Name: An historical account of the plantation in Ulster at the commencement of the seventeenth century, 1608-1620
Author: George Hill (1810–1900)

Execution of 200 shipwrecked Spaniards in Galway

Galway · city · Galway · 1588

Deputy Fitzwilliam marched forces to Galway after the Spanish Armada wreck, arrested surviving sailors, and ordered 200 of them executed on the hill where the Augustin Friars had their convent. The women of Galway defied the deputy by providing shrouds and coffins for the murdered mariners.

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(28). Spaniards. — The following is a contemporary account of Fitzwilliam's conduct in Galway and Inish* owen : — "The Deputy, who was the most sordid man that ever held that high office, lost no opportunity of making profit of it [the wreck of the Spanish Armada] and no sooner did he learn that some of the crews of the Spanish vessels had been saved in Galway and Inishowen, than he marched with a considerable force to the ancient city of the Tribes, where he caused the unfortunate sailors to be arrested, and closely searched for any valuables they might have on their persons. The search, however, was fruitless, and so sorely disappointed was the avaricious deputy, that he ordered 200 of those wretched men to be executed on the hill where the Augustin Friars had their convent Pursued by the curses of the people of Galway, who were unable to prevent the cruel butchery, Fitzwilliam hurried on to Inishowen, where, not satisfied with slaying many of the disarmed Spaniards, he carried off all the cattle of the district, burned the haggards, and made prisoners of Sir Owen 0*Toole ^O'Gallagheri and O'Dougherty [Sir John], although the former had entertained him sumptuously in his own house. On arriving in Dublin, O'Dc^herty was set at large, but the aged OToole was thrown into the castle dungeon, where he died after a long imprisonment. And l^ it recorded to the honour E

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 31

As the companion tells it

Galway was the ancient city of the Tribes, and in 1588 it became the site of a mass execution. After the Spanish Armada wrecked along the coast, some of the surviving crews came ashore in Galway and Inishowen. The Deputy Fitzwilliam, described as the most sordid man ever to hold that high office, marched a considerable force to the city. He had the unfortunate sailors arrested and closely searched for any valuables on their persons. The search turned up nothing. So sorely disappointed was the avaricious deputy that he ordered 200 of those wretched men to be executed on the hill where the Augustin Friars had their convent. The people of Galway could not prevent the butchery, but they pursued Fitzwilliam with their curses, and the women of the city defied the deputy by providing shrouds and coffins for the murdered mariners. Fitzwilliam hurried on to Inishowen, where he slew many more disarmed Spaniards, carried off all the cattle of the district, and burned the haggards. He made prisoners of Sir Owen O'Toole O'Gallagher, who had entertained him sumptuously in his own house, and Sir John O'Dougherty. In Dublin, O'Dougherty was set free, but the aged O'Toole was thrown into the castle dungeon, where he died after a long imprisonment.

Fitzwilliam's ravages in Inishowen against Spaniards

near Inishowen · townland · Donegal · 1588

Fitzwilliam hurried to Inishowen after Galway, slaying disarmed Spaniards, carrying off all cattle, burning haggards, and making prisoners of Sir Owen O'Toole, O'Gallagher, and Sir John O'Dougherty despite the latter having entertained him. Sir Hugh O'Donnell also slew wrecked Spaniards in Inishowen at Fitzwilliam's bidding.

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(28). Spaniards. — The following is a contemporary account of Fitzwilliam's conduct in Galway and Inish* owen : — "The Deputy, who was the most sordid man that ever held that high office, lost no opportunity of making profit of it [the wreck of the Spanish Armada] and no sooner did he learn that some of the crews of the Spanish vessels had been saved in Galway and Inishowen, than he marched with a considerable force to the ancient city of the Tribes, where he caused the unfortunate sailors to be arrested, and closely searched for any valuables they might have on their persons. The search, however, was fruitless, and so sorely disappointed was the avaricious deputy, that he ordered 200 of those wretched men to be executed on the hill where the Augustin Friars had their convent Pursued by the curses of the people of Galway, who were unable to prevent the cruel butchery, Fitzwilliam hurried on to Inishowen, where, not satisfied with slaying many of the disarmed Spaniards, he carried off all the cattle of the district, burned the haggards, and made prisoners of Sir Owen 0*Toole ^O'Gallagheri and O'Dougherty [Sir John], although the former had entertained him sumptuously in his own house. On arriving in Dublin, O'Dc^herty was set at large, but the aged OToole was thrown into the castle dungeon, where he died after a long imprisonment. And l^ it recorded to the honour E

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 31

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Inishowen, in 1588, the Deputy Fitzwilliam came here after the wreck of the Spanish Armada. He was called the most sordid man that ever held that high office, and lost no opportunity of making profit of it. No sooner did he learn that some of the Spanish crews had been saved in Galway and Inishowen than he marched with a considerable force to Galway. There he had the unfortunate sailors arrested and closely searched for any valuables on their persons. The search was fruitless. So sorely disappointed was the avaricious deputy that he ordered 200 of those wretched men to be executed on the hill where the Augustin friars had their convent. The people of Galway cursed him but could not prevent the cruel butchery. Fitzwilliam then hurried on to Inishowen. Not satisfied with slaying many of the disarmed Spaniards, he carried off all the cattle of the district, burned the haggards, and made prisoners of Sir Owen O'Toole, O'Gallagher, and Sir John O'Dougherty, although the former had entertained him sumptuously in his own house. On arriving in Dublin, O'Dougherty was set at large. But the aged O'Toole was thrown into the castle dungeon, where he died after a long imprisonment. Sir Hugh O'Donnell also slew wrecked Spaniards in Inishowen at Fitzwilliam's bidding.

Tyrone's midnight escape from Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1593–1595

Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, was summoned to appear before the Irish Deputy Fitzwilliam in Dublin. Suspecting the government planned to arrest him, he arranged a banquet as a diversion, presented himself at Dublin Castle after sunset, then rode all night until he had cleared the northern boundary of the Pale.

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The earl had not long returned from London when he received a summons to appear before the Irish deputy. Having acknowledged the receipt of this mandate, and his readiness to comply with its terms, he sent his secretary to Dublin to make arrangements for a sumptuous banquet, and to invite the leading English nobility there to meet him (the earl), on the evening of his intended visit to the metropolis. He had heard that the government intended to seize him on his arrival in Dublin ; but had he refused to go, his sureties or bailsmen would have been brought into trouble. In going, however, it was necessary to make it appear that he intended to remain for a time ; although it was at least equally necessary, or rather absolutely so, that he should not remain in Dublin during the night. The fact of the banquet made Fitzwilliam's mind easy, as leading him to believe that O'Neill would be in no hurry to get beyond his reach ; and, indeed, for this purpose it had been adroitly arranged. On the appointed evening the guests had assembled, when Tyrone reached the city after sunset But, instead of going to preside at the feast, where he was expected, he rode straight to the castle and presented himself before the deputy, where he was not expected. Fitzwilliam received him, however, with a great show of friendliness, beseeching him in the meantime, to go and attend to his guests as it would be quite soon enough to visit him (Fitzwilliam) the next day. But the northern visitor had his wits about him ; and knowing that the deputy had received private instructions from Ix)ndon to arrest him, and having no particular taste to join 0*Donnell and certain Irish nobles then prisoners in the castle, he remounted his horse, riding all night, and when the morning dawned he had cleared the northern boundary of the hated Pale. His English guests in Dublin were left to take care of themselves, whilst he felt that, under the circumstances, he had done enough by presenting himself when summoned before the deputy to exonerate his bailsmen from all legal difficulty in the matter.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 33

As the companion tells it

Dublin is where Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, made a daring escape one night between 1593 and 1595. He had not long returned from London when he received a summons to appear before the Irish Deputy, Fitzwilliam. He acknowledged the summons and expressed his readiness to comply, but he had heard that the government intended to seize him on his arrival. If he refused to go, his bailsmen would have been brought into trouble. So he arranged a diversion. He sent his secretary to Dublin to prepare a sumptuous banquet and to invite the leading English nobility to meet him on the evening of his visit. The banquet made Fitzwilliam's mind easy. It led him to believe that O'Neill would be in no hurry to get beyond his reach. That was the purpose of it, adroitly arranged. On the appointed evening the guests had assembled, when Tyrone reached the city after sunset. But instead of going to preside at the feast where he was expected, he rode straight to the castle and presented himself before the deputy, where he was not expected. Fitzwilliam received him with a great show of friendliness, telling him to go and attend to his guests, that it would be soon enough to visit the next day. But O'Neill had his wits about him. He knew the deputy had received private instructions from London to arrest him. He had no wish to join O'Donnell and certain Irish nobles who were then prisoners in the castle. So he remounted his horse and rode all night. When morning dawned he had cleared the northern boundary of the Pale. His English guests in Dublin were left to take care of themselves. He felt he had done enough by presenting himself when summoned, enough to exonerate his bailsmen from all legal difficulty.

Brehon O'Bristan and McGuyre's ancient roll at Devenish

Devenish · townland · Fermanagh · 1609

During the commissioners' sessions at Devenish, an aged brehon named O'Bristan was summoned to produce an ancient roll recording McGuyre's mensall duties and rents. The old man had kept the roll hidden in his bosom and only surrendered it after the lord chancellor promised its return; it was written in Irish character and recorded quantities of butter, meal, and pork owed to McGuyre.

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an old brehon, named O'Bristan, of whom he has left us the following curious and interesting record:-^ "Touching the certainty of the duties or provisions yielded unto [the] McGuyre out of these mensall lands, they [the jurors] referred themselves unto an old parchment roll, which thev called an indenture, remainmg in the hands of one OBristan, a chronicler and principal brehon of that coimtiy : whereupon O'Bristan was sent for, who lived not far from the camp, but was so aged and decrepid, as he was scarce able to repair unto us. When he was come, we demanded of him the sight of that ancient roll, wherein, as we were informed, not only the certainty of McGuyre's mensall duties did appear, but also the principal .rents and other services which were answered to McGuyre out of every part of the country. The old man seeming to be much troubled with this demand, made answer, tJiat he had such a xoU in his keeping before the war, but that in the late rebellion it was burned amon? other of his papers and books by certain English soldiers. We were told, by some that were present, that this was not true ; for they afiGumed that they had seen the roll in his hands since the war ; thereupon my lord chancellor (being then present with us, for he did not accompany my lord deputy to Ballishannon, but staid behind in the camp) did minister an oath unto him, and gave him a very serious charge to inform us truly what was become of the roll. The poor old man, fetching a deep sigh, confessed that he knew where the roll was, but that it was dearer to him than his life ; and therefore he would never deliver it out of his hands, unless my Lord Chancellor would take the like oath, that die roll should be restored to him again ; my Lord Chancellor, smiling, gave him his word and his hand that he should have the roll re-delivered unto him, if he would suffer us to take a -view and a copy thereof. And thereupon the old man drew the roll out of his bosom, where he did continually bear it about him ; it was not veiT large, but it was written on both sides in a fair Irish character ; howbeit, some part of the writing was worn and de&ced with time and ill keeping. We caused it forthwith to be translated into English, and then we perceived how many vessels of butter, and how many measures of meal, and how many porks, and other such cross, duties, did arise unto McGuyre out of his mensall lands ; the particukj:s whereof I could have expressed, if I had not lost the translated copy of the roll at Dublin." See Historical Tracts^ pp. 253, 254.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 146

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, in 1609, the commissioners held their sessions at Devenish, and an old brehon named O'Bristan was sent for. He was a chronicler and the principal brehon of that country, aged and decrepid, scarce able to come to them. They demanded the sight of an ancient parchment roll in his keeping, an indenture, they called it, which recorded McGuyre's mensall duties and the principal rents and services answered to McGuyre out of every part of the country. The old man seemed much troubled. He told them he had such a roll before the war, but that in the late rebellion it was burned among his other papers and books by certain English soldiers. Some who were present said this was not true, for they affirmed they had seen the roll in his hands since the war. My lord chancellor, who had stayed behind in the camp, administered an oath to him and gave him a serious charge to inform them truly what had become of the roll. The poor old man fetched a deep sigh and confessed he knew where it was, but that it was dearer to him than his life, and he would never deliver it unless the lord chancellor took the like oath that the roll should be restored to him. The lord chancellor, smiling, gave him his word and his hand that he should have it re-delivered, if he would suffer them to take a view and a copy. And thereupon the old man drew the roll out of his bosom, where he did continually bear it about him. It was not very large, written on both sides in a fair Irish character, though some part was worn and defaced with time and ill keeping. They had it translated into English, and found how many vessels of butter, measures of meal, and porks did arise to McGuyre out of his mensall lands.

Executioner brought from Cavan to hang Gaveloc

Cavan · town · Cavan · 1590

An executioner named Murtagh Loughlin was brought from Cavan to carry out the hanging of Hugh Gaveloc, as few in Tyrone would perform the act out of reverence for the blood of the O'Neills. The execution was witnessed by over a hundred spectators including prominent men of Tyrone.

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Before setting out on this business to Dublin, he wTOte a letter, explaining the object of his intended visit. This letter, which was intercepted, contained the amplest evidence of the ^vriter's intentions ; and the earl had him instantly seized on a charge of certain outrages committed since his return, in the neighbourhood of Dungannon. It would appear that Gaveloc, believing he would be able, by his forthcoming revelations, to secure the countenance and protection of the government, had commenced a series of compulsory proceedings against several tenants in that district who refused to recognise his claims as their landlord, and that in the course of these proceedings some persons had lost their lives. This gave the earl a good plea for having Gaveloc seized and tried according to the ancient usages on such occasions in Ulster, where the chief lord had power thus summarily to deal with criminals, and where, at that time (1590), no English magistrates, sheriffs, or judges, had made their appearance. The Celtic law was willing to accept an eric or fine, as compensation, in proportion to the nature of the crime, even were it murder in the first degree \ but the earl chose in this case to forego the comparatively milder remedy, and to inflict the more terrible punishment required by the feudal code. This was, to say the least, inconsistent on his part, unless, indeed, as an illustation of his anxiety to introduce English laws ! Perhaps, however, the conduct of the authorities in the Pale was even more inconsistent ; for they waxed actually wroth because the earl adopted their own code, for he refused to accept a ransom which was offered for Hugh Gaveloc's life of no less than 300 horses and 5,000 cows. Indeed, Sir Nicholas White, the master of the rolls, wrote to Burghley, accusing the earl of cruelly strangling his namesake, if not kinsman, as no one could be found to hang a son of Shane O'Neill, and a son besides, who had already made himself very popular in Ulster, — perhaps too popular for the earl's taste. White's accusation, however, was indignantly denied by the earl's friends, who stated that Gaveloc was hanged by an executioner from Cavan, named Murtagh Loughlin, in the presence of the earl's brother, Cormac O'Neill, Art O'Hagan, and more than a hundred spectators, including some of the most influentittl men in Tyrone. The Four Masters, at the year 1590, record this event as follows, without saying anything as to the particular circumstances under which the execution took place : — " The son of O'Neill, />., Hugh Geimhleach [pronounced Gaveloc], son of John Donnghaileach [Shane was so called because he fostered with a family of the O'Donnellys], was hanged by the earl of Tyrone, i,e.^ Hugh, son of Ferdorcha, son of Con Bacagh. There had not been for a long time among the race of Eoghan, a man more generally lamented than this Hugh." Hugh Gaveloc's mother was described, even by her enemies, as a high-spirited and accomplished woman, and her son probably inherited his popular qualities from her. The Irish historian, O'Sullivan Beare, states that what he had charged against the earl was true to the letter. Fynes Moryson states that " Tyrone hardly found any, in regard to the general reverence borne to the blood of the O'Neyls, who would do the

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 31

As the companion tells it

Cavan, in 1590, was where the earl of Tyrone had to look for a man willing to carry out a hanging. Hugh Gaveloc, son of Shane O'Neill, had been seized by the earl on charges of outrages committed near Dungannon. He had been forcing proceedings against tenants who refused to recognise his claims as their landlord, and in the course of those proceedings people lost their lives. The earl tried him under the ancient usages of Ulster, where the chief lord had power to deal summarily with criminals, and where no English magistrates, sheriffs, or judges had yet appeared. The Celtic law would have accepted an eric, a fine, as compensation, even for murder. But the earl chose the harsher feudal punishment. He refused a ransom offered for Gaveloc's life of 300 horses and 5,000 cows. Sir Nicholas White, the master of the rolls, wrote to Burghley accusing the earl of cruelly strangling his kinsman, since no one could be found to hang a son of Shane O'Neill. The earl's friends denied this. They said Gaveloc was hanged by an executioner from Cavan named Murtagh Loughlin, in the presence of the earl's brother Cormac O'Neill, Art O'Hagan, and more than 100 spectators, including some of the most influential men in Tyrone. Few in Tyrone would do the deed, out of reverence for the blood of the O'Neills. The Four Masters record the event at 1590, saying there had not been for a long time among the race of Eoghan a man more generally lamented than this Hugh. His mother was described even by her enemies as a high-spirited and accomplished woman, and her son probably inherited his popular qualities from her.

O'Cahan seized in Dublin and imprisoned in the Tower

near Coleraine · town · Derry · 1609–1628

Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan, whose 'country' of Coleraine had been promised to him by the crown, was seized when he went to Dublin in 1609 to complain of his grievances. He was sent to the Tower of London and suffered life-long imprisonment until his death in 1628.

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3. Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan, another son-in-law of the Earl of Tyrone, also espoused the quarrel of the latter in 1595, ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^ efficient ally for a time. But soon after Sir Henry Docwra landed at Deny, in the spring of the year 1600, O'Cahan surrendered to the government, and united his forces with those of Docwra, on condition that he should have a grant from the crown of the lands which his family had hitherto held under the O'Neills. This condition, with one or two reservations, was gladly accepted by the crown, and O'Cahan was granted a custodiam of his 'country* until the regular grant could be made out But, after O'Cahan had most efficiently assisted the government in defeating O'Neill on the field, and afterwards in worrying him at the council table and in the courts of law, he could not get his grant as promised. His lands had become much more acceptable than any services he could then possibly render; and, indeed, it came out at last that he, and all the O'Cahans together, were simply intruders on their own lands, from the date of the act known as the i ith of Elizabeth, which had never been repealed, and which vested in the crown the estates of Shane O'Neill, and of all such Ulster lords as had joined in his rebellion against the state, — ^although the government, on making peace with Shane previously, had put all the Ulster uriaghts or sub-chiefs again under his sway. Sir Donnell O'Cahan, under these circumstances, natiurally enough became sulky, and even perhaps rebelliously disposed. At all events, Chichester had him seized when he went to Dublin, in 1609, to complain of his grievances ; and soon afterwards, he was sent to the Tower in London, where he was doomed to suffer a life-long imprisonment, being finally released by death in the year 1628.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 54

As the companion tells it

Around Coleraine lies the country that once belonged to Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan, a son-in-law of the Earl of Tyrone. In 1595 he took up Tyrone's quarrel, but when Sir Henry Docwra landed at Derry in the spring of 1600, O'Cahan surrendered to the government and joined his forces with Docwra's. The condition was that he would receive a grant from the crown of the lands his family had held under the O'Neills. The crown accepted this, with a few reservations, and gave him a custodiam of his country until the regular grant could be made out. O'Cahan then served the government well, helping defeat O'Neill on the field and afterwards worrying him at the council table and in the courts of law. But the grant never came. His lands had become far more valuable to the crown than any service he could now render. It emerged that he and all the O'Cahans were, in the eyes of the law, intruders on their own lands, under an act called the 11th of Elizabeth, which had never been repealed. That act vested in the crown the estates of Shane O'Neill and of every Ulster lord who had joined his rebellion, even though the government had earlier restored the Ulster sub-chiefs to Shane's authority when making peace with him. O'Cahan, naturally enough, grew sulky and perhaps rebelliously disposed. In 1609 he went to Dublin to complain of his grievances. Chichester had him seized there. Soon after, he was sent to the Tower of London, where he was condemned to imprisonment for the rest of his life. He was finally released by death in 1628.

Flight of the Earls from Lough Swilly

near Lough Swilly · estuary · Donegal · 1607

The Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell, facing legal harassment, insults, and reported plans for their arrest, sailed from Lough Swilly on 3 September 1607, never to return. Their departure opened the way for the plantation of Ulster. The two earls were not charged with conspiracy until after their flight, and even then the evidence was considered unreliable.

