift filled Mr Cottington with equal gratitude and edification, sentiments on which he took the opportunity of discoursing at some length to the Duke. Ormonde listened. But his comment on Lord John's newborn piety, was somewhat dry. " I can easily guess at the nature of my son's piety ; he can readily part with things that he does not care to keep himself."

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 19

As the companion tells it

Mr Cottington of Holmpatrick, an old friend of the entire Butler family, had set his heart on rebuilding a ruinous chapel on his estate. Every visitor to Holmpatrick was consequently asked for a donation either towards its erection or its decoration. Lord John's contribution took the form of the Ten Commandments, to be placed above the altar. The young man's gift filled Mr Cottington with equal gratitude and edification, sentiments on which he took the opportunity of discoursing at some length to the Duke. Ormonde listened. But his comment on Lord John's newborn piety was somewhat dry. "I can easily guess at the nature of my son's piety; he can readily part with things that he does not care to keep himself."

Ormonde relinquishes disputed estates in Kerry

Kerry · county · Kerry

Wherever doubts arose regarding Ormonde's rights to properties, as in Kerry, he preferred to relinquish them despite legal assurances to the contrary. His agents were instructed that no adventurer or soldier should be ousted by any pretence of title.

Read the passage

obtained a judgment in Court against the Lord-Lieutenant. After the chaos brought about by the Civil Wars and Cromwellian Settlement, deeds and conveyances having shared in the general havoc, Ormonde's representatives could not avoid some mistakes in reassuming possession of his estates. It was to their credit, and that of their master, that, in these circumstances, they made as few errors " as could be by any rational man expected." 1 The truth is that wherever, as in Kerry, doubts arose regarding his rights, despite all legal assurances to the contrary, Ormonde preferred to relinquish such properties.2 His instructions to his agents that no adventurer or soldier should be " ousted by any colour, or pretence of title of his," were emphatic. Where they had been ejected, he promptly found means either to compensate or to receive them back as tenants.3 In fact, if all great landlords, ecclesiastical and temporal, had adopted Ormonde's generous estate policy, the rigours of the Land Settlement would have been vastly mitigated.
To the disarming of the Protestants in 1664, Ormonde pleaded guilty. During a crisis, when the danger to the realm lay in that quarter, it was inevitable ; and it was only the foolish susceptibilities of the English public which made it difficult to give this — the true — reason for his action. But Ormonde could sincerely allege that the order applied to all Irishmen, without distinction of Creed, that the arms recalled to the magazines were mostly roya! propert}^, and that at the first propitious moment they were again distributed to the Scottish and English settlers.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 16

As the companion tells it

As you travel through Kerry, this is a county where James, first duke of Ormonde, chose to give ground rather than press his claims. After the Civil Wars and the Cromwellian Settlement, deeds and conveyances had been damaged in the general havoc, and Ormonde's representatives could not avoid some mistakes when they reassumed possession of his estates. Still, they made as few errors, in the words of the source, as could be by any rational man expected. Wherever doubts arose regarding his rights, as in Kerry, Ormonde preferred to relinquish such properties, despite all legal assurances to the contrary. His instructions to his agents were emphatic: no adventurer or soldier should be, in the source's words, ousted by any colour or pretence of title of his. Where people had been ejected, he promptly found means either to compensate them or to receive them back as tenants. The book notes that if all great landlords, ecclesiastical and temporal, had adopted Ormonde's generous estate policy, the rigours of the Land Settlement would have been vastly mitigated. Ormonde also pleaded guilty to the disarming of the Protestants in 1664. During a crisis, when the danger to the realm lay in that quarter, it was inevitable. He could sincerely allege that the order applied to all Irishmen without distinction of creed, that the arms recalled to the magazines were mostly royal property, and that at the first propitious moment they were again distributed to the Scottish and English settlers.

Ormonde spends a month at Kilkenny before Parliament

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1665

Ormonde spent a month in Kilkenny after returning from England in autumn 1665. The time was used for negotiations needed to pass the Explanatory Bill through a reluctant House of Commons.

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In the autumn of 1665 Ormonde was back again at his post. Landing at Duncannon on September the 3rd he found Ossory awaiting him, and father and son then proceeded to Kilkenny, where Ormonde spent a month before opening Parliament in Dublin.1 Doubtless that month was not wasted, for many negotiations were needful before the Explanatory Bill could be passed through a recalcitrant House of Commons. Even Orrery, who was skilled in " lobbying," seems to have despaired of bringing it to a successful issue. Discontent was rife throughout the island ; and the fear of a Dutch raid, abetted by native or English malcontents, was no idle imagination. Nothing but satisfaction was, however, visible on the day of Ormonde's state entry into Dublin. He was welcomed by a band of young gentlemen, clad in suits of "ashcolour, trimmed with scarlet and silver, and all in white scarves." 2 As a variation on the boy orator who had harangued him at his first entry, the Viceroy was now confronted at every turn by the gods and goddesses of antiquity, Ceres " under a canopy attended by four virgins," 3 being kept in countenance by Vulcan and several Cyclops, while Bacchus — most appropriately, since the Mayor had devoted over ^100 to his rites — was very much in the foreground. Fireworks, salvoes of great and small shot, and unbounded enthusiasm completed the order of the day.
The atmosphere of the House of Commons was, it must be owned, less highly charged with amiability. The majority of members viewed the Explanatory Act as an attempt to advantage "the Irish interest" at their expense. Had they not given Ormonde a weapon against themselves by their late intrigues with the fanatics, he