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No sooner had Chichester mounted the vice-regal chair than his revolutionary policy in Ulster began to produce its natural fruits. He was not long in teaching the natives that although they had laid down their arms and were formally taken under the protection of law, there still existed a grand controversy between them and their subjugators, which would be fought to the bitter end, if not on the tented field, at least in the courts of law. The Ulster leaders had been restored, no doubt, to their estates, but their patents had hardly been madcr out and preoenl'cd lu ihgm'when" * discoverers* were able to find fetal flaws therein, and State lawyers were employed to strip them of^allTmt the tnerest fthreds .of.lheir ancestral £rq2?J[4?§' Immense sweeps of their "estates also were claimed by the protestant bishops as termon and herenagh lands, from which the Ulster lords paid the preceding bishops small chiefries, but which lands the protestant bishops claimed in demesne, and had their claim eventually allowed. In addition to these dire discouragements, all their (the Irish leaders') movements were watched, and any unguarded words, spoken at times of provocation, were reported in glowing colours to the authorities in Dublin. In the short interval between the restoration of the northern earls and their flighty Chichester himself publicly insulted the youthful Earl of Tyrconnell on at least two occasions, and even permitted Davys, the attorney-general, to insult the old Earl of Tyrone before the council-table. The . indignities and litigations to which these northern earls were exposed must have rendered them more or less discontented ; and if they were not the conspirators they are said to have been, it was not, truly, from lack of sufficient provocation on the part of their enemies. It was reported in Ulster, however, on what appeared to be the best authority, that the government intended to seize the Earl of Tyiconnell in Dublin, when passing to see his wife at Maynooth ; and to seize the Earl of Tyrone in London, which he y&s about to visit, for the purpose of having a dispute with O'Cahan settled in presence of the King ; but before these contemplated seizures could be made, the two earls, w^ith several of their connexions and friends, had sailed away from Lough Swilly, pn the 3rd of September, 1607, never to return.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 52

As the companion tells it

Lough Swilly is the estuary along this road. In 1607, two Irish earls sailed from these waters and never came back. Chichester had taken the vice-regal chair, and his policy in Ulster began to bear fruit. The Ulster leaders had been restored to their estates, but no sooner were their patents made out than discoverers found flaws in them, and state lawyers were employed to strip the lords of all but the merest threads of their ancestral lands. Protestant bishops claimed immense sweeps of those lands as termon and herenagh lands, from which the Ulster lords had paid small chiefries to the preceding bishops. The bishops claimed them in demesne, and had their claim allowed. Every movement of the Irish leaders was watched. Unguarded words spoken at times of provocation were reported to the authorities in Dublin. Chichester himself publicly insulted the youthful Earl of Tyrconnell on at least two occasions. He even permitted Davys, the attorney-general, to insult the old Earl of Tyrone before the council table. Word came, on what appeared the best authority, that the government intended to seize the Earl of Tyrconnell in Dublin, when he passed to see his wife at Maynooth, and to seize the Earl of Tyrone in London, where he was about to go to have a dispute with O'Cahan settled in the presence of the King. Before those seizures could be carried out, the two earls, with several of their connexions and friends, sailed away on the 3rd of September, 1607, never to return.

Lough Swilly: departure point of the Flight of the Earls

near Lough Swilly · estuary · Donegal · 1607

The Earl of Tyrone sailed from Lough Swilly as part of the Flight of the Earls, a pivotal event that led to the plantation of Ulster. His brother Cormac met him at Dunnalong the evening before the departure.

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6. Sir Cormac O'Neill, unfortunately for himself, was mentioned as a remainder man in the will of his brother, the Earl of Tyrone. At the time of the latter's flight from Ulster, Cormac had met him at Dunnalong the evening before the earl sailed from Lough Swilly, and the brothers spent the night together in the old castle of the O'Neills at Newtownstewart There is no doubt some arrangement had been come to between them by which Cormac, if possible, was to obtain a custodiam from the government of Tyrone's estates, and thus have the power to hold them until the latter could return in more peaceful times. Cormac pretended to disapprove highly of the earl's proceedings generally, and of his departure without the knowledge and sanction of the government in particular. He (Cormac) was one of the flrst to inform Chichester of his brother's flight, having travelled to Dublin with all haste to communicate the intelligence. At his first interview with the deputy he introduced the matter 6f the custodiam, endeavouring to obtain it as if for himself, and promising, in return, his best services to discover the motives of the flight, and the destination of the fugitives on the continent. The authorities appear to have seen through his motives at a glance, and they acted accordingly. As an important preliminary, they seized him, and shut him up in a dungeon of the castle, Davys at the same time writing facetiously to Salisbury, that Sir Cormac wanted a custodiam of the O'Neill estates, but that they (the authorities) had taken a custodiam of him ! Chichester, however, writing to the council in London, took csire to describe for their edification the serious aspect of the affair — ^which simply was, that Sir Cormac O'Neill waJ to be carefully looked after, being a remainder man in Tyrone's will, and the only heir to the O'Neill estates, except Tyrone's little son of six years old, who was fostering somewhere in Tyrone, and whom the parents coidd not find, in time, to take with them in their flght But the deputy soon found him also, placing him under the immediate care of Sir Toby Caulfield, and paying the latter for the child's board and lodging from certain household effects left by the child's mother, the Countess Catharina O'Neill. Sir Cormac O'Neill was taken from his wife and famQy and sent

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 56

As the companion tells it

Lough Swilly in Donegal is where the Earl of Tyrone sailed from in 1607, the Flight of the Earls. The evening before he sailed, his brother Sir Cormac O'Neill met him at Dunnalong, and the two spent the night together in the old castle of the O'Neills at Newtownstewart. Some arrangement seems to have been made between them, by which Cormac, if possible, was to obtain a custodiam from the government of Tyrone's estates, to hold them until the earl could return in more peaceful times. Cormac pretended to disapprove highly of his brother's proceedings, and of his departure without the knowledge of the government in particular. He was one of the first to inform Chichester of the flight, travelling to Dublin with all haste. At his first interview with the deputy he introduced the matter of the custodiam, trying to obtain it for himself, and promising in return his best services to discover the motives of the flight and the destination of the fugitives on the continent. The authorities saw through his motives at a glance. They seized him and shut him up in a dungeon of the castle. Davys wrote facetiously to Salisbury that Sir Cormac wanted a custodiam of the O'Neill estates, but the authorities had taken a custodiam of him. Chichester, writing to the council in London, described the serious aspect of the affair. Cormac was a remainder man in Tyrone's will, the only heir to the O'Neill estates except Tyrone's little son of six years old, who was fostering somewhere in Tyrone. The parents could not find the child in time to take with them in their flight. The deputy soon found him, placing him under the care of Sir Toby Caulfield, paying for his board and lodging from household effects left by his mother, the Countess Catharina O'Neill. Sir Cormac was taken from his wife and family and sent away.

Sir Hugh O'Donnell's penance at Donegal Abbey

Donegal · town · Donegal · 1588

Sir Hugh O'Donnell, father of Hugh Roe, resigned the name and title of O'Donnell and lived almost constantly among the friars in the abbey of Donegal, preparing himself for the better life and doing penance for his sins, chiefly the cruel raid on the wrecked Spaniards of the Armada whom he slew in Inishowen at Fitzwilliam's bidding.

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of the women of Galway, that they provided shrouds and coffins for the mariners so inhumanly murdered by Fitzwilliam. O'Rourke of Breifny afforded protection to many of them, nay, refused to surrender them to Bingham, the queen's governor in Connaught ; and the Mac Swynes of Tirconnell treated others of them with their wonted hospitality. " (Meehan's Franciscan Monasteries, pp. 21, 23.) Sir Hugh O'Donnell, the father of Hugh Roe, appears to have acted a dastardly part on the occasion alx>ve described. Father Mooney, whose words we have now quoted, speaks of Sir Hugh O'Donnell thus : — ••The father of Hugh Roe always assisted at those grand solemnities [in the abbey of Don^;al] ; for after resigning the name and title of O'Donnell, he lived almost constantly among us [the friars], preparing himself for the better life, and doing penance for his sins, the weightiest of which was the cruel raid on the wrecked Spaniards of the Armada, whom he slew in Inishowen, at the bidding of deputy Fitzwilliam." {Ibid^ p. 13.)
(29). In is88, — ^This lady was probably alive in 1605. On the 4th of May in that year, Rorie earl of Tyrconnell, writing to Angus Macdonnell of Isla, concludes his letter by requesting to be remembered or "commended to McLean's daughter." She was the earl's aunt by marriage, and she appears to have been generally styled in Ulster M^LeatCt daughter.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 31

As the companion tells it

As you pass through Donegal, there is a story from 1588 that sits heavy on this town. Sir Hugh O'Donnell, the father of Hugh Roe, did something here that the books remember with shame and with sorrow both. When the Spanish Armada wrecked on Ireland's coast, Fitzwilliam, the queen's deputy, gave the order, and Sir Hugh carried it out. He slew the wrecked Spaniards in Inishowen. The women of Galway provided shrouds and coffins for the mariners so inhumanly murdered by Fitzwilliam. O'Rourke of Breifny afforded protection to many of them and refused to surrender them to Bingham, the queen's governor in Connaught. The Mac Swynes of Tirconnell treated others of them with their wonted hospitality. But Sir Hugh turned to penance. Father Mooney, a friar who knew him, said it in his own words. The father of Hugh Roe always assisted at the grand solemnities in the abbey of Donegal. After resigning the name and title of O'Donnell, he lived almost constantly among the friars, preparing himself for the better life and doing penance for his sins, the weightiest of which was the cruel raid on the wrecked Spaniards of the Armada.

Surveyor decapitated in Donegal for 'discovering' the country

Donegal · town · Donegal · 1608–1610

During survey work for the plantation, a surveyor was decapitated by the people of Donegal because they did not wish to have their country surveyed or 'discovered.' The author notes such stories were kept from the London citizens.

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from Limavaddy to Salisbury (see pp. 1 69^ 1 70), of the decapitation of a luckless surveyor by the people of Donegal, because they did not wish to have their * country discovered '^ but no such foolish stories were permitted to be told in the presence of the Londoners, who indeed, were to be scrupulously guarded against them. As they accompanied the deputy and his party, however, to the Derry, these peaceable citizens probably witnessed the violent row that took place there between their guide, Sir Thomas Phillips, and Bishop Montgomery, about a small scrap of land in that vicinity (see pp. 171, 172). If so, Sir Thomas no doubt explained the affair to them on their travels afterwards, in such a manner as at least to justify himself. The latter did not write to Salisbury until he had completed his peregrinations and returned to Coleraine, preparatory to the starting again of the four citizens for London, As Sir Thomas intended to accompany them, his letter contained few details, which, however, are of so interesting a nature as not to be overlooked. Coming from England, the citizens and himself reached Carrickfergus (which he writes Knockverges), on the 22nd of August. " From thence, Coulrayn," says he, " where they stayed two days ; from thence to Lemavadie, some twelve miles off, where they met the lord deputy, and continued in his company till he came to the Lyffar, where they remained four days ; and afterwards he brought them to the Derry, and so to Coleraine, in which travel he brought them several ways, to the end they might have a full view of the country. From thence through part of Tyrone and so to Toome, within which circuit he showed them good land, very fair woods, and rivers. At Toome caused some of the ore to be sent for, of which he caused a smith to make iron before their faces, and of the iron he made steel within less than one hour. Mr. Broad, one of the agents for the city, who has skill in such things, says, that this poor smith has better satisfied him than Jarmaynes [Germans], and others that presume much of their skill. Has sent a sample of each to his lordship. The ore is rich, for they judge by what they see wrought, that very near the sixth part will be iron. From Toome brought them by boat along the river of the Bann, where he showed them a goodly river, fair woods, and good land ; as likewise the eel fishing (23), which they saw experience of; so that in all things he finds them exceeding well satisfied, and can say no less but everything is answerable to what it pleased his lordship he should acquaint the citizens with ; and

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 303

As the companion tells it

Donegal town, and the country around it, carries a story from the early years of the plantation, between 1608 and 1610. Surveyors were sent out to measure and map the land, work that meant recording what belonged to whom and making the country known to those who meant to settle it. The people of Donegal did not want their country surveyed. They did not wish to have it, as the source says, "discovered." A surveyor working in that country was taken and decapitated by the people there. He was killed because of what he was doing, walking the ground and putting it down on paper for the plantation authorities. The author who recorded this noted that such stories were kept from the Londoners. No such foolish stories, he writes, were permitted to be told in the presence of the London citizens. They were to be scrupulously guarded against hearing them. The citizens from London had come over to see the country for themselves, travelling with the lord deputy's party through Derry, Coleraine, parts of Tyrone, and along the river Bann. They were shown good land, fair woods, rivers, eel fishing, and iron ore worked into steel before their eyes by a smith in less than an hour. Everything was made to look answerable to what they had been promised. The violent death of a surveyor in Donegal was not part of what they were meant to see or hear. It was held back, a story too dangerous for peaceable citizens to carry home to London.

Trial and execution of Hugh Roe MacMahon at Monaghan

Monaghan · town · Monaghan

Hugh Roe MacMahon was invited by the Lord Deputy to be settled in his inheritance in Monaghan, but upon arriving he was clapped in bolts, indicted, arraigned, and executed at his own house by soldiers. The Irish said he was found guilty by a jury of soldiers who were starved until they found him guilty.

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" About this time MacMahon, chieftain of Monaghan [Sir Rosse Macmahon], died, who in his life-time had surrendered this his country, held by tanistry, the Irish law, into her Majesty's hands, and received a re-grant thereof under the broad seal of England, to him and his heirs males, and for default of such, to his brother Hugh Roe MacMahown, with other remainders. And this man [Sir Rosse] d3dng without heirs males, his said brother came up to the State [/.^., visited Dublin] that he might be settled in his inheritance, hoping to be countenanced and cherished as her Majesty's patentee ; but he found, as the Irish say [Moryson mitigates, as he thinks, the terrible tale, by the occasional parenthetical phrase — * as the Irish say*] that he could not be admitted till he had promised to give about 600 [700] cows, for such and, no other are the Irish bribes [1.^., their cattle were the only property of the natives]. Afterwards, he was imprisoned, the Irish say, for failing in part of this payment, and within a few days again inlaiged ; with promise that the lord deputy himself would go settle him in his country of Monaghan, whither his lordship took his journey shortly after, with him [Hugh Roe Macmahon] in his company. At their first arrival, the gentleman was clapped in bolts, and within two days after, indicted, arraigned, and executed at his own house; all done, as the Irish said, by such officers as the lord deputy carried with him for that purpose. The Irish said he was found guilty by a jury of soldiers, but no gentlemen or fireeholders ; and that of them four English soldiers were suffered to' go and come at pleasure, but the others being Irish kerne, were kept straight [strait], «id starved till they found him guilty. The treason for which he was condemned was because, some two years before, he, pretending a rent due unto him out of the Femey, upon that pretence levied forces, and so marching into the Femey in a warlike manner, made a distress of the same (which by the English law may perhaps be treason, but in that country, never before subject to law, it was thought no rare thing nor great offence). The greater part of the country was divided between four gentlemen of that name (66), under a yearly rent to the

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 47

As the companion tells it

The road takes you through Monaghan, where Hugh Roe MacMahon was tried and executed at his own house. His brother, Sir Rosse MacMahon, chieftain of Monaghan, had surrendered the country, held by tanistry under Irish law, into the Queen's hands and received it back under the broad seal of England, to him and his heirs male, and for default of such, to Hugh Roe. Sir Rosse died without heirs male. Hugh Roe went to Dublin to be settled in his inheritance, hoping to be countenanced as the Queen's patentee. But he could not be admitted until he promised about 600 cows, for cattle were the only property of the natives. He was imprisoned, the Irish say, for failing in part of this payment. Then he was released, with a promise that the Lord Deputy himself would go and settle him in his country of Monaghan. The Lord Deputy took his journey shortly after, with Hugh Roe in his company. At their first arrival, the gentleman was clapped in bolts, and within two days after, indicted, arraigned, and executed at his own house. It was all done, as the Irish said, by such officers as the Lord Deputy carried with him for that purpose. The Irish said he was found guilty by a jury of soldiers, but no gentlemen or freeholders. Four English soldiers were suffered to go and come at pleasure, but the others, being Irish kerne, were kept straight and starved till they found him guilty. The treason for which he was condemned was this: some two years before, pretending a rent due to him out of the Femey, he levied forces and marched into the Femey in a warlike manner, making a distress. By the English law this may perhaps be treason, but in that country, never before subject to law, it was thought no rare thing nor great offence.

Hugh Gaveloc seized and executed near Dungannon

near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1590

Hugh Gaveloc, son of Shane O'Neill, conducted compulsory proceedings against tenants near Dungannon who refused to recognise his landlord claims, resulting in loss of life. The Earl of Tyrone seized him, tried him under feudal law rather than the milder Celtic eric system, and had him hanged in 1590, refusing a ransom of 300 horses and 5,000 cows.

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Before setting out on this business to Dublin, he wTOte a letter, explaining the object of his intended visit. This letter, which was intercepted, contained the amplest evidence of the ^vriter's intentions ; and the earl had him instantly seized on a charge of certain outrages committed since his return, in the neighbourhood of Dungannon. It would appear that Gaveloc, believing he would be able, by his forthcoming revelations, to secure the countenance and protection of the government, had commenced a series of compulsory proceedings against several tenants in that district who refused to recognise his claims as their landlord, and that in the course of these proceedings some persons had lost their lives. This gave the earl a good plea for having Gaveloc seized and tried according to the ancient usages on such occasions in Ulster, where the chief lord had power thus summarily to deal with criminals, and where, at that time (1590), no English magistrates, sheriffs, or judges, had made their appearance. The Celtic law was willing to accept an eric or fine, as compensation, in proportion to the nature of the crime, even were it murder in the first degree \ but the earl chose in this case to forego the comparatively milder remedy, and to inflict the more terrible punishment required by the feudal code. This was, to say the least, inconsistent on his part, unless, indeed, as an illustation of his anxiety to introduce English laws ! Perhaps, however, the conduct of the authorities in the Pale was even more inconsistent ; for they waxed actually wroth because the earl adopted their own code, for he refused to accept a ransom which was offered for Hugh Gaveloc's life of no less than 300 horses and 5,000 cows. Indeed, Sir Nicholas White, the master of the rolls, wrote to Burghley, accusing the earl of cruelly strangling his namesake, if not kinsman, as no one could be found to hang a son of Shane O'Neill, and a son besides, who had already made himself very popular in Ulster, — perhaps too popular for the earl's taste. White's accusation, however, was indignantly denied by the earl's friends, who stated that Gaveloc was hanged by an executioner from Cavan, named Murtagh Loughlin, in the presence of the earl's brother, Cormac O'Neill, Art O'Hagan, and more than a hundred spectators, including some of the most influentittl men in Tyrone. The Four Masters, at the year 1590, record this event as follows, without saying anything as to the particular circumstances under which the execution took place : — " The son of O'Neill, />., Hugh Geimhleach [pronounced Gaveloc], son of John Donnghaileach [Shane was so called because he fostered with a family of the O'Donnellys], was hanged by the earl of Tyrone, i,e.^ Hugh, son of Ferdorcha, son of Con Bacagh. There had not been for a long time among the race of Eoghan, a man more generally lamented than this Hugh." Hugh Gaveloc's mother was described, even by her enemies, as a high-spirited and accomplished woman, and her son probably inherited his popular qualities from her. The Irish historian, O'Sullivan Beare, states that what he had charged against the earl was true to the letter. Fynes Moryson states that " Tyrone hardly found any, in regard to the general reverence borne to the blood of the O'Neyls, who would do the

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 31

As the companion tells it

Dungannon, in Tyrone, was the setting for a harsh episode in 1590. Hugh Gaveloc, a son of Shane O'Neill, had been pressing claims as landlord over tenants in the district near the town. Several of them refused to recognise those claims, and Gaveloc launched a series of compulsory proceedings against them. In the course of those proceedings, people lost their lives. The Earl of Tyrone seized him on those grounds. Under the Celtic law of Ulster, a chief lord had the power to deal summarily with criminals, but that law also allowed for an eric, a fine paid as compensation, even for murder. The earl chose not to take that milder path. Instead he applied the feudal code, which demanded death. A ransom was offered for Gaveloc's life: 300 horses and 5,000 cows. The earl refused it. Sir Nicholas White, the master of the rolls, wrote to Burghley accusing the earl of cruelly strangling his kinsman, claiming no one could be found willing to hang a son of Shane O'Neill, a young man who had become very popular in Ulster, perhaps too popular for the earl's taste. The earl's friends denied this. They said Gaveloc was hanged by an executioner from Cavan named Murtagh Loughlin, in the presence of the earl's brother Cormac O'Neill, Art O'Hagan, and more than a hundred spectators, including some of the most influential men in Tyrone. The Four Masters recorded the event at the year 1590 in these words: "The son of O'Neill, Hugh Geimhleach, son of John Donnghaileach, was hanged by the earl of Tyrone." They added that there had not been for a long time among the race of Eoghan a man more generally lamented than this Hugh.

O'Neills' castle at Newtownstewart: last night before the Flight

near Newtownstewart · village · Tyrone · 1607

Sir Cormac O'Neill met his brother, the Earl of Tyrone, at Dunnalong the evening before the earl sailed from Lough Swilly. The brothers spent the night together in the old castle of the O'Neills at Newtownstewart, likely arranging for Cormac to seek a custodiam of Tyrone's estates.