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny, in the autumn of 1665, was where Ormonde spent a full month before Parliament opened in Dublin. He had landed at Duncannon on the 3rd of September and found his son Ossory waiting for him. Father and son made their way together to Kilkenny, and there Ormonde stayed, preparing for what lay ahead. That month was not wasted. Many negotiations were needful before the Explanatory Bill could be passed through a recalcitrant House of Commons. Even Orrery, a man skilled in lobbying, seems to have despaired of bringing it to a successful issue. Discontent was rife throughout the island, and the fear of a Dutch raid, abetted by native or English malcontents, was no idle imagination. When Ormonde finally made his state entry into Dublin, nothing but satisfaction was visible. He was welcomed by a band of young gentlemen clad in suits of ash-colour, trimmed with scarlet and silver, and all in white scarves. Where a boy orator had once harangued him at his first entry, the Viceroy was now confronted at every turn by the gods and goddesses of antiquity. Ceres appeared under a canopy attended by four virgins, kept in countenance by Vulcan and several Cyclops, while Bacchus, most appropriately since the Mayor had devoted over 100 to his rites, was very much in the foreground. Fireworks, salvoes of great and small shot, and unbounded enthusiasm completed the order of the day. The atmosphere in the House of Commons was less amiable. The majority of members viewed the Explanatory Act as an attempt to advantage, in their words, the Irish interest at their expense.

Ormonde's splendid reception on landing in Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1677

In August 1677 the Duke of Ormonde landed in Dublin to resume the governorship of Ireland. Essex, the outgoing Lord-Lieutenant, had personally arranged a reception as splendid as he could devise, thereby refuting courtiers who had insinuated Essex bore Ormonde ill will.

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that efforts were made to persuade him that the Duke's profession of friendship " were not of that reality, as might be expected from a person of his birth and quality."1 And he showed his contempt for these insinuations by arranging personally to hand over the sword to his successor. Had Lord Conway, as rumour at one time declared, been the Governor elect, Essex confessed that he would have left the Lords Justices to effect the transference of authority to that nobleman. But the King having bestowed the post on a person of Ormonde's loyalty and experience, Essex wished to pay him this final compliment. He was as good as his word. When Ormonde landed in Dublin in August 1677, the fashion of his reception was as splendid as Essex could well devise ; and thus the backbiters found that, for once, they had brought their wares to the wrong market.
Ormonde's first act of importance in Ireland, must have given him unalloyed satisfaction, for shortly after his arrival, he laid the foundation of the Military Hospital at Kilmainham, which still retains many relics of its associations with Ormonde. A less pleasurable task was, however, awaiting the Duke. During his first tenure of office, Ormonde's attention had necessarily been concentrated on the Civil War, then being waged throughout the kingdom. The readjustment of landed property had formed the main occupation of his second viceroyalty. In 1677, the chief problem confronting him was undoubtedly that of finance. To this task he was prepared to devote himself almost exclusively. He had hoped that Essex would have concluded the Ranelagh audit, but, as we have seen, these hopes were vain. The burden which an energetic predecessor, some years junior, declared " would almost tire a man out," was now to fall on shoulders that were beginning to be weighed down no less by age than care, though, with his usual cheerful courage, Ormonde undauntedly faced the prospect.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 23

As the companion tells it

Dublin was the stage for a notable moment in August 1677. The Duke of Ormonde landed in the city to resume the governorship of Ireland, and his reception was as splendid as the outgoing Lord-Lieutenant, Essex, could devise. Some courtiers had tried to persuade Essex that Ormonde's professions of friendship were not real, coming from a person of his birth and quality. Essex showed his contempt for these insinuations by arranging personally to hand over the sword to his successor. He confessed that had Lord Conway been the governor elect, as rumour at one time declared, he would have left the Lords Justices to manage the transference of authority. But the King having given the post to a person of Ormonde's loyalty and experience, Essex wished to pay him this final compliment. He was as good as his word, and the backbiters found that for once they had brought their wares to the wrong market. Ormonde's first important act in Ireland came shortly after his arrival, when he laid the foundation of the Military Hospital at Kilmainham. A less pleasurable task awaited him. In his first tenure of office, his attention had been concentrated on the Civil War then being waged throughout the kingdom. The readjustment of landed property had been the main occupation of his second viceroyalty. In 1677, the chief problem confronting him was that of finance. He had hoped Essex would have concluded the Ranelagh audit, but those hopes were vain. The burden that an energetic predecessor, some years junior, declared would almost tire a man out now fell on shoulders weighed down by age and care, though Ormonde faced the prospect with his usual cheerful courage.

Foundation of the Military Hospital at Kilmainham

Kilmainham · townland · Dublin · 1677

Shortly after arriving in Ireland in 1677, Ormonde laid the foundation of the Military Hospital at Kilmainham. The building still retained many relics of its associations with Ormonde at the time of writing.

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Ormonde's first act of importance in Ireland, must have given him unalloyed satisfaction, for shortly after his arrival, he laid the foundation of the Military Hospital at Kilmainham, which still retains many relics of its associations with Ormonde. A less pleasurable task was, however, awaiting the Duke. During his first tenure of office, Ormonde's attention had necessarily been concentrated on the Civil War, then being waged throughout the kingdom. The readjustment of landed property had formed the main occupation of his second viceroyalty. In 1677, the chief problem confronting him was undoubtedly that of finance. To this task he was prepared to devote himself almost exclusively. He had hoped that Essex would have concluded the Ranelagh audit, but, as we have seen, these hopes were vain. The burden which an energetic predecessor, some years junior, declared " would almost tire a man out," was now to fall on shoulders that were beginning to be weighed down no less by age than care, though, with his usual cheerful courage, Ormonde undauntedly faced the prospect.
Painful personal experience had taught the Duke of

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 23

As the companion tells it

Near here, Ormonde laid the foundation of the Military Hospital at Kilmainham in 1677. It was his first act of importance in Ireland, and it must have given him unalloyed satisfaction, coming shortly after his arrival. The building still retained many relics of its associations with Ormonde at the time of writing. A less pleasurable task was awaiting him. During his first tenure of office, his attention had been concentrated on the Civil War being waged throughout the kingdom. The readjustment of landed property had formed the main occupation of his second viceroyalty. In 1677, the chief problem confronting him was finance. He had hoped that Essex would have concluded the Ranelagh audit, but those hopes were vain. The burden which an energetic predecessor, some years junior, declared "would almost tire a man out" was now to fall on shoulders weighed down by age as much as care. With his usual cheerful courage, Ormonde undauntedly faced the prospect.

Meath's charges of troop misconduct in Dublin suburb

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1668–1669

Towards the end of Ormonde's viceroyalty, the Earl of Meath advanced charges of misconduct against troops quartered in a Dublin suburb where he owned property. When the charges were examined at the Irish Council Board, Meath could not substantiate them.

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It is a wise rule not to give over much importance to anonymous abuse ; and Ormonde was probably right in the course he adopted towards the publisher of the " Queries." He acted otherwise with regard to Edward Brabazon, Earl of Meath and Irish Privy Councillor, the composer of a set of articles for Ormonde's impeachment.1 Already, towards the end of the Duke's viceroyalty, Meath had advanced charges of misconduct against the troops quartered in a suburb of Dublin, where the Earl owned property. When the charges were sifted at the Irish Council Board, he was, however, unable to substantiate them ; and stung, perhaps, by the ridicule he had incurred, he was the more determined on his next attempt to get his thrust home.2
Accordingly, in the beginning of 1669, Meath took ship for England, exhibiting his precious articles to every innkeeper on the road to London. He and his accusations were warmly welcomed by Buckingham, who was only restrained from moving the impeachment of his illustrious rival by the reflection that if it proved a failure it might recoil on his own head. If not capable of achieving the Duke of Ormonde's ruin, Meath seemed, however, a likely instrument for testing public opinion. He was consequently encouraged to persevere and to return to Ireland to collect more material for their common purpose. To Ireland, therefore, Meath repaired, where he was so open-mouthed in predicting the effects of his labours in the coming session, that Ormonde could not remain ignorant of the scandal he was causing. Indeed, Meath did not hesitate to declare that the Duke was on the point of running away to escape Strafford's fate. Such insinuations were more than Ormonde could

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 16

As the companion tells it

Dublin, towards the end of 1668. The Earl of Meath, Edward Brabazon, an Irish Privy Councillor, advanced charges of misconduct against troops quartered in a suburb of the city where he owned property. When those charges were sifted at the Irish Council Board, he was unable to substantiate them. Stung, perhaps, by the ridicule he had incurred, he was the more determined on his next attempt. In the beginning of 1669, Meath took ship for England, exhibiting his articles for Ormonde's impeachment to every innkeeper on the road to London. He and his accusations were warmly welcomed by Buckingham, who was only restrained from moving the impeachment of his illustrious rival by the reflection that if it proved a failure it might recoil on his own head. If not capable of achieving the Duke of Ormonde's ruin, Meath seemed a likely instrument for testing public opinion. He was encouraged to persevere and to return to Ireland to collect more material for their common purpose. Back in Ireland, Meath was so open-mouthed in predicting the effects of his labours in the coming session that Ormonde could not remain ignorant of the scandal. Meath did not hesitate to declare that the Duke was on the point of running away to escape Strafford's fate.