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6. Sir Cormac O'Neill, unfortunately for himself, was mentioned as a remainder man in the will of his brother, the Earl of Tyrone. At the time of the latter's flight from Ulster, Cormac had met him at Dunnalong the evening before the earl sailed from Lough Swilly, and the brothers spent the night together in the old castle of the O'Neills at Newtownstewart There is no doubt some arrangement had been come to between them by which Cormac, if possible, was to obtain a custodiam from the government of Tyrone's estates, and thus have the power to hold them until the latter could return in more peaceful times. Cormac pretended to disapprove highly of the earl's proceedings generally, and of his departure without the knowledge and sanction of the government in particular. He (Cormac) was one of the flrst to inform Chichester of his brother's flight, having travelled to Dublin with all haste to communicate the intelligence. At his first interview with the deputy he introduced the matter 6f the custodiam, endeavouring to obtain it as if for himself, and promising, in return, his best services to discover the motives of the flight, and the destination of the fugitives on the continent. The authorities appear to have seen through his motives at a glance, and they acted accordingly. As an important preliminary, they seized him, and shut him up in a dungeon of the castle, Davys at the same time writing facetiously to Salisbury, that Sir Cormac wanted a custodiam of the O'Neill estates, but that they (the authorities) had taken a custodiam of him ! Chichester, however, writing to the council in London, took csire to describe for their edification the serious aspect of the affair — ^which simply was, that Sir Cormac O'Neill waJ to be carefully looked after, being a remainder man in Tyrone's will, and the only heir to the O'Neill estates, except Tyrone's little son of six years old, who was fostering somewhere in Tyrone, and whom the parents coidd not find, in time, to take with them in their flght But the deputy soon found him also, placing him under the immediate care of Sir Toby Caulfield, and paying the latter for the child's board and lodging from certain household effects left by the child's mother, the Countess Catharina O'Neill. Sir Cormac O'Neill was taken from his wife and famQy and sent

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 56

As the companion tells it

Newtownstewart in Tyrone is a place the road passes through, and in 1607 it held the old castle of the O'Neills. That year, the Earl of Tyrone fled Ulster. The evening before he sailed from Lough Swilly, his brother Sir Cormac O'Neill met him at Dunnalong, and the two spent the night together here in the castle at Newtownstewart. There is little doubt some arrangement was made between them. Cormac, if possible, was to obtain a custodiam from the government of Tyrone's estates, giving him the power to hold them until the earl could return in more peaceful times. Cormac pretended to disapprove highly of his brother's proceedings, and of his departure without the knowledge and sanction of the government in particular. He was one of the first to inform Chichester of the flight, travelling to Dublin with all haste to communicate the intelligence. At his first interview with the deputy he raised the matter of the custodiam, endeavouring to obtain it as if for himself, and promising in return his best services to discover the motives of the flight and the destination of the fugitives on the continent. The authorities saw through his motives at a glance. They seized him and shut him up in a dungeon of the castle. Davys wrote facetiously to Salisbury that Sir Cormac wanted a custodiam of the O'Neill estates, but that the authorities had taken a custodiam of him. Chichester, writing to the council in London, described the serious aspect of the affair. Cormac was a remainder man in Tyrone's will, the only heir to the O'Neill estates except Tyrone's little son of six years old, who was fostering somewhere in Tyrone and whom the parents could not find in time to take with them. Chichester soon found the boy, placing him under the care of Sir Toby Caulfield. Sir Cormac O'Neill was taken from his wife and family and sent away.

Woodkern and wolf raids near Charlemont fort

near Charlemont · village · Armagh · 1610

During the winter of 1610, Sir Toby Caulfield's people at Charlemont in county Armagh were forced nightly to secure all cattle inward, yet wolves and woodkern (woodland raiders) still took livestock within caliver shot of the fort. This illustrates the dangers faced by early plantation settlers from both native raiders and wildlife.

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(273). Last winter, — From this passage in the King's letter, and the admissions of the deputy in his accompanying remarks, it is evident there had been serious raids from the woods during the winter of 1610. Of this fact we have a curious confirmation in a pamphlet printed in that year, and known as Blennerhassett's Direction for the Plantation in Ulster, In reference to the doings of woodkeme, and other interesting denizens of the woods, the writer gives the following illustration : — "Sir Toby Caulfield's people [in county Armagh] are driven every night to lay up all his cattle, as it were inward, and do he and his what they can, the wolfe and the woodkeme, within caliver shot of his fort [Charlemount], have oftentimes a share. " In Adair's True Narrative^ there is also the following general but interesting reference to the same matter : — "The wolf and woodkem were greatest enemies to the first planters, but the long rested land did yield to the labourers such plentiful increase, that many followed these first essayers. ' (See Reid's History of the Presby' terian Church, vol, I, p. 80; Killen's edition of Adair's' Narrative, p. 9). The plentiful crops reaped during the first years of the settlement, together with the facilities enjoyed by the Scotch in coming across the Channel to visit their friends, and make their marketings, *'took quite away," says the author of the Montgomery Manuscripts, "the evil report of wolves and woodkems which envyers of planters' industry had raised and brought upon our plantations." (See 2nd edition, p. 60). But the stealtns complained of in the King's letter were not confined to woodkem only, for 'the benefit of tracks,' as Chichester expresses it, could only be enjoyed by the settlers when Uie thieves happened to dweU in neighbouring houses, and not in the woods. The nature of this old but rather uncertain mode of seeking remedies against robbers is explained in Payne's Briefe Description ^ Ireland, made in 15S9, as follows : — "And if any of the said kine be stolne, the owners doe track which way they

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 290

As the companion tells it

Charlemont, in county Armagh, sits along the road you are travelling. In the winter of 1610, the settlers here lived under constant threat from two enemies of the woods: the wolf and the woodkern. Woodkern were woodland raiders, and they troubled the first planters alongside the wolves. A pamphlet printed that year, known as Blennerhassett's Direction for the Plantation in Ulster, gave this illustration. Sir Toby Caulfield's people in county Armagh were driven every night to lay up all his cattle inward, as it were, and do he and his what they could. Yet the wolf and the woodkern, within caliver shot of his fort at Charlemont, had oftentimes a share. Caliver shot meant close range, the distance a soldier could reach with his firearm. So the raiders came right up to the walls. Adair's True Narrative said the wolf and the woodkern were the greatest enemies to the first planters. But the long rested land yielded to the labourers such plentiful increase that many followed these first settlers. The plentiful crops of the first years, and the ease with which the Scotch came across the Channel to visit friends and make their marketings, took away the evil report of wolves and woodkerns which envyers of planters' industry had raised upon the plantations. The raids were real enough. The King's letter and the deputy's remarks confirmed serious raids from the woods that winter. Chichester noted the benefit of tracks could only be enjoyed when thieves happened to dwell in neighbouring houses, and not in the woods.

Pawlett strikes O'Dogherty in Derry

near Derry · city · Derry · 1608

Sir Cahir O'Dogherty visited Derry to sell lands to Sir Richard Hansard and entered Pawlett's office. An altercation arose during which Pawlett brutally struck O'Dogherty in the face with his clenched fist, leading O'Dogherty to rush into the street where he met his foster-brothers.

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been granted to Sir Ralph Bingley. Although Docwra did his best to have his engagement to Sir Cahir made good, he failed in doing so, from the amount of powerful opposition against him. O'Dogherty naturally became discontented ; and, in the meantime, Docwra felt so indignant, on account of certain treatment received from the govemml&nt by himself, that he sold out his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett, who wa& wholly unfitted (even according to the expressed opinion of Chichester himself), both from his arrogance and inexperience, for the duties of deputy-governor of Derry, which he required to discharge in Sir Henry Docwra's absence. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, having lost his fishings, which were then the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard ', and, for this purpose, he required to visit Derry, and even to enter Pawlett's office, to await the arrival of the purchaser, and of Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. Whilst there, an altercation arose between himself and Pawlett, during which the latter brutally struck him with his clenched fist in the face I O'Dogherty not wishing, perhaps, to try conclusions with Pawlett in the same vulgar style, or afraid lest the official bully might summon other equally unscrupulous parties to his aid, rushed from the office, and, unfortunately, before his rage had time to cool, met his two fosterbrothers, the MacDavitts, in the street On hearing the cause of his excitement, they replied, in furious terms, that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves that they would be ready to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the dan at a given hour ! They but too faithfully kept to their determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near to arise and avenge their wrongs. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh ; and its suppression required the services of picked troops, under the command of the best officers, including such men as Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted only about three months, commencing^early in the May of 1608, and going' on to the 5th of July--on which day O'Dogherty was slain whilst skirmishing at a place called Duinn, or Doone, in Kilhnacrenan. The king had, previously to the commencement of the revolt, written a very decided letter to Chichester, requiring that Sir Cahir should receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was ample time to have communicated the contents of this letter to Sir Cahir, and thus to have prevented the revolt ; but, unfortunately, the letter was entrusted to one of Chichester's servants in London, and, perhaps^ did not reach the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field. At all events, tJ'Dogherty's body had hardly time to blacken in the sun on the spikes where its severed fragments were exposed, when Chichester's application for the barony of Inishowen reached the council in London through this same servant, John Strowd, and another named Francis Annesley. Although there were other and powerful applicants for Inishowen, the deputy outstripped or out-manoeuvred them all, and

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 55

As the companion tells it

Derry, in 1608, was where a single blow helped kindle a revolt. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty had lost his fishings, the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, and was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard. For this purpose he had to visit Derry, and even to enter the office of a man named Pawlett, who had bought property in and around the town from Sir Henry Docwra. Pawlett was deputy-governor in Docwra's absence, and Chichester himself had expressed the opinion that Pawlett's arrogance and inexperience unfitted him for the role. O'Dogherty went to Pawlett's office to await the arrival of the purchaser and of Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. Whilst there, an altercation arose between himself and Pawlett, during which Pawlett brutally struck him with his clenched fist in the face. O'Dogherty rushed from the office and, before his rage had time to cool, met his two foster-brothers, the MacDavitts, in the street. On hearing the cause of his excitement, they replied in furious terms that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the clan at a given hour. They kept their word. They slew Pawlett, sacked Derry, and summoned sympathisers far and near. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh, and its suppression required picked troops under such men as Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted about three months, from early May 1608 to the 5th of July, on which day O'Dogherty was slain while skirmishing at a place called Doone, in Kilmacrenan.

Cavan O'Reilly lands seized for plantation

Cavan · town · Cavan · 1595–1608

Sir John O'Reilly had been induced to surrender his 'country' of Cavan and take out a crown grant, converting clan lands into personal feudal tenure. After he and his successors died during the war, the lands vested in the crown without investigation, and his grandson Mulmorie was forced to accept a 'proportion' of his own lands like any other undertaker.

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How had all these magnificent sweeps of Ulster territory become available for plantation purposes, so soon after the departure of the fugitives from Lough Swilly ? The answer is not difficult, nor need it be lengthened, i. Sir John O'Reilly had been induced to surrender his 'country,* and to take out a grant of it from the crown in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, who created him a knight. The lands of Cavan, by the Celtic law, strictly belonged to the whole clan, of whom Sir John O'Reilly had only been the elected trustee ; but the grant, on feudal terms from the crown, constituted him the owner in demesne, — ^the interest being thus drawn to and centred in hiipself ; so that, according to English law, should he become a traitor, the clansmen had no longer any right in the lands, and were to be regarded from that moment as simply intruders thereon. Sir John, as a matter of course, joined the Earl of Tyrone and other Ulster lords in 1595, but died soon afterwards. He was succeeded by his brother, and, on the death of the latter, an uncle became the representative of the clan. Both these leaders were slain in the progress of the war. Sir John O'Reilly, however, left a son named Mulmorie, who took his stand on the side of the government, and was slain at the battle of the Yellow Ford, leaving a son also named Mulmorie, who was a mere youth, at the time of the plantation. But Sir John himself, and his brother and uncle who succeeded, all died during the war, and accordingly the lands vested in the crown without even the necessity of investigation — the fact of their having died whilst in rebellion being enough to justify the confiscation of their estates without further delay. The youthful Mulmorie O'Reilly, whose father had died fighting on the side of the English at the Blackwater, and whose mother was a niece of the Duke of Ormonde, presented a very considerable difficulty for a time to Chichester's arrangements ; but the scruples thus occasioned soon gave way under the plantation pressure, and young O'Reilly was obliged to accept a 'proportion* of his own lands, like any other English or Scottish undertaker.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 53

As the companion tells it

The town of Cavan, which the road passes through, was once the country of the O'Reillys. How it came to be planted is a story of a legal trick played on a whole clan. Sir John O'Reilly had been induced to surrender his country and take out a grant of it from the crown in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, who created him a knight. Under Celtic law, the lands of Cavan belonged to the whole clan, and Sir John had only been the elected trustee. But the crown grant, on feudal terms, made him the owner in demesne. The interest was drawn to and centred in himself, so that according to English law, should he become a traitor, the clansmen had no longer any right in the lands and were to be regarded as intruders thereon. Sir John joined the Earl of Tyrone and other Ulster lords in 1595, and died soon afterwards. His brother succeeded him, and on that brother's death an uncle became the representative of the clan. Both were slain in the progress of the war. Sir John had left a son named Mulmorie, who took his stand on the side of the government and was slain at the battle of the Yellow Ford. That Mulmorie left a son, also named Mulmorie, who was a mere youth at the time of the plantation. All three who had held the lands died during the war, and the lands vested in the crown without even the necessity of investigation. The fact of their having died whilst in rebellion was enough to justify the confiscation. The young Mulmorie O'Reilly presented a difficulty, for his father had died fighting on the side of the English at the Blackwater, and his mother was a niece of the Duke of Ormonde. But the scruples soon gave way under the plantation pressure, and young O'Reilly was obliged to accept a proportion of his own lands, like any other English or Scottish undertaker.

Con McNeile Oge's raids on Carrickfergus

near Carrickfergus · town · Antrim

Con McNeile Oge, a warlike chieftain of the Upper Clannaboy, repeatedly raided and plundered the inhabitants of Carrickfergus. On one occasion he took 400 cattle, killed the mayor, the castle constable, and 24 townsmen; at another time he captured mayor William Wallis and a Mr. Corbett, receiving £540 in ransom. The citizens eventually paid Sorley Boy Macdonnell £20 in wine, silk, and saffron to defend them from further spoiling.

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(31). Con McNecUe OJ^.— Neale Oge, the father of this Con, died in 1537 ; he was son of Niall Mor, who died in 1512 ; son of Con of Edenduffcarrick, who died in 1482 ; son of Hugh Boy, slain in 1444. Con, in whose time the earl of Tyrone reconciled the Upper Clannaboy, comprising the two modem baronies of Castlereagh, to English rule, was a warlike chieftain, and supposed to be unmanageable. Among his numerous raids he repeatedly robbed or spoiled the inhabitants of Carrickfergus. In a **Note of their greate Ix>sses" it is recorded that on one occasion he took from them 400 head of cattle, after having slain the mayor, the constable of the castle there, and 24 of the townsmen. At anoiher time, he carried off their mayor, named William Wallis, and a Mr. Corbett, for whom he received 540/. as ransom. Indeed he had committed so many depredations that the good citizens engaged to pay Sorley Boy Macdonnell the sum of 20/. to defend them against further spoiling. They paid this sum in wine, silk, and saffron. (See Calendar of Carew MSS,^ second series, pp. 147, 148.
(32). ^/«//fl^/*.— This territory, B.nc\eniiyC(n/i-U/Uach, or "wood of Ulster," comprises the present parishes of Ballinderry, Aghalee, Aghagallon, Magheramesk, Magher* flgall, and the portion of Blaris north of the river Lagan. (See Reeves's Eccles. Antiquities^ 234, 347.) At the time referred to in the text, the captain, or chief of Kilultagh was Corroac, son of Neal O'Neill. On the comer of an old map of Down, published about 1592, there is the following note : — ** Alonge this river [the Lagan] be the space of 26 myles groweth much woodes, as well hokes [oaks] for tymber as bother woodde, which male be in the baie of Cragfergus with bote or drage." (Ulster ^oum^ of Archaolo^^ vol. iii., p. 274) In 1586, Sir Hen. Bagenall in his Description of Ulster^ speaks of Killultagh as "full of wood and bogg."

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

As the road passes near Carrickfergus, this is a town that suffered repeatedly at the hands of a chieftain called Con McNeile Oge. He was a warlike leader of the Upper Clannaboy, the territory comprising the two modern baronies of Castlereagh, and he was supposed to be unmanageable. His father, Neale Oge, died in 1537. Neale Oge was son of Niall Mor, who died in 1512, who was son of Con of Edenduffcarrick, who died in 1482, who was son of Hugh Boy, slain in 1444. In Con's time, the earl of Tyrone reconciled the Upper Clannaboy to English rule, but Con himself was not so easily brought to order. Among his numerous raids, he repeatedly robbed or spoiled the inhabitants of Carrickfergus. A note of their great losses records that on one occasion he took 400 cattle, having slain the mayor, the constable of the castle there, and 24 of the townsmen. At another time he carried off their mayor, named William Wallis, and a Mister Corbett, for whom he received £540 as ransom. Indeed, he had committed so many depredations that the good citizens engaged to pay Sorley Boy Macdonnell the sum of £20 to defend them against further spoiling. They paid this sum in wine, silk, and saffron.

Dispossessed gentry turn woodkerne in County Armagh

near Armagh · town · Armagh · 1611

In the winter of 1611, dispossessed native gentry formed bands of woodkerne that plagued British settlements in County Armagh more than any other Ulster district, aided by dense woods and the large numbers of dispossessed upper classes in the area.

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men like Robin Hood, Redmond O'Hanlon, Shane Crossach O'Cahan, and several others that might be named. These gentry affected or afflicted the British settlements in the county of Armagh more than in any other district of Ulster — a fact which was accounted for in part by the prevalence of dense woods therein, and in part by the greater numbers of the upper classes that had been there dispossessed. The sons of these numerous families appear to have been admirers of Oghie Oge O'Hanlon, who, before his departure for Sweden, had organised a daring company, whose only object was the levying of black mail from the British settlers. In the winter of 1611, this company became a formidable band, whose movements, strangely enough, appear to have been winked at by the servitors in that county, from some feeling of jealousy, it was supposed, towards their fellow-colonists, the British undertakers. At least, so thought the latter, who, instead of appealing in this instance to Chichester, carried their complaints directly to the King. The deputy believed that they were too easily frightened by the woodkeme, that in fact they had not courage equal to the occasion, or to the position they had assumed as colonists. But, although Chichester affected to rise above the fear of mere woodkeme, he seems to have literally trembled when he got time to think over the probable feelings and sentiments of the native people of Ulster. This state of affairs will be best explained by the King's letter in reply to the complaints from Armagh, which, with its marginal remarks and explanations, was found among the collection of Irish State Papers recovered, some time since, from Philadelphia, in the United States.
We close this chapter, therefore, by submitting the document to our readers in extenso^ with the deputy's 'apostils' or marginal observations, which are all in his own handwriting : —

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 288

As the companion tells it

As you pass through or near Armagh, consider the winter of 1611, when this county suffered more from bands of woodkerne than any other district in Ulster. The dispossessed native gentry took to the woods, men like Redmond O'Hanlon and Shane Crossach O'Cahan. They afflicted the British settlements here more than anywhere else. Two reasons were given. The county was thick with dense woods, and it held greater numbers of dispossessed upper classes than other parts of the province. The sons of these families admired Oghie Oge O'Hanlon, who before his departure for Sweden had organised a daring company. Their only object was the levying of black mail from the British settlers. In the winter of 1611 this company became a formidable band. What is strange is that the servitors in the county appeared to wink at their movements. It was supposed this came from some feeling of jealousy towards their fellow-colonists, the British undertakers. The undertakers thought so at least. Instead of appealing to Chichester, they carried their complaints directly to the King. Chichester believed they were too easily frightened by the woodkerne, that they had not courage equal to the occasion or to the position they had assumed as colonists. Yet although Chichester affected to rise above the fear of mere woodkerne, he seems to have literally trembled when he got time to think over the probable feelings and sentiments of the native people of Ulster. The King's letter in reply to the complaints was later found among Irish State Papers recovered from Philadelphia.

Spaniards sheltered at Dungannon by Earl of Tyrone

near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1588

Survivors of the Spanish Armada were sheltered for a time at Dungannon by the Earl of Tyrone, who incurred serious expenses for their protection. The Spaniards later described in grateful terms the kindness they had received there.