Phoenix Park land purchases and wall construction

Phoenix Park · electoral division · Dublin · 1662–1669

Ormonde acquired Chapelizod and various other small lots of land to round off the borders of the new Phoenix Park, costing the Treasury about £10,000, with a further £7,890 spent on a wall that proved perpetually defective due to the dishonest contractor Dodson. By 1669 total outlay had reached £31,000.

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From the outset, Ormonde thoroughly appreciated the capabilities of the domain, which had come under his care. He instructed Colonel Cooke to lay in provisions of beech-mast and mustard for planting, and left the Government no peace till he could round off the borders of the new park by the acquisition of Chapelizod and various other small lots of land. These purchases, the nucleus of the present Phoenix Park, cost the Treasury some ^10,000, the wall erected at the same time proving almost as expensive as the land it enclosed. Nor did the ^7,890 then expended cover the bill in this instance, for the contractor, Dodson by name, was dishonest and his work required to be perpetually recommenced. Indeed, it does not seem to have fulfilled its primary purpose. On one occasion, Ossory reported that some of the deer had broken out, and "got away past recovery" to the mountains.2 And Cooke declared that the poaching privates of His Majesty's army were as destructive to the precious partridges as their natural enemies " the ringtails and kites. There is scarcely a partridge left in these
1 Carte, "Report."

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 8

As the companion tells it

The road takes you through Phoenix Park, the great Dublin park whose beginnings lie with Ormonde in the 1660s. He saw what the land could become and left the Government no peace until he could round off its borders by acquiring Chapelizod and various other small lots. These purchases, the nucleus of the park, cost the Treasury some 10,000 pounds. The wall built at the same time proved almost as expensive as the land it enclosed. The 7,890 pounds spent on it did not cover the bill, for the contractor, a man called Dodson, was dishonest, and his work had to be perpetually recommenced. It never seems to have done its job. Ossory reported that some of the deer had broken out and, in his words, "got away past recovery" to the mountains. Cooke declared that the poaching privates of His Majesty's army were as destructive to the precious partridges as their natural enemies, the ringtails and kites. By 1669 the total outlay had reached 31,000 pounds.

Arrives at Kilkenny, August 1646

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1646

Ormonde arrived at Kilkenny in August 1646 after concluding peace with the Supreme Council, but was soon obliged to retreat.

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King's concessions to the Confederates, ibid, et seq. ; the effect of the battle of Naseby, i. 261, 262, 263 ; limits of Ormonde's policy of toleration, i. 264 ; the Glamorgan incident, i. 265 et seq. ; relations with the Papal Nuncio, i. 279 ; clears himself from participation in Glamorgan's double dealing, i. 282, 283 ; protests to the King on the Glamorgan revelations, i. 285 ; the King's equivocations, i. 288 ; Puritan conspirators attempt to murder him, i. 290, 291 ; his efforts to conclude the Peace with Confederate Catholics, i. 293, 297 ; his difficulties increased by the King's flight to the Scots, i. 298 ; domestic losses, i. 299 ; and the battle of Benburb, i. 302 ; Ormonde's reply to the King's letter from Newcastle, i. 303, 304 ; subsequent instructions through Digby, ibid. ; concludes peace with the Supreme Council, i. 305 ; arrives at Kilkenny (August 1646), i. 309 ; obliged to retreat, i. 31 1 ; re-enters Dublin, and the Papist Army besieges the town, i. 312, 314 ; negotiates with the English Parliament for surrender of the town, i. 316, 320 ; the Papist Army retreats to Kilkenny, i. 319; Preston's appeals and treachery to, i. 320 ; by Charles's orders, re - opens negotiations with the Parliament, i. 323 ; terms of surrender of Dublin agreed to, i. 325 ; leaves Dublin for Bristol (28th July 1647), i. 326 ; proceeds to Acton on landing, i. 327 ; gracious reception by the King, Queen, and Prince at Hampton Court, ibid. ; his devoted imitation of the King, i. 328 ; his new coach and wardrobe, i. 329 et seq. ; forced to leave London, i. 334; escorts Lady Holland to Marlow, ibid. ; adventure with highwaymen, i. 335 ; secretly negotiates with the Scottish Lords, i. 336; his flight to Paris (March 1648), i. 337 ; his encounter with Lady Glamorgan, i. 339 ; revulsion of feeling among the Catholic Confederates in favour of, i. 339 ; urges on the Queen preparations for a fresh campaign in Ireland, i. 343 ; shipwrecked, 345 ; lands at Cork (29th September 1648), i. 346 ; his
2f

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 44

As the companion tells it

The road passes near Kilkenny. In August 1646, Ormonde arrived here after concluding peace with the Supreme Council. It was the fruit of a long and troubled effort. The King had made concessions to the Confederates. The battle of Naseby had shaken the King's cause. Ormonde's policy of toleration had its limits. The Glamorgan incident had tangled things further, and Ormonde had to clear himself from participation in Glamorgan's double dealing. He protested to the King on the Glamorgan revelations, and the King's answers were equivocations. Relations with the Papal Nuncio added another strain. Puritan conspirators had attempted to murder him. His difficulties increased when the King fled to the Scots. There were domestic losses as well, and the battle of Benburb had gone against him. The King wrote from Newcastle, and Ormonde replied. Further instructions came through Digby. Through all of this, Ormonde pressed on with his efforts to conclude the peace with the Confederate Catholics. At last the peace was made with the Supreme Council. Ormonde arrived at Kilkenny. But he was soon obliged to retreat. He re-entered Dublin, and the Papist Army besieged the town. He negotiated with the English Parliament for surrender of Dublin. The Papist Army retreated to Kilkenny. Preston made appeals to him, and committed treachery against him.

Galway assize trial of Brown and O'Connor

Galway · city · Galway · 1681

In 1681, at the Galway assizes, John Brown of Kinturke and Dermot O'Connor were accused by informants Timothy Dale and Blake of plotting a French invasion to establish Popery. The trial was held before judges charged by Ormonde to examine the evidence closely, and a jury of 'able and substantial Protestants' swiftly acquitted the accused after the informants' testimony collapsed.

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the trial took place, not like Oliver Plunket's at the King's
Bench, but at Galway, where the accused were well known.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 30

As the companion tells it

Galway, 1681. John Brown of Kinturke and Dermot O'Connor faced trial at the assizes here. Informants Timothy Dale and Blake accused them of plotting a French invasion to establish Popery. Unlike Oliver Plunket's trial at the King's Bench, this one came to Galway, where the accused were well known. The informants' testimony collapsed, and a jury of able Protestants swiftly acquitted both men.

Kilkenny entertainments for the returning Duke

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1674

Ormonde's return drew enthusiastic gentlefolk to Kilkenny from far and near, with dinner company seldom averaging fewer than two hundred guests. This hospitality may have ruffled Lord-Lieutenant Essex's susceptibilities despite Ormonde's courteous overtures.

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Never at any period, however, had hunting and hawking wholly engrossed the Duke's attention. He had not been a week at Kilkenny before, to use his own words, he paid Essex the respect due to His Excellency's place and person by reporting his arrival in Ireland, where, he courteously remarked, " the Government is now placed as the Writer could wish it, which for a long time he has been unable to say." 2 The evident sincerity of this letter should have paved the way for Ormonde's cordial reception at the Castle; but, with all his virtues, Essex owned an uneasy temper. Perhaps the throngs of enthusiastic gentlefolk who flocked from far and near to Kilkenny — the company at dinner in those early days, seldom averaging less than two hundred guests — ruffled the Viceroy's susceptibilities. Perhaps some of the gossiping correspondents, who so frequently excited his facile wrath, had suggested an ulterior motive for Ormonde's return to his native land. Whatever the
1 Carte MSS., vol. ccxix. f. 131. Ormonde to Mr Clarke, Kilkenny, 16th July 1674.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 22

As the companion tells it

In 1674, Kilkenny saw the return of the Duke of Ormonde, and the city filled with enthusiastic gentlefolk who flocked from far and near to see him. The company at dinner in those early days seldom averaged fewer than two hundred guests. Ormonde had not been a week in Kilkenny before he paid Lord-Lieutenant Essex the respect due to His Excellency's place and person by reporting his arrival in Ireland. He courteously remarked that the Government is now placed as the Writer could wish it, which for a long time he has been unable to say. The evident sincerity of this letter should have paved the way for Ormonde's cordial reception at the Castle. But Essex owned an uneasy temper. Perhaps the throngs that gathered ruffled the Viceroy's susceptibilities. Perhaps gossiping correspondents who so frequently excited his facile wrath had suggested an ulterior motive for Ormonde's return to his native land.

Ormonde defends quartering of troops in Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1667

Ormonde was charged with quartering soldiers in Dublin, an act said to violate an Irish Statute of Henry VI. In his defence, the Duke argued that quartering was justified by long custom in times of peace and war, and that without it either the soldiers' pay must be raised or there could be no army.

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" must be in government, justice or management of the King's money. For I think it will hardly passe for a cryme to receive gifts and bountys from the King and Parliament ; when I am able to affirme that in my whole life I never sought or putt anybody to seeke for me either place, honour, land, or money ; and that, I am sure, noe man can prove the contrary. And what fault can be proved in the administration of the other particulars I cannot foresee. It is true, the quartering of the army is against law ; unlesse the custom of many ages in tymes of peace and war has made it legal. But either the King must, by raising the pay of the soldiers, enable them to pay for lodgings, or they must have them free, or there
142 ORMONDE'S RULE AND DISMISSAL [1667

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 14

As the companion tells it

Dublin, 1667. The Duke of Ormonde faced a charge that quartering soldiers in the city violated an old Irish statute of Henry the Sixth. In his own defence, he declared he had never sought or put anybody to seek for him either place, honour, land, or money, and dared anyone to prove the contrary. He admitted the quartering of the army was against law, unless the custom of many ages in times of peace and war had made it legal. Then he put the choice plainly. Either the King must raise the soldiers' pay enough to let them pay for their own lodgings, or the soldiers must have those lodgings free. There was no other way to keep an army.