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cruelties inflicted upon them in many places by those who should rather have protected such helpless, half-drowned strangers. Fitzwilliam, the Queen's deputy in Ireland, and perhaps the most decided money-worshipper of his time, actually led a crusade against the shipwrecked Spaniards, marching large forces to several places on the coasts where shipwrecks had occurred. His first care on these occasions was to secure the treasure contained in the ships, and next to hang the men. He even carried off the cattle and burned the houses of any inhabitants known to have sheltered Spaniards (28). The earl of T}Tone was of too much consequence, and too powerful, to be dealt with in this style, but he was obliged to incur very serious expenses in the protection, for a time of the party imposed upon him firom the shore of Lough Foyle (see p. 32). When he applied to the government for compensation he was called traitor for his pains, but might have had ample reward for the summary execution of his Spanish friends. Now, it came to pass that between him and the sons of Shane O'Neill there existed a violent feud, for they hated him because he was in possession of the lands which they believed to be rightfully theirs, and he hated them because he feared them, and because their father had slain his father and brother. One of these sons of Shane, named Hugh, was sumamed Gaveloc^ * of the fetters,* from the circumstance of his being bom when his mother was a captive in Shane O'NeilFs castle. This lady had been the wife of Calvagh O'Donnell, but was taken prisoner by Shane during a war between him and her husband ; and, after the death of the latter, she married her captor. She was the daughter of Hector Mor Maclean of Mull, and had returned, after Shane's death, in 1567, to her native land. Hugh Gaveloc was the eldest of her sons by Shane, and had been on a visit to his mother in 1588 (29). Whilst in Scotland, he chanced to meet certain survivors of the party of Spaniards who had been sheltered for a time at Dungannon, and who described, in grateful and glowing terms, the kindness they had

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 31

As the companion tells it

Dungannon, in Tyrone, is a town the road passes through. In 1588, survivors of the Spanish Armada came to these shores, shipwrecked and half-drowned, and what they met with in many places was cruelty. Fitzwilliam, the Queen's deputy in Ireland, marched large forces to several places on the coast where shipwrecks had occurred. His first care was to secure the treasure contained in the ships, and next to hang the men. He even carried off the cattle and burned the houses of any inhabitants known to have sheltered Spaniards. But the Earl of Tyrone was of too much consequence and too powerful to be dealt with in this style. He sheltered a party of Spaniards from the shore of Lough Foyle, and was obliged to incur very serious expenses in their protection for a time. When he applied to the government for compensation, he was called traitor for his pains. He might have had ample reward for the summary execution of his Spanish friends, but he did not take that path. One of the sons of Shane O'Neill, a man named Hugh, surnamed Gaveloc, from the circumstance of his being born when his mother was a captive in Shane O'Neill's castle, had been on a visit to his mother in 1588. Whilst in Scotland, he chanced to meet certain survivors of the party of Spaniards who had been sheltered at Dungannon. They described, in grateful and glowing terms, the kindness they had received there.

Tyrone's messenger lands at Killybegs

Killybegs · town · Donegal · 1607

David Crafforde, a Scot and former butler to the late Earl of Tyrconnell, landed at Killybegs about 29 April, bringing a message from the Earl of Tyrone urging all who wished him well and supported the Catholic religion to be in readiness. He lodged locally with Owen McGettighan before traveling onward to Fermanagh and the houses of Tyrone's sons-in-law.

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Arthur Magennis ; to Donagh McSwinc Banagh ; to Raynall McSourlah McConnell, lord of Downelis [Sir Randal Macdonnell of Dunluce], who as he [the informant] says, married a third daughter of Tyrone, as the two first (29) ; and to Connor O'Reagh [Roe] McGuire of Fermanagh.'' There was nothing, to be sure, very remarkable in the fact that the aged exile should write at times to the husbands of his daughters, or to his cousin, Connor Roe Maguire ; but when taken in connection with information supplied to the Bishop of Limerick by a young fellow named Donnough OTowell^ it appears to have become irresistible as evidence of immediate invasion. The bishop's story is, that OTowell told him he had heard Teig O'Holohan say to Thomas Fitzedmund, a fair-spoken friar, that ''there were three great armies preparing in Italy and Spain, one whereof is for England, another for Scotland, and the third for Ireland. After this he [O'Towell] delivered the name of one David Cra£forde, Scottishman, whose father, Owen Crafforde, and his mother, likewise, dwell both in DownygalL This Crafforde was servant and butler to the late Earl of Tyrconnell, when he left Ireland and went over into France, and so forward ; which said David Crafford landed awhile since^ about the 29th of April last, at Killybeg, in the north, and the same night he landed he lay in the house of one Owen McGettighan, in the county of DownygalL From thence, they passed to Fermanagh, in Maguire's country ; and the morning after came to Brian McMahon's house, who married one of Tyrone's daughters, and then to Arthroe McEnys's [Sir Arthur Magennis'] house, who likewise married another of Tyrone's daughters. Sure he is that he came from the Earl of Tyrone^ to warn all noblemen, gentlemen, and others that wish well to Tyrone, and would hold and stand for Che Catholic religion, to be in readiness. His knowledge of all this came by a sister's son of David Crafibrde's, who is a friar in this company. This confession being thus made, he took a book and protested of himself that it was true in every point ; or else wished he might be hanged if it proved not so."

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 122

As the companion tells it

The road brings you through Killybegs, and in 1607 this harbour town was where a messenger from the Earl of Tyrone set foot back in Ireland. David Crafforde was a Scot, son of Owen Crafforde of Donegal, and he had served as butler to the late Earl of Tyrconnell before that earl left Ireland for France. About the 29th of April, Crafforde landed at Killybegs. That same night he lodged with Owen McGettighan in Donegal. From there he travelled on to Fermanagh, to the house of Brian McMahon, who had married one of Tyrone's daughters. Then he went to the house of Arthur Magennis, who had married another of Tyrone's daughters. His message, from Tyrone himself, was to warn all noblemen, gentlemen, and others who wished well to Tyrone and would hold and stand for the Catholic religion to be in readiness. What is known of this comes through a chain of tellers. Donnough O'Towell told the Bishop of Limerick that he had heard Teig O'Holohan say to Thomas Fitzedmund, a friar described as fair-spoken, that there were three great armies preparing in Italy and Spain, one for England, one for Scotland, and the third for Ireland. O'Towell said his own knowledge came from a sister's son of David Crafforde's, who was a friar. He took a book and swore that every point was true, or else he wished he might be hanged if it proved otherwise.

Chichester's planned corporate town at Lisgoole

Lisgoole · townland · Fermanagh · 1606

Chichester recommended Lisgoole as a site for a corporate town in 1606, ordering houses, a gaol, and a sessions-house for soldiers from Devenish. However, no town ever grew there, and it remained associated with its religious house, which transitioned from Augustinians to Franciscans.

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(74). One at Lisgoole. — ^This place was thus recommended as the site for a corporate town because it had specially attracted Chichester's attention during a visit which he had recently paid to that district. When writing to Salisbury on Sept, 12, 1606, the deputy referred to the locality in the following terms : — "He fbund this county divided with the river of Lough Erne, which runs in the midst thereof, over which there is seldom passage but by boat, which those people make only of a great oak hewn hollow, which they call *cotts.* These are dangerous, and a great hindrance to the commerce in those parts. Upon mis river [between Lough Erne and the sea] he observed two places fit to be made passages by bridge, the one at Ballyshannon near the castle, and the other at Lysgoule, which lies about the midst of the county. Wishes there were at this part some banning of a town, which he would have built on both sides of the river, whereby the bridge would be defended, and the • passage secured. Chichester, indeed, was so enamoured of the position at Lisgoole that he forthwith ordered houses to be built there for the accommodation of soldiersthen stationed at Deveni^, together with a gaol and sessions-house—the essential beginning of a settlers' town. He also proclaimed a weekly market there, and pro* mised to have the forthcoming town blessed with cor* porate privileges even in its infimcy. But Lis-gabhal, corruptly Lisgoole, seems to have utterly declined even the blandishments of a lord deputy. No town ever grew there, and the name at this day is only associated— as it had been for very many centuries before — with a religious house, founded probably in the fifth century ; re-buUt or repaired afterwards ancl constituted an abbey for canons r^^ilar of the order of St Augustine in the year 1 106 ; and renovated once more about the middle of the sixteenth century, the Augostinians then giving way before the more vigorous and uithful Franciscans.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 92

As the companion tells it

Close to Lisgoole, Chichester saw a place he thought should become a corporate town. Writing to Salisbury on September 12, 1606, he described this county divided by the river of Lough Erne running through its midst, crossed seldom except by boat. The people made these boats from a great oak hewn hollow, which they called cotts. Chichester found them dangerous and a great hindrance to commerce in those parts. He observed two places fit to be made passages by bridge, one at Ballyshannon near the castle, and the other at this spot, which lay about the middle of the county. He wished there were some beginning of a town built on both sides of the river, whereby the bridge would be defended and the passage secured. He was so enamoured of the position that he ordered houses to be built for soldiers then stationed at Devenish, together with a gaol and a sessions-house. He proclaimed a weekly market and promised corporate privileges even in its infancy. But the place utterly declined even the blandishments of a lord deputy. No town ever grew there. The name remained associated, as it had been for very many centuries before, with a religious house, founded probably in the fifth century, rebuilt or repaired and constituted an abbey for canons regular of the order of St Augustine. About the middle of the sixteenth century it was renovated once more, the Augustinians giving way before the Franciscans.

Coleraine prisoners spared for Swedish wars

near Limavady · town · Derry · 1609

At the camp of Limavaddie in the county of Coleraine, a large number of prisoners faced trial at gaol delivery, but none were executed. The Lord Deputy spared them all to serve as military recruits for the wars in Sweden, a pattern repeated across the circuit where only two persons were ultimately executed.

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(47). Long circuit, — This picture glows with the touches of a master hand, but it is drawn very largely from Davy's own imagination. The only ' wood kerne' whom Chichester was able to 'take in' were such persons, generally swordmen, as were bound by recognisances to appear at the assizes in each county, and who came forward voluntarily. There can be no doubt that 'the doom' of Davys and Winche would have fallen heavily and bloodily on many more than two prisoners, had not the intended victims been spared as recruits for Sweden. This was Davys's own account of the matter, when writing from the camp of Limavaddie. "In this little county " [of Coleraine], says he, "they have had a great gaol ddivery \i,e,^ a laige number of prisoners to try], but no execution of any prisoner ; for the Lord Deputy has spared and reserved them all to fill up the companies that are to be sent into the wars of Swethen." So, also, Chichester himself stated to Salisbury.
(48). Lffugh Raen, — This lake is now known as Lough Ramor^ and is situate in the barony of Castleraghan, county of Cavan. It is nearly four nules in length, and, on an average, about one mile broad, comprising an area of more than 102 acres in the parish of Luigan, 774 in the parish of Castleraghan, and 965 in the pansh of Munterconnaught. Numerous little islands, adorned with woods, are dotted over the lake, and its eastern and northern shores are made pleasant by many well-cultivated fjums. The town of Virginia lies on its southern side, and the plantations of iXrd Headfort's fine deerpark stretch around its western shore.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 150

As the companion tells it

The road takes you through Limavady. In 1609, this was the camp of Limavaddie, in what was then the county of Coleraine, and it was here that a great gaol delivery took place. That meant a large number of prisoners brought to trial. But no prisoner was executed. The Lord Deputy spared and reserved them all, to fill up the companies that were to be sent into the wars of Sweden. That account came from Davys himself, writing from the camp. He said: "In this little county of Coleraine, they have had a great gaol delivery, but no execution of any prisoner; for the Lord Deputy has spared and reserved them all to fill up the companies that are to be sent into the wars of Swethen." Chichester himself said the same to Salisbury. The intended victims had been spared as recruits for Sweden. Had they not been, the doom that Davys and Winche planned would have fallen heavily and bloodily on many more than two prisoners. Across the whole circuit, only two persons were ultimately executed. The prisoners who came forward were generally swordsmen, bound by recognisances to appear at the assizes in each county, and they came forward voluntarily.

Execution of Hugh Roe Macmahon at his castle in Monaghan

Monaghan · town · Monaghan

After being seized in Dublin, Hugh Roe Macmahon was hanged at the entrance of his own castle in Monaghan. His execution was a deliberate move to bring the territory into the hands of the English crown.

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this apparently favourable move, in procuring Turlough's retirement, had been made with a deep ultimate purpose or design. Although Hugh Roe Macmahon had been formally recognized and confirmed as the lord of Monaghan, by Fitzwilliam, yet when he ventured to recover certain rents and duties illegally withheld from him, using the Celtic \a.^ as a means of redress — for there was really then no other available — he was summoned to Dublin to answer for so doing, where he was treacherously seized by Fitzwilliam, and soon afterwards hanged at the entrance of his own castle in Monaghan. It turned out, in fact, that Macmahon had been recognised and confirmed as successor to the family estates "purposely to draw an interest unto him and his heirs, contrary to the custom of the country; and then, by his execution, to draw the country into her Majesty's hands," as, indeed, the settling of Monaghan, immediately after his execution, abundantly proved. Tyrone already could see that he himself had been used against Turlough Luineach, just as his father, Matthew, the first baron of Dungannon, had been used against Shane O'Neill ; and he now felt, besides, that neither he nor any other native Ulster landlord had the least security against the* dire fate that had befallen Hugh Roe Macmahon. This was, indeed, a mischief-making impression, or conviction ; and, unfortunately, the conduct of leading officials at that crisis was calculated to fix it darkly and deeply in the earl's mind.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 34

As the companion tells it

As you pass through Monaghan, you travel near the ground where Hugh Roe Macmahon was executed at the entrance of his own castle. He had been formally recognized and confirmed as lord there by Fitzwilliam. But when he tried to recover rents and duties illegally withheld from him, using Celtic law because there was really no other means of redress available, he was summoned to Dublin to answer for so doing. There Fitzwilliam treacherously seized him, and soon afterwards he was hanged. The recognition had been made, in the words of the source, "purposely to draw an interest unto him and his heirs, contrary to the custom of the country; and then, by his execution, to draw the country into her Majesty's hands." The settling of the territory immediately after his execution abundantly proved it. Tyrone already could see that he himself had been used against Turlough Luineach, just as his father Matthew, the first baron of Dungannon, had been used against Shane O'Neill. He now felt that neither he nor any other native Ulster landlord had the least security against the dire fate that had befallen Hugh Roe Macmahon. The conduct of leading officials at that crisis was calculated to fix that conviction darkly and deeply in the earl's mind.

O'Cahan's claim and the barony of Maghery yielded to Tyrone

near Maghera · town · Derry · 1601–1607

Sir Donnell O'Cahane, chief of the O'Cahan name, was unable to pay the £200 per year demanded by the Earl of Tyrone for his claim to the country, and instead yielded the barony of Maghery to the earl, who possessed it until his flight. The Crown held that neither Tyrone nor O'Cahan had lawful estate, the right being in the King by statute 11 Elizabeth.

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The Earl of Tyrone made challenge unto this country, as passed unto him by letters patent, and required Sir Donnell O'Cahane, the now chief of that name, to give him 200/. a year, in consideration of his challenge, but being unable to make him payment of so much, in respect of the waste and riotous expenses otherwise, he yielded one of the baronies [Maghery, see p. 251] up to the earl in lieu of the 200/. which the earl possessed at the time of his flight ; and albeit it is thought that neither Tyrone nor O'Cahane had any good and lawful estate in that country, (the right being in the King by the statute 1 1 Elizabeth), yet it is his duty to declare that the whole country (the castle of Annogh, with a good quantity of lands thereunto annexed, and the Bishop's and Church's rights excepted), was promised to the said Sir Donnell O'Cahane upon his submission in the year 1 601, by the Lord Mountjoy, then lord deputy; and in confirmation hereof a cusiodiam was passed to him undei* the great seal (see p. 61). He is now [1608] prisoner in the castle of Dublin. They [Ley and Davys] are to acquaint their lordships [the council in London], with his crinies and the accusations made against him ; and in his cause, as in Sir Neale O'DonnelFs, to receive directions. In this county they [the Government] neither hold ward, nor keep men upon the King's charges. If Sir Donell O'Cahane be found unworthy of the King's favour by reason of his treasonable practices and misdemeanours, then is that country in the King's hands to dispose as shall seem best unto his Majesty. The principal places to be cared for [held and garrisoned] within this county are the castles of Annogh (4), Lemavadie (5), Colerayne, and Downgevyne (6), albeit most of them are ruinous and out of repair. If Sir Donell O'Cahane be enlarged, or if, upon his trial, he escape the danger of the law, two parts of that country will not content him, nor he [Chichester] thinks, the whole; but whatsoever becomes of him, good consideration must be had of his brother, Manus O'Cahane, Manus ut Quyvally (7) O'Cahan, and some few others, whom he has found honest in those troubles, and before. They

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 292

As the companion tells it

The town of Maghera lies in the country once claimed by the Earl of Tyrone. He made challenge to it by letters patent and required Sir Donnell O'Cahane, the chief of that name, to pay him 200 pounds a year in consideration of his claim. Sir Donnell was unable to make the payment, in respect of the waste and riotous expenses he had otherwise incurred, and so he yielded one of the baronies, Maghery, up to the earl in lieu of the 200 pounds. The earl possessed that barony at the time of his flight. It is thought that neither Tyrone nor O'Cahane had any good and lawful estate in that country, the right being in the King by the statute of 11 Elizabeth. Yet the whole country, the castle of Annogh with a good quantity of lands annexed to it and the Bishop's and Church's rights excepted, was promised to Sir Donnell O'Cahane upon his submission in 1601 by the Lord Mountjoy, then lord deputy. A custodiam was passed to him under the great seal in confirmation. He is now prisoner in the castle of Dublin. The commissioners are to acquaint their lordships in London with his crimes and the accusations made against him, and in his cause, as in Sir Neale O'Donnell's, to receive directions. If Sir Donnell O'Cahane be found unworthy of the King's favour by reason of his treasonable practices and misdemeanours, then that country is in the King's hands to dispose of as shall seem best to his Majesty. If he be enlarged, or if upon his trial he escape the danger of the law, two parts of that country will not content him, nor the whole.

O'Dogherty sacks Derry and starts revolt

near Derry · city · Derry · 1608

After Pawlett struck O'Dogherty, his foster-brothers the MacDavitts pledged to march on Derry. They faithfully kept their determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near to avenge their wrongs.

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been granted to Sir Ralph Bingley. Although Docwra did his best to have his engagement to Sir Cahir made good, he failed in doing so, from the amount of powerful opposition against him. O'Dogherty naturally became discontented ; and, in the meantime, Docwra felt so indignant, on account of certain treatment received from the govemml&nt by himself, that he sold out his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett, who wa& wholly unfitted (even according to the expressed opinion of Chichester himself), both from his arrogance and inexperience, for the duties of deputy-governor of Derry, which he required to discharge in Sir Henry Docwra's absence. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, having lost his fishings, which were then the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard ', and, for this purpose, he required to visit Derry, and even to enter Pawlett's office, to await the arrival of the purchaser, and of Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. Whilst there, an altercation arose between himself and Pawlett, during which the latter brutally struck him with his clenched fist in the face I O'Dogherty not wishing, perhaps, to try conclusions with Pawlett in the same vulgar style, or afraid lest the official bully might summon other equally unscrupulous parties to his aid, rushed from the office, and, unfortunately, before his rage had time to cool, met his two fosterbrothers, the MacDavitts, in the street On hearing the cause of his excitement, they replied, in furious terms, that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves that they would be ready to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the dan at a given hour ! They but too faithfully kept to their determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near to arise and avenge their wrongs. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh ; and its suppression required the services of picked troops, under the command of the best officers, including such men as Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted only about three months, commencing^early in the May of 1608, and going' on to the 5th of July--on which day O'Dogherty was slain whilst skirmishing at a place called Duinn, or Doone, in Kilhnacrenan. The king had, previously to the commencement of the revolt, written a very decided letter to Chichester, requiring that Sir Cahir should receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was ample time to have communicated the contents of this letter to Sir Cahir, and thus to have prevented the revolt ; but, unfortunately, the letter was entrusted to one of Chichester's servants in London, and, perhaps^ did not reach the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field. At all events, tJ'Dogherty's body had hardly time to blacken in the sun on the spikes where its severed fragments were exposed, when Chichester's application for the barony of Inishowen reached the council in London through this same servant, John Strowd, and another named Francis Annesley. Although there were other and powerful applicants for Inishowen, the deputy outstripped or out-manoeuvred them all, and

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 55

As the companion tells it

This is Derry. In 1608, this city was sacked by Sir Cahir O'Dogherty and his foster-brothers, the MacDavitts. The trouble began when Sir Henry Docwra sold his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett, whom even Chichester considered unfit for the role of deputy-governor, on account of his arrogance and inexperience. O'Dogherty had already lost his fishings, the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, and was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard. For this purpose he came to Derry and entered Pawlett's office to await the purchaser and Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. There an altercation arose, and Pawlett brutally struck him in the face with his fist. O'Dogherty rushed from the office and, before his rage had time to cool, met the MacDavitts in the street. On hearing what had happened, they replied in furious terms that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the clan. They kept to their determination. They slew Pawlett, sacked Derry, and summoned sympathisers far and near to arise and avenge their wrongs. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh. Its suppression required picked troops under the best officers, including Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted about three months, from early May 1608 to the 5th of July, when O'Dogherty was slain while skirmishing at a place called Doone in Kilmacrenan. The king had previously written a decided letter to Chichester requiring that Sir Cahir receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was time to have communicated this and prevented the revolt, but the letter was entrusted to one of Chichester's servants in London and may not have reached the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field.

Dunnalong: meeting place before the Flight of the Earls

Dunnalong · townland · Tyrone · 1607

Sir Cormac O'Neill met the Earl of Tyrone at Dunnalong on the evening before the earl's departure by sea from Lough Swilly. This was a key moment connecting the O'Neill leadership on the eve of the Flight of the Earls.