Ormonde reaches Kilkenny after dismissal

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1669–1670

After bidding farewell to Whitehall, Ormonde reached Kilkenny. He was coldly received by Essex in Dublin along the way.

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Ormonde, James Butler — continued. ii. 139 ; Buckingham's attacks, ii. '39> '43 5 Alderman Barker's suit against, ibid. ; Orrery's betrayal of, ii. 145 et seq. ; Arlington's halfhearted support, ii. 151 ; the financial investigation, ii. 149; death of Lady Arran, ii. 151 ; Ormonde's dismissal by Charles, ii. 156 et seq. ; his financial position, ii. 160, 161, 174; elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford, ii. 165 ; libellous pamphlets about his finances, ii. 165 et seq. ; Lord Meath's accusations, ii. 169 et seq. ; defends the Remonstrants and Peter Walsh, ii. 179, 1S0; Blood's threats, ii. 181 ; is kidnapped in St James's Street, ii. 185 et seq. ; Buckingham's false accusations against, ii. 193 ; his vindication of his administration of the Land Acts, ii. 207 ; his justness in Sir W. Betty's case, ii. 208 ; ' ' First Gentleman of Europe," ii. 209; champions the Irish landowners against the Catholic demands (1673), ii. 214; the King's coldness to, ii. 215, 216 ; Buckingham's gibe, ibid. ; his third son's profligacy and reclamation, ii. 217 et seq. ; on Lord Gowran's marriage and death, ii. 221, 222 ; his emotion at his mother's death, ii. 231 ; his granddaughter's marriage to Lord Derby, ii. 232 ; his troubles with Lord Derby in Paris, ii. 235 et seq. ; re-admitted to the Cabinet, 247 ; but not to the King's favour, 248 ; bids farewell to Whitehall, ii. 249 ; reaches Kilkenny, ii. 250 ; coldly received by Essex in Dublin, ii. 251 ; regrets Clarendon's death, ibid. ; recalled by the King (April 1675), ii. 254; Irish financial troubles, ii. 255 et seq. ; Ranelagh's accusations falsified, ii. 259 ; re-appointed Lord- Lieutenant (April 1677), ii. 260 ; Essex gives him a good reception, ii. 262 ; lays the foundation of the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham, ii. 263 ; his financial regulations, ii. 263 et seq. ; on the condition of the Irish peasantry, ii. 265 ; and of the Nonconformists, ii. 267 ; on the Popish Plot, ii. 271 et seq. ; James's letter to, ii. 286 ; is vindicated by Ossory against Shaftesbury's attack, ii. 289 ; supported by the King

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 44

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny is the old city you are passing through, and in 1669 it became the destination of a man who had lost everything at court. James Butler, first Duke of Ormonde, had been dismissed by King Charles the Second after years of attacks on his character and his finances. Buckingham had accused him falsely. Lord Meath had brought accusations of his own. Libellous pamphlets circulated about his money. His wife, Lady Arran, had died. The King's coldness toward him grew until the dismissal came, and Ormonde was left to bid farewell to Whitehall. He set out for Ireland. On the way, he stopped in Dublin, where Essex received him coldly. Essex was then serving as Lord-Lieutenant, and the chill of that reception told Ormonde how far he had fallen. He also learned of the death of Clarendon, and he regretted it. He pressed on and reached Kilkenny. This city had long been tied to his family and his name. Now it was where a dismissed duke came to live, away from the court that had turned against him. He had been called the First Gentleman of Europe. He had defended the Remonstrants and Peter Walsh. He had championed the Irish landowners against Catholic demands. He had even been kidnapped in St James's Street by a man called Blood, who threatened him. All of that was behind him now. His time in Kilkenny did not last. The King recalled him, and he returned to power, re-appointed Lord-Lieutenant. Essex, who had been cold in Dublin, gave him a good reception the second time. He laid the foundation of the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham and set financial regulations in order. He spoke on the condition of the Irish peasantry and of the Nonconformists. But the moment you are passing through now belongs to the man who arrived having lost favour, reached Kilkenny, and waited.

Ormonde's daughter Mary married at Kilkenny

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1662

After Parliament adjourned, Ormonde departed to Kilkenny where his daughter Mary was married to Lord Cavendish, the future Duke of Devonshire, on 27 October. The marriage took place during a parliamentary holiday following the passing of the Bill of Settlement.