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6. Sir Cormac O'Neill, unfortunately for himself, was mentioned as a remainder man in the will of his brother, the Earl of Tyrone. At the time of the latter's flight from Ulster, Cormac had met him at Dunnalong the evening before the earl sailed from Lough Swilly, and the brothers spent the night together in the old castle of the O'Neills at Newtownstewart There is no doubt some arrangement had been come to between them by which Cormac, if possible, was to obtain a custodiam from the government of Tyrone's estates, and thus have the power to hold them until the latter could return in more peaceful times. Cormac pretended to disapprove highly of the earl's proceedings generally, and of his departure without the knowledge and sanction of the government in particular. He (Cormac) was one of the flrst to inform Chichester of his brother's flight, having travelled to Dublin with all haste to communicate the intelligence. At his first interview with the deputy he introduced the matter 6f the custodiam, endeavouring to obtain it as if for himself, and promising, in return, his best services to discover the motives of the flight, and the destination of the fugitives on the continent. The authorities appear to have seen through his motives at a glance, and they acted accordingly. As an important preliminary, they seized him, and shut him up in a dungeon of the castle, Davys at the same time writing facetiously to Salisbury, that Sir Cormac wanted a custodiam of the O'Neill estates, but that they (the authorities) had taken a custodiam of him ! Chichester, however, writing to the council in London, took csire to describe for their edification the serious aspect of the affair — ^which simply was, that Sir Cormac O'Neill waJ to be carefully looked after, being a remainder man in Tyrone's will, and the only heir to the O'Neill estates, except Tyrone's little son of six years old, who was fostering somewhere in Tyrone, and whom the parents coidd not find, in time, to take with them in their flght But the deputy soon found him also, placing him under the immediate care of Sir Toby Caulfield, and paying the latter for the child's board and lodging from certain household effects left by the child's mother, the Countess Catharina O'Neill. Sir Cormac O'Neill was taken from his wife and famQy and sent

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 56

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, Sir Cormac O'Neill met his brother, the Earl of Tyrone, on the evening before the earl sailed from Lough Swilly in 1607. The two brothers spent that last night together in the old castle of the O'Neills at Newtownstewart. Some arrangement seems to have been made between them. Cormac was to try to obtain a custodiam from the government for Tyrone's estates, so that he could hold them until the earl might return in more peaceful times. Cormac pretended to disapprove of his brother's proceedings, and of his departure without the knowledge of the government. He was one of the first to inform Chichester of the flight, travelling to Dublin with all haste to deliver the news. At his first interview with the deputy he raised the matter of the custodiam, trying to secure it for himself, and promising in return his best services to discover the motives of the flight and the destination of the fugitives on the continent. The authorities saw through his motives at a glance. They seized him and shut him in a dungeon of the castle. Davys wrote facetiously to Salisbury that Sir Cormac wanted a custodiam of the O'Neill estates, but that they had taken a custodiam of him. Chichester wrote to the council in London that Sir Cormac was to be carefully looked after, being a remainder man in Tyrone's will and the only heir to the O'Neill estates, except for Tyrone's little son, six years old, fostering somewhere in Tyrone, whom the parents could not find in time to take with them. The deputy found the child too, placing him under the care of Sir Toby Caulfield.

Demolition of Lough Derg abbey and priory, 1632

near Lough Derg · lake or lakes · Donegal · 1632

By order of the Lords Justices in 1632, the abbey, priory, and all buildings on the island in Lough Derg were demolished by James Balfour, Lord Glenawley, and Sir William Stewart. They expelled the abbot and forty friars and recommended flinging St. Patrick's bed into the lake to end pilgrimages.

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arranged by Leigh's surrender of the lands in dispute. Carew reported another claimant i^unst this proportion as follows: — "Between Sir John Davys and the Ardibishop of Cashell [Myler Magrath] for the land called Nttrebolreogh. This Ues in Tirone, and is severed from Termon McGrath by the river Dexge, and must be maintained to the undertaker [Davys], and if the bishop have any challenge let him pursue it by suit, for the general officers and surveys find it for the King as temporal, and the bishop has nothing but two quarters of termon land belonging to the priory of Lough Derge, which he enjoy^ Referring to this religious establishment, it may be mentioned that, in 1632, by an order from the Lords Justices, the abbey, the priory, and all other buildings on the island in Lough Derg, were demolished. * The executioners of this order were James Balfour, Lord Glenawley, and Sir William Stewart, — two men ruthlessly bent on the use of any means by which the native population could be insulted. In imitation of other national commissioners, these two worthies prepared a report of their proceedings, in which they detailed certain circumstances connected with their visit to the island, recommending* at the same time, such ulterior measures as tliey believed to be necessary for its utter extinction as a rendezvous for religious pilgrims. The commissioners state that, among their exploits on the island, they had expelled the abbot and forty friars therefrom, and strongly urge the necessity of having done with the relic then Icnown as St. Patrick s bed, by flinging it into the Lake. It is believed at the present day that about 15,000 pilgrims annually visit Lough Deig for religious purposes. See Handbook of Soutk-Wistim Donegal^ pp. 90-97.
538

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 448

Donegal Franciscan friary ruins on the bay

Donegal · town · Donegal · 1474

A Franciscan monastery was founded at Donegal in 1474 by Nuala O'Conner, wife of Hugh O'Donnell, prince of Tyrconnell. The ruins, still visible on the bay below the town, consist of small arches supported by pillars and narrow stone-covered passages believed to have been used for secreting valuables during times of rapine and war.

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(63). Schoolmaster, — This contemplated seizure and conversion of the old monastery into houses for protestant prelates and schoolmasters was a project of Montgomery, which no one else ever seems to nave thought of. The commissioners here spoke as inspired by him, but the Bishop of Raphoe had his palace built at the town so called ; and, as the school, which was intended for Donegal, was eventually fixed at Raphoe also, the old religious house at Donegal, originally founded by the beautiful and spirited Nuala O'Conner, in 1474, was permitted to crumble away in peace. The ruins may still be seen on the magnificent bay below the town, and consist now only of a number of small arches supjported by pillars, and two narrow p^t^sages coveted with stones, which are apposed to have been places, for seoretjng valuable articles in times of rapine an^-war. It is curious that in the very yeai [1608], when thi? ' Project' was being drawn up for plantation purpose^ an Irish Frsinciscan friar had returned from Louvain t6 visit the various monasteries of his order in Ireland, and to collect as much as possible of their history^ This friar, whose name was Mobney, had been a sojourner in the monastery of Donegal during several years prior to 1 601, and in his subsequent exile on the continent, he drew up an account of its vicissitudes. From his chronicle we quote the followiiig passage, referring principally to the position of this rp^pus lioiise : — "The site, indeed, was happily chosen, and nothing could surpass the beauty of the prospect which it commanded. Hard by the windows of the refectory was the wharf, where foreign ships took in their cargoes of hides, fish, wool, and linen cloth ; and there, too, came the galleons of Spain laden with wine and antiB, in exchange for* the merchandize* which the lords of Tyrconnell sent annually to the Brabant marts, then the great emporiums fdr the north of Europe. In sooth it was a lovelv spot, and sweetly suggestive of holy meditations. In tne calm days of. summer, when the lupad expanse of the estuary lay still and unruffled, mintwing in its bluie depths the overcanopying heaven, was It not a fair image of the unbroken tranquility and peace to which the hearts of the recluses aspired ? And m the gloomy winter nights, when the great crested waves rolled m majestic fury against the granite headlands, would not the driving storm, wreck, and unavail- « ii^ cry of drowning mariners, remind the inmate of that monastery that he had chosen the safer part, by abandoning a world where the tempest of tibe passions wreaks O

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 89

As the companion tells it

The town of Donegal holds the ruins of a Franciscan friary founded in 1474 by Nuala O'Conner, wife of Hugh O'Donnell, prince of Tyrconnell. The ruins stand on the bay below the town. What remains now is a number of small arches supported by pillars, and two narrow passages covered with stones, supposed to have been places for secreting valuable articles in times of rapine and war. The old religious house nearly met a different fate. Montgomery drew up a project to seize the monastery and convert it into houses for Protestant prelates and schoolmasters. The commissioners spoke as though inspired by him. But the Bishop of Raphoe had his palace built at the town called Raphoe, and the school intended for Donegal was eventually fixed at Raphoe as well. So the old religious house at Donegal was permitted to crumble away in peace. In 1608, when that project was being drawn up for plantation purposes, an Irish Franciscan friar returned from Louvain to visit the various monasteries of his order in Ireland and to collect as much as possible of their history. His name was Mobney, and he had been a sojourner in the monastery of Donegal during several years. In his subsequent exile on the continent, he drew up an account of its vicissitudes. From his chronicle comes this passage about the position of the monastery. The site, in his words, "was happily chosen, and nothing could surpass the beauty of the prospect which it commanded." Hard by the windows of the refectory was the wharf, where foreign ships took in their cargoes of hides, fish, wool, and linen cloth. There too came the galleons of Spain laden with wine, in exchange for merchandise which the lords of Tyrconnell sent annually to the Brabant marts, then the great emporiums for the north of Europe.

Execution of Hugh Roe MacMahon at his house in Monaghan

Monaghan · town · Monaghan

Hugh Roe MacMahon, confirmed as chief by Sir William Fitzwilliam, was treacherously executed at his own house in Monaghan after being lured to Dublin on the word of a nobleman. After his execution a garrison was placed in Monaghan, the name of MacMahon was extinguished, and the country's substance divided among English settlers.

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But the last and worst in this series of cases was that which occurred in Monaghan, and which, indeed, was so appalling as to frighten the whole province into armed resistance. This bloody business has already been slightly referred to in the Earl of Tyrone's explanation of his grievances, but the following statement of two Macmahon gentlemen reveals the several circumstances connected with the murder of their chief lord more fully. Their statement is headed 'Grievances of Brian McHugh Oge McMahoune, and Ewer McCollo [Ever Mac Cu Uladh Macmahon] — "First. The said Brian McHugh Oge saith that Hugh Roe McMahowne, named [The] McMahowne by Sir William Fitzwilliam, and so confirmed and allowed to succeed by virtue of his brother's [Sir Rosse Macmahon's] letters patents, and coming into the state [going to Dublin] upon the word of a nobleman, and the word of Henry More, of Mellifont, deceased, was afterwards most unjustly and treacherously executed by the said Sir William at his [Hugh Roe Macmahon's] own house of Monaghan. Which allowance of succession, as this McMahowne doth imagine [rather as all parties well knew], was granted him, the said Hugh, purposely to draw an interest unto him and his heirs, contrary to the custom of the country, and then by his execution to draw the country into her majesty's hands, as the sequel showeth. After whose execution a garrison was placed in Monaghan, the name of McMahowne extinguished, and the substance of the country divided by the said Sir William Fitzwilliam, between Sir Henry Bagnall, Baron Elliott, Mr. Solicitor Wilbraham, Captain Henshawe, Captain WalJis, the Parson O'Connolan, Hugh Strowbridge, Thomas Asshe, Charles Fleming, and divers other strangers (61) ; and so the native country people for the most

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 44

As the companion tells it

The town of Monaghan was the scene of the last and worst in a series of cases that frightened the whole province of Ulster into armed resistance. The story comes from a statement of grievances given by two MacMahon gentlemen, Brian McHugh Oge MacMahon and Ever Mac Cu Uladh MacMahon. Hugh Roe MacMahon had been named The MacMahon by Sir William Fitzwilliam, and confirmed to succeed by virtue of his brother Sir Ross MacMahon's letters patent. Going to Dublin upon the word of a nobleman, and the word of Henry More of Mellifont, since deceased, he was afterwards most unjustly and treacherously executed by Sir William Fitzwilliam at his own house in Monaghan. The allowance of succession, as all parties well knew, was granted to Hugh Roe purposely to draw an interest unto him and his heirs, contrary to the custom of the country, and then by his execution to draw the country into her majesty's hands, as the sequel showed. After his execution a garrison was placed in Monaghan. The name of MacMahon was extinguished. The substance of the country was divided by Sir William Fitzwilliam between Sir Henry Bagnall, Baron Elliott, Mr. Solicitor Wilbraham, Captain Henshawe, Captain Wallis, the Parson O'Connolan, Hugh Strowbridge, Thomas Asshe, Charles Fleming, and divers other strangers. And so the native country people for the most part lost their inheritance.

Inquisition at Limavady to distinguish Crown and Church lands

near Limavady · town · Derry

On Wednesday 30 August, an inquisition was taken at Limavady before the commissioners to distinguish between Crown and Church lands in County Colrane. Fifteen jurors were appointed, who reported that termon and herenagh lands were occupied by certain septs rendering duties to the bishops.

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The Inquisition to distinguish between the Crown and Church lands was taken at Limavaddie on Wednesday, the 30th, in presence of the same commissioners, some others ariving, however, before the meeting had come to a dose. The following is a list of the jurors appointed to serve here : —
1. Manus McEvally [McCoey Ballagh

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 132

As the companion tells it

Limavady was where commissioners held an inquisition on Wednesday the 30th to distinguish between Crown and Church lands in County Colrane. Fifteen jurors were appointed. Among them was Manus McEvally, called McCoey Ballagh. The jurors reported that termon and herenagh lands were occupied by certain septs, rendering duties to the bishops.

Lord Balfour's marriage at Castleblayney to Lord Blaney's daughter

Castleblayney · town · Monaghan · 1621–1625

After the Bishop of Clogher's arrival in Ireland in 1621, the aged Lord Balfour sued for the hand of Lord Blaney's eldest daughter Anne, aged fifteen. Primate Hampton personally went to Castle Blaney to join them in marriage, despite concerns about Balfour's existing wife in Scotland.

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Balfour of Glenawly figures in no enviable light. A few passages from the work now mentioned will serve not only to explain our remark, but at the same time to supply some illustrations of Scottish colonist life in Fermanagh. "Soone after the Bishop of Clogher his coming to Ireland [in 1621], the Lord Balfour, though an ancient man of great age, was a suitor to the Lord Blaney*s eldest daughter [Anne], a ^rl of fifteen years old. And though Ix>rd Blaney was informed that Balfour had a lady liveing still in Scotland, yet Balfour affirmed he was divorced from her. . Primate Hampton [advanced from the bishoprick of Derry to the primacy in 16 1 3], advised Lord Blaney, who was doubtful what he might doe, that there was no danger, and for hb better resolution, went in person to Castle Blaney, and joined them together. The portion the Lord Blaney promised with his daughter was, as he affirmed, no more than 1,200/., and that Balfour would needs have 2,000/. named, promising to give a discharge of the other 800/. But when the discharge was demanded, after the marriage celebrat, which was done on both sides with more haste than good speed, Balfour refused it, quarreld with Ix^rd Blaney who urged it, alleging that Robert [her cousin] had abused his wife, both before his marriage with her and after. The young lady herself was brought to acknowledge no less, her friends alleging she was forced to confess what her lord pleased, or was bewitched, complained to the Lord Deputy and estate of the abuse, and got the young lady to be sequestrat from her lord ; whereupon the Lord Balfour complained to the King that the estate was partiall with the Lord Blaney, and had a commission sent from England to examine the c^use, and so to verifie his Majestic of the truth of all things. The Bishop of Clogher was named, amongst others, one of the commissioners, which gave the Lord Balfour occasion to resort the more to the bishop's house." From everything known of this case, it would appear that had Balfour been promptly handed the 800/. already mentioned, he would have accepted it as an equivalent for his wife's chastity ; but that he could not bring himself to relinquish both. Whilst the case was pendin^j money became so very scarce with Lord Balfour that, as we are further informed, he ''made a heavy moan unto the bishop, and borrowed first but a little, but by degrees skrewed himself in more and more ; and at last finding the bishop to be weary of lending, he offered the bishop a bargain he had of Lord Ridgewaye, who had mortgaged the castle and demesnes of Agher to the Lord Balfour. This Agher was within a mile and a half of Clogher. The bishop then having no demesne nor house left him by his predecessor, he hearkened to the bargain, and bought for 800/. Sir James Areskine [Erskine, eleventh son of Alexander, second son of John Earl of Mar], was come over by this time to

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 386

Manslaughter verdict against Canning after rent distress at Agivey, 1631

near Agivey · parish · Derry · 1631

In 1631 George Canning wrote from Agivey describing how he and others distrained upon Irish tenants for rent arrears of £11 10s, but the distress was resisted by about thirty Irish. An old Irishman overheated himself running and died within six days, leading a coroner's jury to return a verdict of manslaughter against Canning.

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(85). IHs will be done. — Mr. Canning soon contrived to get matters pretty much his own way, so far as his employers, the Ironmongers, were concerned, for, in 16 19, they gave him a lease for 41 years of the whole lands belonging to their manor of Lizard, from Nov. 161 7, at the yearly rent of 150/., he undertaking to build bridges at convenient places, erect a mill, glaze the church windows, provide a pulpit, seats, doors, and a steeple for four bells, and to pay the minister a stipend of 20/. a year. This lease must have been succeeded by another, and a much longer one, for which Canning or his successor had probably to pay a good fine. The second lease only expired in 1780, but its conditions we know not. Canning was living in 1631, for there is the following curious entry under that year, in the Ironmongers' books : — **Ao. 163 1, a Court was specially called to consider the request of Mr. George Canning, by his letter of the 26th of December last, dated at Aghivee, which letter was to the following effect : -—That "he, and some others with him, did distreyne upon some Irish for the arrearages of rent to the value of i^i//. lOf., which distresses were refused from him by about thirty Irish, amongst whom an old Irishman, having overheated himself with running, within six days after dyed, having noe wound nor hurt on his body, yett the coroner and the jury gave upp their verdict of mandaughter against Mr. Canning and his servant then with him ; and, for that he feareth the presentment of the same cause against him

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 356

Near-total recusancy at Cashel under Archbishop Magrath

Cashel · town · Tipperary · 1606

In May 1606, Davys reported that in Cashel only one inhabitant came to church, and that even Archbishop Magrath's own sons and sons-in-law dwelling there were obstinate recusants. The finding illustrated the failure of protestant church establishment in the town.

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friar, is Archbishop of Cashell, Bishop of Waterford and Lismore, and Bishop of Killala." In Davys's wellknown account of Munster, May, 1606, he states that in Cashell there was then "found only one inhabitant that came to church, for even the Archbishop's own sons and sons-in-law, dwelling there, are obstinate recusants." The Archbishop of Dublin was appointed, in 1607, by the lord deputy, to visit Magrath's four dioceses of Cashel, Emly, Lismore, and Waterford, for the purpose of in(}uiring into flagrant abuses alleged to have been committed by this precious convert. "Die Archbishop of Dublin, in his report, "entreats for means to be prescribed for the establishment of God's service in those parts, which have scarcely known whether there be a God," and reconunends that several leases of church living should be revoked, " which have been passed by his [Magrath's] procurement, and confirmed by himself to the use of his children and allies, which it is meet should be reserved for sufficient incumbents. . . . They have discovered such abuses and enormities through the Archbishop's misjudgment (especially in those two dioceses of Cashel and Emly) as he never could have believed on the report of others, and he [Dublin] is indeed much grieved that a man of his profession, so much graced by her late Majesty, and so highly advanced in the church as to have the chaige of four several bishoprics^ should so far n^lect his pastoral charge, or rather quite pervert it" In November, 1607, Magrath complained to the King and council that his enemies in Ireland were endeavouring to imperil his reputation and even his life, because of some good services he had formerly rendered to the State; and the King, in reply, directs Chichester to take no proceedings against complainant without first informing him [the King]. In April, 1608, Chichester wrote to the council in London, inform* ing them that the Archbishop of Cashel had been tried and convicted on a charge of having said that " O'Neile was greatly wronged yShiea he was dispossessed of the

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 149

As the companion tells it

In May 1606, a man named Davys wrote a report on Munster, and what he found in the town of Cashel was this: only one inhabitant came to church. The town stood as a place of near-total recusancy. Even the Archbishop's own sons and sons-in-law, dwelling there, were what Davys called "obstinate recusants." The Archbishop was Magrath, who held four bishoprics: Cashel, Emly, Lismore, and Waterford. The lord deputy appointed the Archbishop of Dublin in 1607 to visit all four of Magrath's dioceses and inquire into abuses alleged against him. Dublin's report asked for means to establish God's service in those parts, which, in his words, had "scarcely known whether there be a God." He recommended that several leases of church livings be revoked, leases passed by Magrath's procurement and confirmed to the use of his children and allies. Dublin said these should be reserved for sufficient incumbents. He reported such abuses and enormities through the Archbishop's misjudgment, especially in the dioceses of Cashel and Emly, that he could never have believed them on the report of others. Dublin was grieved that a man so much graced by her late Majesty and advanced to four bishoprics should so neglect his pastoral charge, or rather quite pervert it. In November 1607, Magrath complained to the King and council that his enemies in Ireland were endeavouring to imperil his reputation and even his life, because of some good services he had formerly rendered to the State. The King directed Chichester to take no proceedings against him without first informing the King. Then in April 1608, Chichester wrote to the council in London that the Archbishop of Cashel had been tried and convicted on a charge of having said that O'Neile was greatly wronged when he was dispossessed.