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The bills being passed, and Ormonde's speech delivered, the two Houses and the Viceroy gave themselves a holiday. Parliament adjourned until November, and Ormonde departed to Kilkenny, where, on October the 27th, his daughter Mary was married to Lord Cavendish, the future Duke of Devonshire.
The Bill of Settlement, when it emerged from the scrutiny and revision to which it had been subjected, did not differ materially from the scheme adumbrated in the Declaration. The " doubling ordinance " was rejected as a basis of calculation, and the original order of precedence for restoration was maintained.1 Innocent Protestants and Papists, not having sued out lands in Connaught, were first reinstated. Protestants and Roman Catholics, who had accepted western holdings, came next, while the Ensignmen remained the last on the list. Everywhere quit-rents were reserved for the Crown. No profitable lands were to be held under the pretence of being unprofitable ; and any one advancing forged or spurious claims ran the risk of forfeiting his property to the General Compensation Fund. Those who had "concealed," or, as we should say, mortgaged or assigned their estates to trustees, in anticipation of the rebellion, incurred the same penalty. These rules were framed with a laudable purpose, but, undoubtedly, they added to that insecurity of tenure which had been the bane of Ireland for the last hundred years. No landlord could be certain that at any moment a "discoverer" of "concealed lands," bent on making his profit out of the Crown's gain, might not succeed in trumping up a case against him.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 8

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny is the city the road passes through, and in 1662 it was the setting for a notable marriage. Parliament had just passed the Bill of Settlement, and after Ormonde delivered his speech, both Houses and the Viceroy gave themselves a holiday. Parliament adjourned until November. Ormonde departed to Kilkenny, and there on the 27th of October his daughter Mary was married to Lord Cavendish, the future Duke of Devonshire. The Bill of Settlement, when it emerged from scrutiny and revision, did not differ materially from the scheme laid out in the Declaration. The doubling ordinance was rejected as a basis of calculation, and the original order of precedence for restoration was maintained. Innocent Protestants and Papists who had not sued out lands in Connaught were reinstated first. Protestants and Roman Catholics who had accepted western holdings came next, while the Ensignmen remained last on the list. Everywhere quit-rents were reserved for the Crown. No profitable lands were to be held under the pretence of being unprofitable. Anyone advancing forged or spurious claims ran the risk of forfeiting his property to the General Compensation Fund. Those who had concealed, or mortgaged and assigned their estates to trustees in anticipation of the rebellion, incurred the same penalty. These rules were framed with a laudable purpose, but they added to the insecurity of tenure that had been the bane of Ireland for the last hundred years. No landlord could be certain that a discoverer of concealed lands might not succeed in trumping up a case against him.

Residence at Phoenix Lodge, Dublin

Phoenix Park · electoral division · Dublin · 1662–1669

As Lord-Lieutenant, Ormonde resided at the Phoenix Lodge in Dublin. From there he dealt with Irish Catholics and Presbyterians and suppressed Blood's conspiracies.

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and Princess Mary visits Frankfurt, Coblentz, and Maintz, i. 472 ; Manning's treachery, i. 474 ; condones plots against Cromwell's life, i. 477 ; attends the King to Brussels (1656), ibid. ; the Spanish treaty with Don John, i. 479 ; rebukes Mazarin, i. 481 ; on the verge of starvation, i. 483 ; his opinion of the King's weak character, i. 484 ; his English adventure fails, i. 487 et seq. ; Cromwell warns him, i. 492, 495 ; returns by Lyons and Dusseldorf to Brussels, i. 496 ; news of Cromwell's death (1659), i. 497 ; sympathy in Ossory's love affair and marriage, i. 499 et seq. ; his affection for his son, i. 513 ; accompanies Charles II. to Saragossa and Fontarabia, i. 521, 522 ; news of Monk's declaration, r. 524; mediates between Lady Mary Hamilton and her son, i. 525 et seq. ; the Restoration arranged at Breda, i. 528 ; Charles's rewards, honours, and grants to, ii., 1, 17; Lady Ormonde's advice to, ii. 2, 3 ; breaks the news of Anne Hyde's marriage, ii. 5 ; on the Restoration Settlement, ii. 17 ; his own financial position, ii. 19, 20 ; becomes the "Church's Solicitor," ii. 23 ; his generosity and tolerance, ii. 20, 21, 24; and Jeremy Taylor, ii. 24 et seq. ; Chancellor of Trinity College, Dublin once more, ibid. ; is created Duke of Ormonde in Ireland, and High Steward in England, ii. 29 ; English jealousy, ibid. ; protects Henry Cromwell, ii. 34 ; becomes Lord-Lieutenant, ii. 35 et seq. ; his reception, ii. 44, 45 ; resides at the Phoenix Lodge, ii. 54 ; his attitude towards the Irish Catholics and Presbyterians, ii. 48 et seq. ; suppresses Blood's conspiracies, ii. 65, 67, 72, 74 ; Bennet's jealousy of, ii. 79 ; Barbara Villiers's hatred of, ii. 81 ; Henrietta Maria, her ally, ibid. ; disapproves of the existing system of bribery, ii. 87 ; his memorandum to the King on the state of Ireland, ii. 87 ; his losses through the Explanatory Act, ii- 93i 94 ! goes t0 England, ii. 96 ; his re-entry into Dublin (1665), ii. 104 ; and the Explanatory Act, ii. 106 ; and the dismissal of Clarendon, ii. 136; Sir Robert Howard's hatred,
INDEX