O'Dogherty slain at Doone in Kilmacrenan

Kilmacrenan · town · Donegal · 1608

The revolt led by Sir Cahir O'Dogherty lasted about three months, commencing in May 1608. On 5 July 1608, O'Dogherty was slain whilst skirmishing at a place called Duinn, or Doone, in Kilmacrenan.

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been granted to Sir Ralph Bingley. Although Docwra did his best to have his engagement to Sir Cahir made good, he failed in doing so, from the amount of powerful opposition against him. O'Dogherty naturally became discontented ; and, in the meantime, Docwra felt so indignant, on account of certain treatment received from the govemml&nt by himself, that he sold out his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett, who wa& wholly unfitted (even according to the expressed opinion of Chichester himself), both from his arrogance and inexperience, for the duties of deputy-governor of Derry, which he required to discharge in Sir Henry Docwra's absence. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, having lost his fishings, which were then the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard ', and, for this purpose, he required to visit Derry, and even to enter Pawlett's office, to await the arrival of the purchaser, and of Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. Whilst there, an altercation arose between himself and Pawlett, during which the latter brutally struck him with his clenched fist in the face I O'Dogherty not wishing, perhaps, to try conclusions with Pawlett in the same vulgar style, or afraid lest the official bully might summon other equally unscrupulous parties to his aid, rushed from the office, and, unfortunately, before his rage had time to cool, met his two fosterbrothers, the MacDavitts, in the street On hearing the cause of his excitement, they replied, in furious terms, that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves that they would be ready to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the dan at a given hour ! They but too faithfully kept to their determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near to arise and avenge their wrongs. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh ; and its suppression required the services of picked troops, under the command of the best officers, including such men as Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted only about three months, commencing^early in the May of 1608, and going' on to the 5th of July--on which day O'Dogherty was slain whilst skirmishing at a place called Duinn, or Doone, in Kilhnacrenan. The king had, previously to the commencement of the revolt, written a very decided letter to Chichester, requiring that Sir Cahir should receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was ample time to have communicated the contents of this letter to Sir Cahir, and thus to have prevented the revolt ; but, unfortunately, the letter was entrusted to one of Chichester's servants in London, and, perhaps^ did not reach the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field. At all events, tJ'Dogherty's body had hardly time to blacken in the sun on the spikes where its severed fragments were exposed, when Chichester's application for the barony of Inishowen reached the council in London through this same servant, John Strowd, and another named Francis Annesley. Although there were other and powerful applicants for Inishowen, the deputy outstripped or out-manoeuvred them all, and

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 55

As the companion tells it

Kilmacrenan in Donegal is where a revolt ended in blood in the summer of 1608. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty had lost his fishings, the most valuable source of revenue on his estates, and was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard. For this purpose he visited Derry and entered the office of Pawlett, the deputy-governor, to await the purchaser and Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. An altercation arose, and Pawlett brutally struck him in the face with his clenched fist. O'Dogherty rushed from the office and met his two foster-brothers, the MacDavitts, in the street. On hearing what had happened, they replied in furious terms that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, and pledged themselves to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the clan at a given hour. They kept that determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh, and its suppression required picked troops under the command of the best officers, including Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted only about three months, commencing early in May of 1608. On the 5th of July, O'Dogherty was slain whilst skirmishing at a place called Duinn, or Doone, in Kilmacrenan. The king had previously written a decided letter to Chichester requiring that Sir Cahir should receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was ample time to have communicated this to O'Dogherty and prevented the revolt, but the letter was entrusted to a servant in London and perhaps did not reach the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field.

O'Mullan brothers slain by O'Cahan's men

near Tamlaght-ard or Magilligan · parish · Derry · 1608

Captain Dennis O'Mullan, who held a fort in Ulster with thirty men and had been granted a townland for his services to the Government, and his brother Shane were killed by a party of Shane Carragh O'Cahan's men. A third brother, Donagh, became a rebel leader and was later pardoned and sent to Sweden.

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(i). O'Mullanes, — This sept, from an early time, was influential in O'Cahan's coantry, but had fallen into comparative decay at the commencement of the seventeenth century. A few of the less respectable members had taken the side of the Government in the war against Hugh O'Neill, but only one is specially mentioned as having been worthv of reward as a servitor. This was Captain Dennis O'Mullan, who retained the command of one of the forts in Ulster at the head of thirty men, until the time of his death in 1608. Chichester's account of his journey to the north, in 1605, contains the following reference to this native officer: — '*Upon the recommendation of Sir Henry Docwra of the good services of Dennis O'Mullan, in spying and guiding upon sundry services in the time of tne late rebellion, they [the deputy and commissioners] have persuaded the Earl of Tirone and O'Cahane to pass unto him in freehold forever, one town of land [or townland] in the place where he was bom, without pa3rment of any other rent, duties, or customs, but \2d, per annum to the chief lord." This O'Mullan, whose land was considered (among his kinsmen) only as the reward of treachery and baseness, could hardly have hoped long to enioy his good fortune, or even his life, on the outbreak of O'Uogherty's revolt He, and one of his brothers, were among the first victims, being slain by a party of Shane Carragh O'Cahan's men, with whom was a brother of the O'Mullans. The two murdered brothers were Dennis and Shane, and Donagh, or Donnell, the third brother, was one of the several rebel leaders afterwards pardoned and sent to Sweden. A friar of this family or sept reconciled the quarrel between O'Neill and O'Cahan, at Dungannon. A Hugh Duff O'Mullan was one of the witnesses against Sir Donnell O'Cahan ; and
in 16 1 5 several persons of this name gave evidence about the intended revolt in Ulster of that year.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 291

As the companion tells it

As the road takes you through the parish of Tamlaght-ard, or Magilligan, it passes near ground where a bitter family reckoning played out in 1608. The O'Mullan sept had once been influential in O'Cahan's country, but by the start of the 1600s they had fallen into decay. A few of the less respectable members had taken the Government's side in the war against Hugh O'Neill, but only one stood out as worthy of reward. That was Captain Dennis O'Mullan, who held command of one of the forts in Ulster with 30 men, until his death in 1608. Sir Henry Docwra had recommended him for his good services, as the record puts it, "in spying and guiding upon sundry services in the time of the late rebellion." On that recommendation, the deputy and commissioners persuaded the Earl of Tyrone and O'Cahane to grant Dennis a townland in the place where he was born, in freehold forever, with no rent but 12 pence per annum to the chief lord. Among his own kinsmen, this grant was seen only as the reward of treachery and baseness. When O'Doherty's revolt broke out, Dennis could hardly have hoped to keep his life or his land for long. He and his brother Shane were among the first victims, slain by a party of Shane Carragh O'Cahan's men. With that party was one of their own brothers, whose name the record does not give. The third brother, Donagh, also called Donnell, became one of several rebel leaders. He was later pardoned and sent to Sweden. A friar of the same sept reconciled the quarrel between O'Neill and O'Cahan at Dungannon.

O'Neales kidnap Sir Benjamin Thornborough near Armagh

near Armagh · town · Armagh

Four members of the O'Neill family seized Sir Benjamin Thornborough as he rode near Armagh and carried him into the woods, threatening execution unless pardoned. Lord Deputy Falkland responded by arresting their relatives and threatening retaliation.

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woodkeme, it would appear, were then troubling the other plantations, south, east, and west, and the grim deputy saw no remedy for the evil until a round number of them — say ten thousand — could be removed from Ireland, and so disposed of that they might be slain in foreign wars. **If I might have an opinion," says he, meekly, when closing his letter to the council, **I think it would be an ease to the kingdom if some foreign Princes were to draw 10,000 of them to a war abroad." (MS. State Papers ^ vol. 235, No. 60). This stem policy was always adopted, when possible, to save the application of still stemer means, although St. John acknowledged, when speaking of certain woodkeme then in prison, that he had "not heard any greater hurt they have done than to steal victuals to fill their bellies. This lamentable state of affairs went on for many years, presenting at times curious phases, as differing circumstances tended either to discourage the woodkeme, or, on the other hand, to render them bolder in their movements. The government, however, could always keep them pretty well in check by seizing their relatives when necessaiy, and threatening destruction to the latter by way of retaliation. The following letter, from a succeeding lord deputy [Falkland], to the council in London, may be quoted a^ an illustration: — **Your Lordships have heard that certain of the O'Neales, being four in number, surprised the person of one Sir Benjamin Thomborough, as he rode (more carelessly than he should) not for from Armagh, and carried him away to the woods. From thence they caused him to write to me, the deputy, how it stood with him, and that in a few days they would execute him if I did not consent to protect them until they procured their pardon for some offences objected against them, whidi, mdeed, were not heinous, yet such as made them doubtfill of their safety, and, therefore, to stand upon their guard. Of him [Thomborough] we had compassion, and presently provided for the apprehension of the parents and other friends, giving out that they should all die if Thomborough perished, but his Majesty's honour so overswayed all further respects of the particular of Thomborough, as I, the deputy, gave sufficient order for prosecution of those insolent malefactors, if they should

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 3

As the companion tells it

Near the town of Armagh, four members of the O'Neill family seized Sir Benjamin Thornborough as he rode, in the deputy's words, "more carelessly than he should," not far from Armagh, and carried him away to the woods. From there they made him write to the Lord Deputy Falkland, saying that within a few days they would execute him unless he consented to protect them until they could procure their pardon for offences laid against them. These offences, Falkland noted, were not heinous, but such as made them doubtful of their safety and inclined them to stand upon their guard. Falkland had compassion for Thornborough, but acted at once. He ordered the apprehension of the O'Neales' parents and other friends, and gave out that they would all die if Thornborough perished. Yet the King's honour, he wrote, overswayed all concern for Thornborough alone, and he gave order for prosecution of those he called insolent malefactors if they proceeded. This was the government's customary answer to the wood-kerne troubling the plantations. Officials seized relatives when necessary and threatened destruction by way of retaliation. An earlier deputy, St. John, had acknowledged that certain wood-kerne then in prison had done no greater hurt than to steal victuals to fill their bellies. Another deputy had suggested it would be an ease to the kingdom if some foreign prince drew 10,000 of them away to a war abroad.

Outlawry of the northern earls at Lifford and Strabane

Lifford · townland · Donegal · 1608–1609

Davys was able to indict the fugitive earls at Lifford and Strabane, obtaining a decree of outlawry, though no evidence supporting the indictment survives on the State papers. By their outlawry all their estates escheated to the crown, including temporal lands in Tyrone, Armagh, Donegal, and more than half of Fermanagh.

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no charge of previous combintitJon made gainst him either before or after the "flight" fhey fle^i siin^from fearof arrest, and because tEeir seizure might have been followed either by execution or a life-long imprisonment in the Tower of London. Because they had escaped without the deputy's knowledge or permission, and had taken refuge among friends on the continent supposed to be hostile, as a matter of course, to the policy of England, they wers flenoiirn;f;fj f*; t"'*""=, ""il thpir fftpiff: confisc^d. But although I^vys was.«ble-to indict them at Liffprd anid Strabane, so as to obtain / Xde^ee of outlawry, not a particle of the evidence by which that inditptiaep'^ "■"' g'"*"!"*^ ran *^ I foundjupong_the_State papers. A copy of the indictment itself now re-appears, but only because it had been secretly, and against rule, sent by Davys for Salisbury's private perusal I By their outlawry all their estates escheated to the crown, and were soon made available for plan^Upn piKposes. These estates compriseJall the temporal lands in the county of Tyrone, including the barony of Loughinshollin ; all in the coimty of Armagh, excepting the barony of Orior ; all in the county of Donegal, excepting the barony of Inishowen ; and more than the half of the coimty Fermanagh, for Cuconnaght Maguire who owned this territory had gone into voluntary exile with the earls. Certain other £;reat.&agD}ents of Ulster were soon to be added to the field for plantation.
[6o]

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 53

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, in 1608 and 1609, the fugitive earls of the north were indicted and outlawed. Davys was able to bring the indictment at Lifford and Strabane, and obtained a decree of outlawry against them. The earls had fled from fear of arrest, fearing that their seizure might be followed by execution or life-long imprisonment in the Tower of London. They had escaped without the deputy's knowledge or permission, and had taken refuge among friends on the continent, people supposed to be hostile to the policy of England. Because of all this, they were denounced and their estates confiscated. Yet not a particle of the evidence by which the indictment was supported can be found upon the State papers. A copy of the indictment itself reappears only because it had been secretly, and against rule, sent by Davys for Salisbury's private perusal. By their outlawry, all their estates escheated to the crown and were soon made available for plantation purposes. These estates comprised all the temporal lands in Tyrone, including the barony of Loughinsholin, and all in Armagh except the barony of Orior. They included all in Donegal except the barony of Inishowen, and more than half of Fermanagh, for Cúchonnacht Maguire, who owned that territory, had gone into voluntary exile with the earls.

Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell's lands on the Finn

River Finn · river · Donegal · 1603–1608

After the government conferred the O'Donnell estates on Rory O'Donnell instead of him, Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell retired to his own lands on the banks of the Finn. He later joined O'Dogherty's revolt and was seized, tried, and ultimately imprisoned for life in the Tower of London.

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that the government, if successful in defeating the Earl of Tyrone and Hugh Roe O'Donnell, would restore him (Niall Garve) to the headship of the clan by giving him a grant of all TyrconnelL To this proposal the government, through Sir Henry Docwra, most willingly acceded, Docwra afterwards admitting that Sir Niall's assistance had been most important — indeed indispensable. When the war closed, however, the government thinking Sir Niall arrogant and unmanageable, adopted Hugh Roe's younger brother, Rory O'Donnell, conferring the estates on him, and creating him Earl of TyrconnelL Sir Niall retired to his own lands on the banks of the Finn ; but on the flight of his rival with O'Neill, he (Sir Niall) came forward again to press upon the government the fulfilment of the original promise made to him through Sir Henry Docwra. The government, through Chichester, parleyed with him, pretending to accede to his demands from a fear that he might join O'Dogherty. He did actually, and, as he supposed, secretly, join O'Dogherty ; but on the collapse of the revolt. Sir Niall was seized and tried for his life. The government, however, could not get a jury to convict him ; so he was sent to the Tower, with Sir Donnell O'Cahan, under the charge of FVancb Annesley. He was there doomed to a life-long imprisonment, and died about the year 1626.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 56

As the companion tells it

These are the lands of Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell, along the River Finn in Donegal. The government had promised, through Sir Henry Docwra, to restore Niall Garve to the headship of his clan and grant him all Tyrconnell, if he helped defeat the Earl of Tyrone and Hugh Roe O'Donnell. Docwra himself admitted Sir Niall's assistance had been indispensable. But when the war closed, the government found Sir Niall arrogant and unmanageable. They chose Hugh Roe's younger brother Rory O'Donnell instead, conferring the estates on him and creating him Earl of Tyrconnell. Sir Niall retired to his own lands on the banks of the Finn. When his rival fled with O'Neill, Sir Niall came forward again, pressing the government to fulfil the promise made through Docwra. Chichester parleyed with him, pretending to accede, fearing he might join O'Dogherty. He did join O'Dogherty, secretly as he thought, but the revolt collapsed. Sir Niall was seized and tried for his life. The government could not get a jury to convict him, so he was sent to the Tower of London with Sir Donnell O'Cahan, under the charge of Francis Annesley. He was doomed to lifelong imprisonment there, and died about 1626.

Spanish prisoners escorted to Dungannon in 1588

near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1588

Following a skirmish with shipwrecked Spaniards near Inishowen in 1588, Richard and Henry Hovenden captured over 600 men and escorted some of the prisoners to Dungannon. They intended to transport the prisoners onward to Dublin for questioning.

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We have thus submitted to the reader the substance of the several terms between the government and Hugh O'Neill, and also between him and Tirlagh Luineach, down to the year 1593. But, although the government in London would have wished to interpret the earl's professions in a liberal spirit, there were certain English servitors in Ulster who envied him the possession of his newly acquired estates, and who were disposed to snatch an opportunity of arousing suspicions of his loyalty. Unfortunately, an occasion soon occurred exactly to suit their purpose. In the year 1588 several ships of the Spanish Armada were wrecked on the northwestern coasts of Ireland, one being driven on the rocks near Elagh castle in Inishowen. In the fact that the earl spared the lives of those on board, and tr^ted them humanely, the government officials could see only plotting with Philip of Spain and treachery towards Queen Elizabeth ! A letter preserved among the State papers, and addressed to the deputy Fitzwilliam, gives the following account of the capture of the Spaniards, and their being brought to the earl at Dungannon : — " Our very good Lord : imedatly after the writing of our last letters to your Lordship, we went where we heard the Spaynarde were, and mett them at Sr John O'Dogherty his town called Illagh. We sent unto them to know who they were, and what their intent was : or why they did invade any part of the Queene's Ma'»« domynion ? Their answer was that they did sett forth to invade England, and were parcell of the fleete which was overthrowen by her Ma*»«» navy, and that they were driven thither by force of weather. Whereupon, wee (perceiving that they were in nombre above VIC [600] men), did encampe that night mthin muskett shott of them, being in nombre not passing vii** [140] men, and the same night, >about mydnight, did skyrmysh with them for the space of II houres, and in that skyrmysh did slay their lieutenant of the feelde, and above xx^v more, beside the hurting of a great nombre of their men. So as the next day (in skyrmyshing with them) they were forced to yeeld themselves, and wee lost but one soldier. Now O'Donill and wee are come with some of them to Dongainne [Dungannon], meaning to go with them, without companys, to your Lordship ; and therefore wee beseech your honour to graunte warrant for victualling of them ; and as the prysoners are verie weake and unliable to travaile, we desire your Lordship (if you shall soe think meete), to gyve direction for levyeinge of horses and garrans to carry them to Dublin. The best of them seemeth to carry some kinde of majesty, and hath bene governor of thirty thousand men this xxiii yeares past ; the rest of the prysoners are men of greate calling, and such as (in our opynions) were not amiss to be questioned withal. So wee humbly take our leave.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 30

As the companion tells it

The road takes you through or near Dungannon, a town in Tyrone with a story from 1588. That year, ships of the Spanish Armada were wrecked on the northwestern coasts of Ireland, one driven onto the rocks near Elagh castle in Inishowen. Richard and Henry Hovenden went to where the Spaniards were and met them at Sir John O'Dogherty's town called Illagh. They sent to ask who the Spaniards were and what their intent was, and why they had invaded any part of the Queen's dominion. The Spaniards answered that they had set out to invade England, that they were part of the fleet overthrown by her Majesty's navy, and that they had been driven there by force of weather. The Hovendens, perceiving the Spaniards numbered above 600 men, encamped that night within musket shot of them, being no more than 140 themselves. About midnight they skirmished for two hours, killing the Spaniards' lieutenant of the field and above 25 more, besides wounding a great number. The next day, still skirmishing, the Spaniards were forced to yield. The Hovendens lost but one soldier. Then O'Donill and the Hovendens came with some of the prisoners to Dungannon, meaning to take them on to the deputy Fitzwilliam in Dublin. They wrote to Fitzwilliam asking for a warrant for victualling the prisoners, who were very weak and unable to travel, and requesting horses and garrans to carry them to Dublin. One prisoner stood out. He seemed to carry some kind of majesty and had been governor of 30,000 men for 23 years. The rest were men of great calling, worth questioning.

Teig O'Talstaf alarms Cork authorities with Spanish invasion rumours

Cork · city · Cork · 1608

A man named Teig O'Talstaf returned from Spain to his native Cork in 1608 and alarmed the authorities with detailed reports of a great Spanish fleet being prepared for Ireland, including biscuit baking and levies of men.

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Of the rumours about the return of Tyrone, we have a fair specimen in the story of a man appropriately named Teig OTalstaf, who had returned from Spain to visit his native Cork, and whilst there alarmed the authorities by such statements as the following : — " There is now [1608] a great fleet to be furnished out, and the armadoes of Gillitia and Portugal were sent for to come to the Groyen [Corunna]. All the Irish [on the continent] are hopeful of their coming for Ireland very shortly; there is so great store of ruske [biscuits] to be baked, and such means made for the levy of men, as draws an extraordinary charge on the King [of Spain], and many ears to hearken to the purpose thereof; but the people [of Spain] bear their burden in this business with more alacrity than they were wont in the former preparations." On the other hand, as a specimen of the many counter-blasts blown at this time, in reply to such stories as that of Mr. OTalstaf, we may quote from a letter of Sir Charles Comwallis, a very much trusted English agent at Madrid. This gentleman informs the council in London that, having obtained a hearing from certain high ofUcials of the Spanish government, he did not fail to make known to them the true state of affairs in Ireland. "Former kings of England," he said " would rather for rooting out so savage a people [as the Ulster Irish], have used the means taken by the Kings of Spain in the Indies; or those employed with the Moors in removing them from their retreats, and scattering them in other parts of his kingdom, till their brutish and wild condition should be aliened from them. But the King his master had now taken so good order in it [Ireland], and especially in the wild and savage parts [Ulster], that he doubted not they were already made secure from these ragged rebels. The Irish fugitives [Tyrone and others] from what he hears have of late received such cold comfort hett and elsewhere, and have so much tasted God's hand in chastisement of their treason and wickedness, that they despair of the success they hoped, and will take to their beads, and think no more of return into Ireland" (28).

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 121

As the companion tells it

Cork, in 1608, was where a man named Teig O'Talstaf came home to after a time in Spain, and set the authorities on edge with what he told them. He said a great fleet was being furnished out, and that the armadoes of Galicia and Portugal had been sent for to come to Corunna. All the Irish on the continent, he said, were hopeful of their coming for Ireland very shortly. There was so great a store of biscuit to be baked, and such means made for the levy of men, as drew an extraordinary charge on the King of Spain, and many ears hearkening to the purpose of it. The people of Spain, he said, bore their burden in this business with more alacrity than they were wont in former preparations. Against this, Sir Charles Cornwallis, an English agent at Madrid much trusted by the council in London, offered his own account. He told certain high officials of the Spanish government the true state of affairs in Ireland. He said former kings of England would rather have rooted out so savage a people by the means taken by the Kings of Spain in the Indies, or with the Moors, scattering them in other parts of the kingdom till their brutish and wild condition should be aliened from them. But the King his master had now taken so good order in Ireland, especially in the wild and savage parts, that he doubted not they were already made secure from these ragged rebels. The Irish fugitives, Tyrone and others, had of late received such cold comfort, and had so much tasted God's hand in chastisement of their treason and wickedness, that they despaired of the success they hoped, and would take to their beads, and think no more of return into Ireland.

Treacherous seizure of Hugh Roe Macmahon in Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin

Hugh Roe Macmahon, lord of Monaghan, was summoned to Dublin to answer for recovering rents using Celtic law. There he was treacherously seized by Deputy Fitzwilliam as part of a plan to seize his lands.

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this apparently favourable move, in procuring Turlough's retirement, had been made with a deep ultimate purpose or design. Although Hugh Roe Macmahon had been formally recognized and confirmed as the lord of Monaghan, by Fitzwilliam, yet when he ventured to recover certain rents and duties illegally withheld from him, using the Celtic \a.^ as a means of redress — for there was really then no other available — he was summoned to Dublin to answer for so doing, where he was treacherously seized by Fitzwilliam, and soon afterwards hanged at the entrance of his own castle in Monaghan. It turned out, in fact, that Macmahon had been recognised and confirmed as successor to the family estates "purposely to draw an interest unto him and his heirs, contrary to the custom of the country; and then, by his execution, to draw the country into her Majesty's hands," as, indeed, the settling of Monaghan, immediately after his execution, abundantly proved. Tyrone already could see that he himself had been used against Turlough Luineach, just as his father, Matthew, the first baron of Dungannon, had been used against Shane O'Neill ; and he now felt, besides, that neither he nor any other native Ulster landlord had the least security against the* dire fate that had befallen Hugh Roe Macmahon. This was, indeed, a mischief-making impression, or conviction ; and, unfortunately, the conduct of leading officials at that crisis was calculated to fix it darkly and deeply in the earl's mind.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 34

As the companion tells it

Dublin was where Hugh Roe Macmahon's ruin was set. He was the lord of Monaghan, formally recognised and confirmed in that title by the Deputy, Fitzwilliam. Yet when he tried to recover rents and duties withheld from him, he used the Celtic law as his means of redress, for there was no other available then. For that he was summoned to Dublin to answer for what he had done. There Fitzwilliam treacherously seized him. Soon after, Macmahon was hanged at the entrance of his own castle in Monaghan. The recognition had not been honest. Macmahon had been confirmed as successor to the family estates, in the words of the source, "purposely to draw an interest unto him and his heirs, contrary to the custom of the country; and then, by his execution, to draw the country into her Majesty's hands." The settling of Monaghan immediately after his execution proved it. Tyrone saw what had happened. He understood that he himself had been used against Turlough Luineach, just as his father Matthew, the first baron of Dungannon, had been used against Shane O'Neill. He felt that neither he nor any other native Ulster landlord had the least security against the dire fate that had befallen Hugh Roe Macmahon. The conduct of the leading officials at that crisis fixed this conviction darkly in the earl's mind.

Hugh Roe O'Donnell captured at Rathmullan

Rathmullan · town · Donegal · 1587

Hugh Roe O'Donnell was treacherously entrapped aboard a ship anchored opposite the Carmelite nunnery at Rathmullen on the orders of Lord Deputy Perrot. The capture was carried out by a hired agent when O'Donnell was about fifteen years old.

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(54). In the country — The following reference to Hu?h Roe, and his treacherous capture, was written by one who knew him personally : — ** In sooth, dear brother, I knew him from nis fifteenth year, when Perrot's hired agent basely entrapped him aboard the ship that anchored opposite the' Carmelite nunnery of RathmuUen. Often and often during the four years he was prisoner in Dublin Castle, have I loitered about that fortress, to catch a glimpse of him, when he and his fellow-captives were allowed to walk out on the ramparts to breathe the fresh air, — nay, after Deputy Fitzwilliam had clutched the bribe of a thousand pounds, given him by O'Neill, to connive at his brother-m-law's [son-in-law's] escape, I was one of the first to congratulate him as he lay sick and frostbitten in the fastness of Glenmalure, tended by doctors and guarded by O'Byme's galloglass. ... I was a soldier in my prime, and I marched under his banner, after I had witnessed his inauguration on the mound of Kilmacrenan. Well did I know him in every phase of his career — in the hour of his splendid victory over Clifford, in the passes of the Curliews, and when his cavalry chased the remnant of Bagnall's routed forces from the Blackwater into Armagh. Alas, I knew him too in the hour of his reverse, and was one of the last to kiss his hand on the beach of Castlehaven, when he was about to embark for Spain." (Meehan's Franciscan Monasteries, pp. 67, 68. ) Captain Lee mentions the prison-sufferings of O'Donnell thus : — "He being young, and being taken by stratagem, having never offended, was imprisoned with great severity, many irons laid upon him, as if he had been a notable traitor and male&ctor, and kept still among those who were ever notorious traitorsi^ainst your Majesty ; having no other council, or advice, or company but theirs — what good could come to this young man, for his education among such, I humbly refer to your highness."
(55). To her highness. — (See pp. 32, 42.) When Captain Lee wrote his celebrated tract, Sir Owen O'Tooie

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 41

As the companion tells it

The road takes you through Rathmullan, a town in Donegal where Hugh Roe O'Donnell was treacherously captured in 1587. He was about fifteen years old. Lord Deputy Perrot ordered it done, and a hired agent entrapped the boy aboard a ship anchored opposite the Carmelite nunnery. The capture was written about by one who knew him personally, who said, "I knew him from his fifteenth year, when Perrot's hired agent basely entrapped him aboard the ship." He was taken to Dublin Castle and held prisoner there for four years. The writer would loiter about the fortress, hoping to catch a glimpse of him when he and his fellow-captives were allowed out on the ramparts to breathe the fresh air. Captain Lee later wrote of his sufferings: he was young, taken by stratagem, having never offended, yet imprisoned with great severity, many irons laid upon him as if he had been a notable traitor. Deputy Fitzwilliam clutched a bribe of a thousand pounds, given by O'Neill, to connive at the escape. After that, O'Donnell lay sick and frostbitten in the fastness of Glenmalure, tended by doctors and guarded by O'Byrne's galloglass. The writer marched under his banner after witnessing his inauguration on the mound of Kilmacrenan. He knew O'Donnell in victory, over Clifford in the passes of the Curlews, and when his cavalry chased Bagnall's routed forces from the Blackwater into Armagh. And he knew him in defeat, one of the last to kiss his hand on the beach of Castlehaven, when O'Donnell was about to embark for Spain.

O'Cahan promised the country on submission, 1601

Enagh · townland · Derry · 1601–1608

Upon his submission in 1601, Lord Mountjoy promised the whole country (except the castle of Annogh and Church rights) to Sir Donnell O'Cahane, confirmed by a custodiam under the great seal. By 1608 O'Cahane was a prisoner in Dublin Castle accused of treasonable practices.

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The Earl of Tyrone made challenge unto this country, as passed unto him by letters patent, and required Sir Donnell O'Cahane, the now chief of that name, to give him 200/. a year, in consideration of his challenge, but being unable to make him payment of so much, in respect of the waste and riotous expenses otherwise, he yielded one of the baronies [Maghery, see p. 251] up to the earl in lieu of the 200/. which the earl possessed at the time of his flight ; and albeit it is thought that neither Tyrone nor O'Cahane had any good and lawful estate in that country, (the right being in the King by the statute 1 1 Elizabeth), yet it is his duty to declare that the whole country (the castle of Annogh, with a good quantity of lands thereunto annexed, and the Bishop's and Church's rights excepted), was promised to the said Sir Donnell O'Cahane upon his submission in the year 1 601, by the Lord Mountjoy, then lord deputy; and in confirmation hereof a cusiodiam was passed to him undei* the great seal (see p. 61). He is now [1608] prisoner in the castle of Dublin. They [Ley and Davys] are to acquaint their lordships [the council in London], with his crinies and the accusations made against him ; and in his cause, as in Sir Neale O'DonnelFs, to receive directions. In this county they [the Government] neither hold ward, nor keep men upon the King's charges. If Sir Donell O'Cahane be found unworthy of the King's favour by reason of his treasonable practices and misdemeanours, then is that country in the King's hands to dispose as shall seem best unto his Majesty. The principal places to be cared for [held and garrisoned] within this county are the castles of Annogh (4), Lemavadie (5), Colerayne, and Downgevyne (6), albeit most of them are ruinous and out of repair. If Sir Donell O'Cahane be enlarged, or if, upon his trial, he escape the danger of the law, two parts of that country will not content him, nor he [Chichester] thinks, the whole; but whatsoever becomes of him, good consideration must be had of his brother, Manus O'Cahane, Manus ut Quyvally (7) O'Cahan, and some few others, whom he has found honest in those troubles, and before. They

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 292

As the companion tells it

Close to Enagh, a promise was made in 1601 that would not hold. Sir Donnell O'Cahane was chief of this country then. The Earl of Tyrone claimed it by letters patent and demanded 200 pounds a year from him. O'Cahane could not pay, the land wasted by riotous expenses, so he yielded one barony, Maghery, to the earl in lieu of the money. Tyrone possessed it until his flight. It is thought that neither Tyrone nor O'Cahane held any good and lawful estate here. The right was in the King, by the statute of 11 Elizabeth. Yet upon O'Cahane's submission in 1601, the Lord Mountjoy, then lord deputy, promised the whole country to him. The castle of Annogh, with lands annexed to it, and the Bishop's and Church's rights were excepted. A custodiam was passed under the great seal in confirmation. By 1608, Sir Donnell O'Cahane was a prisoner in Dublin Castle. Ley and Davys were to acquaint the council in London with his crimes and the accusations against him, and to receive directions, as in the cause of Sir Neale O'Donnell. If O'Cahane be found unworthy of the King's favour by reason of his treasonable practices and misdemeanours, then that country falls to the King to dispose of as his Majesty sees fit. The castles to be held and garrisoned in this county are Annogh, Lemavadie, Colerayne, and Downgevyne, though most are ruinous and out of repair. If he is enlarged, or escapes the danger of the law upon his trial, two parts of the country will not content him, nor perhaps the whole. But whatever becomes of him, good consideration must be had of his brother, Manus O'Cahane, and a few others found honest in those troubles.

1593 agreement grants Strabane and Urney to Sir Tirlagh

near Strabane · town · Tyrone · 1593

An agreement in 1593 between the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Turlough Luineach granted Sir Tirlagh the towns and lands of Strabane and Urney for life. Strabane was also designated as a location for the annual payment of money or cattle.

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But, at all events, a knowledge of the terms of this final arrangement between him and his rival is required, not only to understand the earl's real position at the time, but to explain also the nature of certain claims afterwards put forward by the grandsons of Turlough Luineach against the government We subjoin the substance at least of this arrangement, which has only of late seen the light, and must, therefore, be new to the readers, and indeed the writers, in Irish history of the seventeenth century. The document from which we quote is headed Articles of Agreement ^ and dated Dondalke^ 28 Juney iS93» "First, the earl of Tyrone had the command of 50 horse, equivalent to a sum of 636/ 9^. 4j^^. yearly, and Sir Turlough was to have this command transferred to him during his life, according to the Queen's injunction as expressed in the patents of the captainry of Tyrone, he finding the said horsemen to serve her majesty at the said earFs expense. 2. Sir Tirlagh to receive the yearly rents and duties payable by Maguire, the lord of Fermanagh, according to the Queen's grant, the earl being bound to compel Maguire and his heirs to pay the same, should they, at any time, refuse to do so. 3. The earl to pay Sir Tirlagh so many cows yearly as shall, after the rate of 20^. ster. the cow, make up, together with the said command and Maguire's rent, the sum of 2,000/. ster. ; provided always, that if the said command do, in the life of Sir Tirlagh, surcease, by the death of the earl or otherwise, then the earl, his heirs or assigns, shall pay to Sir Tirlagh, his servants or assigns, in lieu of it, and to make up the said 2,000/., the sum of 636/. 9^. 4j4//. ster., or, in default of money, a choice cow for every 20s, ster. ; such cows as shall be delivered at May yearly to be in calf, and the cows to be delivered at Hallowmas yearly to be sufficient beefs, 5 j. extra to be paid for every cow not delivered at the said feasts. The said money or cows to be paid at Strabane or Bynnvorbe [Benburbe]. 4. Sir Tirlagh to have for life the towns and lands of Strabane and Largie Uirnevie [Urney], and also the lands adjoining Strabane [between the Finn and the Derg] fi-ee from all duties or other charges ; and also the town of Binvorbe, or Curren, with the half-ballybetagh of land [420 acres Irish] and appurtenances adjoining to such of the said towns as he shall choose ; and when Sir Tirlagh shall make choice of Benburb, or Curren, the house and lands thus chosen to be surrendered to him in due time. 5. Sir Tirlagh shall quietly, and without any molestation from the eaxl, receive three score cows yearly from O'Dogherty, and also one-half of the duties due from Lough Foyle and the Bann ; the other half to be received by the earl. 6. Sir Tirlagh demanded of the earl some increase of pension, over and above the said 2,000/., to which the earl at first was unwilling to yield, but the arrangement of this point was left to the earl's brother, Cormac O'Neill, and to his sons-in-law, Donnell O'Cahan and Henry Oge O'NeDl, Sir Tirlagh naming an arbitrator also. A dispute existed between Sir Tirlagh and his own son, Arthur, on the subject of certain lands then in possession of the latter, and the earl engaged to enforce the decree of arbitrators for the settlement of this controversy also. 7. Sir Tirlagh to receive such rents and duties out of the lands of Sleevesheese [eleven ballybetaghs owned by his Either, Neal Connelan O'Neill], as were due to him by such as dwell in Tyrone, and to cause Maguire and O'Cahan to pay Sir Tirlagh the arrear due upon them. He was also to permit Sir Tirlagh to receive such arrear as was behind for that last year, 1592, of the command aforesaid. 8. The earl and his heirs to hold the territory and lands of Tyrone against Sir Tirlagh and his heirs dischaxged of all such title and demand, as Sir Tirlagh claimed to have in and to the same, or any

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 30

As the companion tells it

Strabane is a town the road passes through or near, and in 1593 it was at the centre of an agreement between two powerful men. The Earl of Tyrone and Sir Turlough Luineach, called Sir Tirlagh, drew up articles of agreement at Dundalk on the 28th of June 1593. Sir Tirlagh was to receive the towns and lands of Strabane and Urney for his life, free from all duties and charges, along with the lands adjoining Strabane between the Finn and the Derg. He was also to have the town of Benburb, or Curren, with half a ballybetagh of land, 420 acres Irish, and appurtenances, choosing which of the towns suited him. The agreement went further. The earl was to pay Sir Tirlagh so many cows yearly, valued at 20 shillings sterling the cow, that together with certain other revenues the total came to 2,000 pounds sterling. If the command of 50 horse, worth 636 pounds 9 shillings and 4 pence yearly, should cease during Sir Tirlagh's lifetime by the earl's death or otherwise, the earl or his heirs were to pay the money instead, or in default, a choice cow for every 20 shillings. Cows delivered at May were to be in calf, and those at Hallowmas were to be sufficient beefs, with 5 shillings extra for every cow not delivered at the stated feasts. The money or cows were to be paid at Strabane or Benburb. Sir Tirlagh was also to receive yearly rents from Maguire, the lord of Fermanagh, three score cows from O'Dogherty, and one half of the duties due from Lough Foyle and the Bann, the earl taking the other half.

Battle of Magh Rath (Moira), 637

near Moira · town · Down · 637

The great dispute between Congal Claen and the monarch Domhnall culminated in the battle of Magh Rath in County Down in 637, described by O'Donovan as one of the most famous battles ever fought in Ireland. Congal was defeated and slain.

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Congal to assassinate, promising that when he (Domhnall) should succeed to the throne of Erin, he would advance Congal from being the ruler of a small comer in the north to the position of his ancestors, who were kings of all ancient Uladh. But, when Domhnall had got his own object accomplished, he forgot his promise ; and not only so, but endeavoured to humiliate Congal in the presence of his enemies (13). The latter determined in his wrath to dethrone Domhnall, but was himself suddenly driven into exile, where he remained nine years, and during that time collected an army of Picts, Britons, Saxons, and men from Alba, landing his forces at Dundrum, in the county of Down. The great dispute culminated in the battle of Mc^h Rath^ in the same county, which was fought in the year 637, and "was one of the most famous," says O'Donovan, "ever fought in Ireland." In this conflict Congal was defeated and slain. But although he was the last prince of his line in the smaller Uladh or Ulidia, that little nationality continued to maintain its place among the powers of the north until the time of the English invasion (14).
At the date of this battle the power of the Oirghialla had begun to wane, and that of the Hy- Niall and their kindred septs in north-western Ulster to spread and strengthen. The early history of the O'Neills, who were soon to make themselves felt in Ulster, was closely associated with the territory or district known as Inis-Eoghan, now Inishowen, so called from a prince named Eoghan

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 14

As the companion tells it

Moira is a town the road passes through, and in the year 637 a battle was fought near here that O'Donovan called one of the most famous ever fought in Ireland. The trouble began with Congal and the monarch Domhnall. Domhnall had promised Congal that when he succeeded to the throne of Erin, he would raise him from ruler of a small corner in the north to the position of his ancestors, who were kings of all ancient Uladh. But once Domhnall had what he wanted, he forgot his promise, and worse, he tried to humiliate Congal in the presence of his enemies. Congal in his wrath determined to dethrone Domhnall, but instead was driven suddenly into exile. He remained there nine years. In that time he gathered an army of Picts, Britons, Saxons, and men from Alba, and landed his forces at Dundrum in the county of Down. The great dispute between them culminated in the battle of Magh Rath, fought in the year 637. Congal was defeated and slain. Though he was the last prince of his line in the smaller Uladh, or Ulidia, that little nationality kept its place among the powers of the north until the time of the English invasion. At the date of this battle the power of the Oirghialla had begun to wane, and that of the Hy-Niall and their kindred septs in north-western Ulster was spreading and strengthening.

Docwra sells Derry property to Pawlett

near Derry · city · Derry

Sir Henry Docwra, indignant at treatment from the government, sold his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett. Chichester considered Pawlett wholly unfitted for the role of deputy-governor of Derry due to his arrogance and inexperience.

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been granted to Sir Ralph Bingley. Although Docwra did his best to have his engagement to Sir Cahir made good, he failed in doing so, from the amount of powerful opposition against him. O'Dogherty naturally became discontented ; and, in the meantime, Docwra felt so indignant, on account of certain treatment received from the govemml&nt by himself, that he sold out his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett, who wa& wholly unfitted (even according to the expressed opinion of Chichester himself), both from his arrogance and inexperience, for the duties of deputy-governor of Derry, which he required to discharge in Sir Henry Docwra's absence. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, having lost his fishings, which were then the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard ', and, for this purpose, he required to visit Derry, and even to enter Pawlett's office, to await the arrival of the purchaser, and of Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. Whilst there, an altercation arose between himself and Pawlett, during which the latter brutally struck him with his clenched fist in the face I O'Dogherty not wishing, perhaps, to try conclusions with Pawlett in the same vulgar style, or afraid lest the official bully might summon other equally unscrupulous parties to his aid, rushed from the office, and, unfortunately, before his rage had time to cool, met his two fosterbrothers, the MacDavitts, in the street On hearing the cause of his excitement, they replied, in furious terms, that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves that they would be ready to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the dan at a given hour ! They but too faithfully kept to their determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near to arise and avenge their wrongs. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh ; and its suppression required the services of picked troops, under the command of the best officers, including such men as Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted only about three months, commencing^early in the May of 1608, and going' on to the 5th of July--on which day O'Dogherty was slain whilst skirmishing at a place called Duinn, or Doone, in Kilhnacrenan. The king had, previously to the commencement of the revolt, written a very decided letter to Chichester, requiring that Sir Cahir should receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was ample time to have communicated the contents of this letter to Sir Cahir, and thus to have prevented the revolt ; but, unfortunately, the letter was entrusted to one of Chichester's servants in London, and, perhaps^ did not reach the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field. At all events, tJ'Dogherty's body had hardly time to blacken in the sun on the spikes where its severed fragments were exposed, when Chichester's application for the barony of Inishowen reached the council in London through this same servant, John Strowd, and another named Francis Annesley. Although there were other and powerful applicants for Inishowen, the deputy outstripped or out-manoeuvred them all, and

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 55

As the companion tells it

As you pass through Derry, this city holds a story from the early seventeenth century. Sir Henry Docwra, feeling indignant at his treatment by the government, sold his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett. Chichester himself expressed the opinion that Pawlett was wholly unfitted for the duties of deputy-governor of Derry, which he was to discharge in Docwra's absence, citing his arrogance and inexperience. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, having lost his fishing rights, which were the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard. He came to Derry and entered Pawlett's office, awaiting the purchaser and Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. There an altercation arose between O'Dogherty and Pawlett, during which Pawlett brutally struck him with his clenched fist in the face. O'Dogherty rushed from the office. Before his rage had time to cool, he met his two foster-brothers, the MacDavitts, in the street. On hearing the cause of his excitement, they replied in furious terms that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves ready to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the clan. They kept their determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh, and its suppression required picked troops under officers including Lambert and Wingfield. It lasted about three months, from early May 1608 to 5 July, when O'Dogherty was slain while skirmishing at a place called Doone, in Kilmacrenan. The king had previously written to Chichester requiring that Sir Cahir receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was time to have communicated this and prevented the revolt, but the letter was entrusted to one of Chichester's servants in London and perhaps did not reach the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field.