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 44

As the companion tells it

Phoenix Park in Dublin was where James, first Duke of Ormonde, set up residence as Lord-Lieutenant. He lived at the Phoenix Lodge, and from there he governed Ireland in the years after the Restoration. Charles the Second had rewarded Ormonde with honours and grants. Ormonde was created Duke of Ormonde in Ireland and High Steward in England. Lady Ormonde had given him advice on his course. He became what was called the Church's Solicitor, and he was made Chancellor of Trinity College, Dublin, once more. His generosity and tolerance were noted, and his dealings with Jeremy Taylor are recorded. His reception into Ireland is described, and then his residence at the Phoenix Lodge. His attitude towards the Irish Catholics and the Presbyterians is set out. He suppressed the conspiracies of Blood, which are recorded across several pages of the source. He disapproved of the existing system of bribery, and he sent a memorandum to the King on the state of Ireland. His own financial position was difficult. He suffered losses through the Explanatory Act. He went to England, and then made a re-entry into Dublin in 1665. Bennet's jealousy of him is recorded, and Barbara Villiers's hatred of him, with Henrietta Maria as her ally. He disapproved of the dismissal of Clarendon. Sir Robert Howard's hatred is also noted. The source traces a man governing from a lodge in a park, surrounded by faction, trying to hold Ireland steady.

The life of James, first duke of Ormonde, 1610-1688; (vol. 2)

The stories, best first

Ormonde and the Bishop of Waterford dispute over Ardfinnan

Ormonde develops Phoenix Park with deer, hounds and hawks

Peter Talbot arrested at Luttrellstown

Cavan called to arms and Belturbet garrison requisitioned

Ship embargoed at Waterford over false arms plot

Catholics expelled from Galway, householders petition for return

Court of Wards building as Commission headquarters

Dublin civic and parliamentary honours for Ormonde

Fall of Drogheda and death of Verney

Irish Parliament in Dublin blocked by Shaftesbury's faction

Limavady Castle secured by Forbes with country-folk

Ormonde lands at Duncannon and proceeds to Kilkenny

Ormonde opposes alienation of Phoenix Park to court favourites

Ormonde's daily routine in Dublin as Lord Lieutenant

Ormonde's Dublin letter on grandson's education during Popish Plot

Ossory and Emilia's household debts in Dublin

Parliament meets at Dublin, 1661

Colonel Lawrence's Dublin upholsterer's business

Kilkenny celebrates Ormonde's appointment as Viceroy

Ormonde accused of exceeding powers at Carrickfergus Court Martials

Ormonde seeks solace at Carrick after Ossory's death

Ormonde's witty defence of the Lord Mayor of Dublin

Cautionary reprisals seize lands in Kildare

Cautionary reprisals seize lands in Louth

Convention of Estates in Dublin declares for free Parliament

Duchess prepares Kilkenny household with provisions

Ormonde at Kilkenny during the Popish Plot alarm

Ormonde offers Kilkenny and its park to Lord Rochester

Ormonde's financial strain and Arran's Dublin household

Re-installed at Kilkenny and Ormonde's Peace

Sir Allen Brodrick preached in Dublin during Commonwealth

Dublin rejoices and Parliament convenes for Ormonde's arrival

Irish Catholics flocking to Dublin amid Popish Plot panic

Kilkenny Castle: siege, defence, and surrender by treachery

Ormonde's planned return to Dublin for Parliament thwarted by Orrery

Ormonde takes up residence at Phoenix Lodge as Viceroy

Ormonde writes from Kilkenny on Ireland's poverty

Planned seizure of Derry by Major Staples

Restoration of Tipperary palatinate rights to Ormonde

Tipperary less planted than other districts under Cromwell

Death of Lady Arran at Chapelizod

Duchess of Ormonde beloved by people of Dublin

Dunmore proposed as summer residence for the Ossorys

Foundation of Royal Hospital, Kilmainham

Kilkenny Grand Jury seeks permanent protection for reformed Tories

Landing at Cork after shipwreck

Mr Cottington's chapel at Holmpatrick and Lord John's gift

Ormonde relinquishes disputed estates in Kerry

Ormonde spends a month at Kilkenny before Parliament

Ormonde's splendid reception on landing in Dublin

Foundation of the Military Hospital at Kilmainham

Meath's charges of troop misconduct in Dublin suburb

Phoenix Park land purchases and wall construction

Arrives at Kilkenny, August 1646

Galway assize trial of Brown and O'Connor

Kilkenny entertainments for the returning Duke

Ormonde defends quartering of troops in Dublin

Ormonde reaches Kilkenny after dismissal

Ormonde's daughter Mary married at Kilkenny

Residence at Phoenix Lodge, Dublin