Enniskillen chosen as Fermanagh shire town

near Enniskillen · town · Fermanagh · 1608

In 1608, Chichester recommended Enniskillen (Inishkellin) as the fittest place for the shire town and a corporation, noting it was then altogether waste and desolate. It was the only town in Fermanagh destined to enjoy corporate honours.

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'^76). Commissioners. — The place chosen by the commisffloners was Enniskillen, and this town was the only one in Fermanagh destined to enjoy corporate honours. Til 1608, Chichester reconmiended this position in his 'Notes of remembrances/ and seems to have forgotten Lisgoole. His words are '* Inishkellin is the fittest place, in his opinion, for the shire town, and to be made a corporation, which will require charge or forcement to bring men of wealth and substance to dwell there, in r^;ard it is now altogether waste and desolate. " • (77). As aforesaid* — Dublin College got extensive lands in Fermanagh, which will be noticed.
(78). Lisgoole, — ^The Free School, originally intended to be built here, was eventually placed at Portora in the vicinity of Enniskillen, and got a grant, to build and endow, of 2, 160 acres.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 92

As the companion tells it

Enniskillen is the town you are passing. In 1608 it was chosen as the shire town of Fermanagh, the only town in the county destined to enjoy corporate honours. Chichester recommended it that year in his Notes of Remembrances, and seems to have forgotten Lisgoole. His words were, "Inishkellin is the fittest place, in his opinion, for the shire town, and to be made a corporation, which will require charge or forcement to bring men of wealth and substance to dwell there, in regard it is now altogether waste and desolate." A Free School, originally intended to be built at Lisgoole, was eventually placed at Portora in the vicinity of Enniskillen, and got a grant to build and endow of 2,160 acres.

Hugh Maguire of Tempo mortgages estate, family falls into distress

near Tempo · village · Fermanagh

Hugh Maguire of Tempo, described as one of the most puissant and accomplished gentlemen of the Maguire family, mortgaged Tempo and left his family in great distress. His grandsons were reduced to common sailors on coal vessels between Dublin and Wales.

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Cuconnaght More. The latter married a daughter of Ever Magennis, of Castlewellan, in the county of Down. He, Cuconnaght, "mortgaged a great part of his estate, to ndse, arm, and support a regiment of horse for the service of James II. According to the traditions in the family, which appear to be correct, he fought desperately at the pass of Aughrim, where he was killed, and his regiment cut to pieces, after having nearly annihilated the second regiment of British horse. He was struck down by a grape shot, and left dead on the field ; but one of his toUowers, named O'Dumin, is said to have cut off his head with his sword, and to have carried it in a bag to the island of Devenish, where he interred it in the family tomb of the Magwires. The late Bryan Maguire of Tempo, and of Clontarf, Dublin, states, in a pedigree of his family, which he printed in 181 1, that the descendants of this 0*Dumin were then living in Dublin." This Cuconnap^ht Morels great grandson, Hugh Maguire of Tempo, IS described as "one of the most puissant, highminded, and accomplished gentlemen that ever came of the Maguire family. The editor [Dr. O'Donovan] was acquainted with many persons who knew him intimately and were entertained at his hospitable and sumptuous table at Tempo. He mortgaged Tempo, and left his family in great distress." This hospitable gentleman's grandsons "were reduced to the condition of common sailors on the coal vessels sailing between Dublin and the coasts of Wales. Thus, has the proudest blood of Ireland sunk to one of the most vulgar states of human existence, and commingled with that class amongst whom, a century ago, according to Dean Swift, the true representatives of the ancient Irish nobility were to be found." See the Fotir Masters^ vol. vi., pp. 2,366-2,368.
(128). Irish Manner, — In other words, ploughing by the tail. See p. 459. A report from Irish commissioners contains the following passage in reference to this custom, and to the discreditable pretences made to sup-

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 402

MacMahon of Monaghan lacks a harp

Monaghan · town · Monaghan · 1588

By 1588, the harp had become a rare article in Irish households, even in princely establishments. The castle of the MacMahon lord of Monaghan lacked the instrument, prompting him to attempt to borrow one from Sir Brian O'Rorke.

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' fugitive' friends whose chattels included a harp. This specimen was probably a very old family relic, as, in the preceding or sixteenth century, the harp had become a rare article in Irish households. Even the castle of the MacMahon, lord of Monaghan, whose establishment, in the year 1588, must have been of a somewhat princely character, had not the luxury of this national instrument, so closely associated with the life of old Erin; and when he sent to borrow a harp from Sir Brian O'Rorke he received the following reply to his message: — "And what you request us to send you, a harp and a great spear, we do assure you that we cannot ; there is never a harp in our country [the present county of Leitrim], but we will provide one for you, and will send two great spears, and two skeins of the best made in our country." See a State Paper quoted in the Ulster Journal of ArcJuKology^ vol. viL, p. 98.
(92). Te^ &JCeenan, — Notwithstanding the scantiness of this fugitive's effects, at least as represented in this ' account,' he was described in the famous " Indictment" as a 'gentleman.' He only numbered among his stock one garron, and one hackney. The garron, or gearron, was the common Irish work-horse, whilst the hackney enjoyed a somewhat better position, being honoured generally with the privilege >of carrying about its owner, or his family, llie distmction between these two class of horses

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 196

As the companion tells it

Not far from this road lies the town of Monaghan, and in 1588 its castle belonged to the MacMahon lord. His establishment, the record says, must have been of a somewhat princely character, yet it lacked one thing. By the sixteenth century the harp had become a rare article in Irish households. Even in the castle of the MacMahon lord of Monaghan, so closely associated with the life of old Erin, there was no harp. So he sent a message to Sir Brian O'Rorke, asking to borrow one. Sir Brian's reply came back. He said, "And what you request us to send you, a harp and a great spear, we do assure you that we cannot; there is never a harp in our country, but we will provide one for you, and will send two great spears, and two skeins of the best made in our country." His country was the present county of Leitrim. There was not a single harp there either. He could not lend what he did not have, but he promised to find one somewhere, and he would send two great spears and two skeins besides. A princely household without a harp, writing to another lord who had none to give.

Navan Fort (Eamhuin) — ancient royal site near Armagh

near Navan · monument · Armagh

The remains of Eamhuin, believed erected about 300 BC, lie about a mile and a half west of Armagh and are described by O'Donovan as the most extensive of their kind in all Ireland. The site consists of a circular rath enclosing about eleven acres with two smaller forts inside, still known as Navan Fort, preserving the original Irish name. Legend links its origin to Queen Macha, who enslaved the sons of Dihorba to build it.

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(7). Eamhuin or Emania. — This great building is believed to have been erected about 300 years before the birth of Christ, and the time of its erection is the limit assigned by our most reliable annalist, Tighemach, to authentic Irish history, all records prior to that age being, in his opinion, uncertain. This looks like a gratuitous assertion, the truth of which Tighemach, perhaps, had no more special means of testing than his contemporaries, and about which he was not in much danger of being called to account. The remains of Eamhuin, however, are situate about a mile and a-half westward from the present town of Armagh, and **are, without a single exception," says O'Donovan, "the most extensive of their kind in all Ireland."- - (See Battle of Magh RcUh^ p. 213). They "consist of a circular rath or rampart of earth with a deep fosse, enclosing about eleven acres, within which are two smaller circular forts. The great rath is still known by the name of the Navan Fort^ in which the original name is curiously preserved. The proper Irish form is Eamhuin, which is pronounced Azen, the Irish article an, contracted as usual to n, being placed before this, makes it nEamhuin, the pronunciation of which is exactly represented by Navan,*' — (See Joyce on the Origin ami History of Irish Names of Plctces, p. 85. ) The circumstances connected with the origin of this famous palace, as they are recorded in the Book of Leinster, arc sufficiently curious. ** Three kings, named respectively Aedh-ruadh, Dihorba, and Ciombaeth, agreed to reign each for seven years in alternate succession, and they enjoyed the sovereignty for three periods, or 21 years, when Aedh-ruadh [Ayroo] died. His daughter, the celebrated Macha, of the golden hair, asserted her right to reign when her father's tum came, and being opposed by Dihorba and his sons, she defeated them in several battles, in one of which Dihorba was killed, and she then assumed the sovereignty. She afterwards married the surviving monarch, Ciombaeth, and took the five sons of Dihorba prisoners. The Ultonians proposed that they should be put to death. Not so, said she, because it would be the defilement of the righteousness of a sovereign in me ; but they shall be condemned to slavery, and slmll raise a rath around me, and it shall be the chief city of Ulster for ever." — Ibidt pp. 82, 83 ; see also O'Curry's MS, MaterialSf first ser., p. 527.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 9

As the companion tells it

Somewhere about Navan lie the remains of Eamhuin, an ancient royal site believed to have been built around 300 BC. The annalist Tighemach set the time of its erection as the very limit of authentic Irish history, treating all records before that age as uncertain. O'Donovan called the remains, without a single exception, "the most extensive of their kind in all Ireland." They consist of a circular rath of earth with a deep fosse, enclosing about eleven acres, with two smaller circular forts inside. The great rath is still known as Navan Fort, and the name preserves the original Irish. The proper Irish form is Eamhuin, pronounced Azen. The Irish article an, contracted to n, placed before the word makes nEamhuin, the pronunciation of which is exactly Navan. The story of its origin comes from the Book of Leinster. Three kings, Aedh-ruadh, Dihorba, and Ciombaeth, agreed to reign each for seven years in alternate succession. They enjoyed the sovereignty for three periods, or 21 years, when Aedh-ruadh died. His daughter Macha, of the golden hair, claimed her right to reign when her father's turn came. Dihorba and his sons opposed her, and she defeated them in several battles. In one of those battles Dihorba was killed, and Macha assumed the sovereignty. She afterwards married the surviving monarch, Ciombaeth, and took the five sons of Dihorba prisoner. The Ultonians proposed that they should be put to death. Macha refused. She said, "They shall be condemned to slavery, and shall raise a rath around me, and it shall be the chief city of Ulster for ever."

Tirone's Ditches: O'Neill's earthworks near Ballymore

Ballymore · townland · Armagh

Extensive earthworks thrown up originally for the protection of Hugh O'Neill's army, still retaining the name of Tirone's Ditches, were visible in the parish of Ballymore, barony of Lower Orior, between Acton and Poyntzpass, in a part of the country extremely well fortified by nature.

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and thence along the southern shore of the lough to Newry. The coast, from the head of Dundalk bay, is nearly all a sandy beach, left dry over a breadth of between one and two miles, and forming the edge or rim of a slowly sloping expanse of inland country. The upper or inland road from Dundalk northward, lay along the Fews mountains, 'a long march,' for the ancient territory of the Fews [now comprised in the two modem baronies of the same name], was seventeen miles in length. This mountain road was considered a dangerous one for English troops, as the adjoining woods afforded the amplest cover to the native Irish enemy. But the danger had been removed at the time of this journey in 1609, and principally by the energy of Mountjoy, who caused large fragments of the woods to be hewn down during the war with O'Neill, and a fort to be built at the celebrated Moyry Pass, then known as the gate to Ulster. The railway now runs exactly along the line of Chichester's march from Dundalk, and the remains of this fort still crown the hill, at a little distance westward from the line. The encampment of the commissioners, on the night of the 3rd of August, was, no doubt, at or near this fort which commanded Moyry pass. The next day's march lay through the remaining part of the Fews, and was broken probably by a brief halt at Fort-Norris. Thence the cavalcade could see at some distance eastward, the outlines at least of those extensive earthworks thrown up originally for the protection of Hugh O'Neill's army, and still retaining the name of T^ron^s Ditches, These vestiges are in the parish of Ballymore, barony of Lower Orior, between Acton and Poyntz-pass, and in a part of the country extremely well fortified by nature.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 123

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Ballymore, the commissioners travelling in 1609 could see the outlines of extensive earthworks thrown up originally for the protection of Hugh O'Neill's army. These vestiges still retained the name of Tirone's Ditches. They stood in the parish of Ballymore, in the barony of Lower Orior, between Acton and Poyntzpass, in a part of the country extremely well fortified by nature. The commissioners had come by the inland road from Dundalk, which lay along the Fews mountains. The coast from the head of Dundalk bay was nearly all a sandy beach, left dry over a breadth of between 1 and 2 miles, forming the edge of a slowly sloping expanse of inland country. The ancient territory of the Fews was 17 miles in length, and this mountain road was considered a dangerous one for English troops. The adjoining woods afforded the amplest cover to the native Irish enemy. But by the time of this journey in 1609 that danger had been removed, principally by the energy of Mountjoy. During the war with O'Neill, Mountjoy caused large fragments of the woods to be hewn down, and a fort to be built at the celebrated Moyry Pass, then known as the gate to Ulster. The encampment of the commissioners on the night of the 3rd of August was at or near this fort, which commanded Moyry Pass. The next day's march lay through the remaining part of the Fews, broken probably by a brief halt at Fort-Norris. From there the cavalcade could see the outlines at least of those earthworks built for Hugh O'Neill's army. The remains of the fort at Moyry Pass still crown the hill, at a little distance westward from the railway line, which now runs exactly along the line of Chichester's march from Dundalk.

1593 agreement grants Benburb to Sir Tirlagh

Benburb · townland · Tyrone · 1593

The 1593 agreement between the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Turlough Luineach granted Sir Tirlagh the town of Benburb (or Curren) with a half-ballybetagh of land for life. Benburb was also named as an alternative location for annual payments.

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But, at all events, a knowledge of the terms of this final arrangement between him and his rival is required, not only to understand the earl's real position at the time, but to explain also the nature of certain claims afterwards put forward by the grandsons of Turlough Luineach against the government We subjoin the substance at least of this arrangement, which has only of late seen the light, and must, therefore, be new to the readers, and indeed the writers, in Irish history of the seventeenth century. The document from which we quote is headed Articles of Agreement ^ and dated Dondalke^ 28 Juney iS93» "First, the earl of Tyrone had the command of 50 horse, equivalent to a sum of 636/ 9^. 4j^^. yearly, and Sir Turlough was to have this command transferred to him during his life, according to the Queen's injunction as expressed in the patents of the captainry of Tyrone, he finding the said horsemen to serve her majesty at the said earFs expense. 2. Sir Tirlagh to receive the yearly rents and duties payable by Maguire, the lord of Fermanagh, according to the Queen's grant, the earl being bound to compel Maguire and his heirs to pay the same, should they, at any time, refuse to do so. 3. The earl to pay Sir Tirlagh so many cows yearly as shall, after the rate of 20^. ster. the cow, make up, together with the said command and Maguire's rent, the sum of 2,000/. ster. ; provided always, that if the said command do, in the life of Sir Tirlagh, surcease, by the death of the earl or otherwise, then the earl, his heirs or assigns, shall pay to Sir Tirlagh, his servants or assigns, in lieu of it, and to make up the said 2,000/., the sum of 636/. 9^. 4j4//. ster., or, in default of money, a choice cow for every 20s, ster. ; such cows as shall be delivered at May yearly to be in calf, and the cows to be delivered at Hallowmas yearly to be sufficient beefs, 5 j. extra to be paid for every cow not delivered at the said feasts. The said money or cows to be paid at Strabane or Bynnvorbe [Benburbe]. 4. Sir Tirlagh to have for life the towns and lands of Strabane and Largie Uirnevie [Urney], and also the lands adjoining Strabane [between the Finn and the Derg] fi-ee from all duties or other charges ; and also the town of Binvorbe, or Curren, with the half-ballybetagh of land [420 acres Irish] and appurtenances adjoining to such of the said towns as he shall choose ; and when Sir Tirlagh shall make choice of Benburb, or Curren, the house and lands thus chosen to be surrendered to him in due time. 5. Sir Tirlagh shall quietly, and without any molestation from the eaxl, receive three score cows yearly from O'Dogherty, and also one-half of the duties due from Lough Foyle and the Bann ; the other half to be received by the earl. 6. Sir Tirlagh demanded of the earl some increase of pension, over and above the said 2,000/., to which the earl at first was unwilling to yield, but the arrangement of this point was left to the earl's brother, Cormac O'Neill, and to his sons-in-law, Donnell O'Cahan and Henry Oge O'NeDl, Sir Tirlagh naming an arbitrator also. A dispute existed between Sir Tirlagh and his own son, Arthur, on the subject of certain lands then in possession of the latter, and the earl engaged to enforce the decree of arbitrators for the settlement of this controversy also. 7. Sir Tirlagh to receive such rents and duties out of the lands of Sleevesheese [eleven ballybetaghs owned by his Either, Neal Connelan O'Neill], as were due to him by such as dwell in Tyrone, and to cause Maguire and O'Cahan to pay Sir Tirlagh the arrear due upon them. He was also to permit Sir Tirlagh to receive such arrear as was behind for that last year, 1592, of the command aforesaid. 8. The earl and his heirs to hold the territory and lands of Tyrone against Sir Tirlagh and his heirs dischaxged of all such title and demand, as Sir Tirlagh claimed to have in and to the same, or any

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 30

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Benburb, in 1593, the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Turlough Luineach made an agreement that shaped who would hold this land. The document is dated Dundalk, 28 June 1593. Under its terms, Sir Tirlagh was to receive the town of Curren with a half-ballybetagh of land, about 420 acres, and its appurtenances, for life. When he made his choice of Curren, the house and lands were to be surrendered to him in due time. The agreement covered far more. Sir Tirlagh was to have the command of 50 horse, worth 636 pounds, 9 shillings and 4 pence yearly, transferred to him during his life. He was to receive the yearly rents and duties from Maguire, the lord of Fermanagh, with the earl bound to compel payment if Maguire refused. The earl was to pay Sir Tirlagh enough cows yearly, at 20 shillings the cow, to make up, with the command and Maguire's rent, a total of 2,000 pounds. If the command ended, the earl would pay 636 pounds, 9 shillings and 4 pence instead, or a choice cow for every 20 shillings. Cows delivered at May were to be in calf, and those at Hallowmas to be sufficient beefs, with 5 shillings extra for every cow not delivered. These payments were to be made at Strabane or at this same town of Curren. Sir Tirlagh was also to have the towns and lands of Strabane and Urney, free from all duties, and to receive three score cows yearly from O'Dogherty, and one half of the duties from Lough Foyle and the Bann. A dispute between Sir Tirlagh and his son Arthur over certain lands was to be settled by arbitrators, with the earl to enforce their decree.

Battle of Beleek and treachery

near Belleek · parish · Fermanagh

The Earl of Tyrone complained of Sir Henry Bagenall's treachery in Fermanagh, at Termon Magrath, in Donegal, and following the battle of Beleek.

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Tyrone, Earl of, conditions on which the O'Neill estates were granted to, 29 ; survey of his lands, id.; his relations with other members of the clan or family imbittered by his good fortune, 30 ; his quarrel with Turlough Luineach, id. ; accepted by the English as a feithful and trusted ally, id.; articles of agreement between him and Turlough Luineach in 1593, 31, 32; envied by English servitors, 32 ; offence given to the authorities by his protection of shipwrecked soldiers and sailors belonging to the Spanish Armada, id.; refused to spare Hugh Gaveloc, although offered a large ransom, 34 ; his summons to London, 35 ; his defence of his conduct in the execution of Gaveloc, id.; his bailsmen or securities, id.; his summons by Fitz- William to Dublin, 36 ; his stratagem to avoid arrest, id. ; his determination to go no more within the Pale, id,; complete change in his political sentiments, id.; grounds of his change, 37 ; his fears on witnessing the Site of MacMahon, id.; causes of his hostile attitude towards the Government, 38-40; his account of his treatment by Fitzwilliam and Bagenall, 38, 39; his notice of Henshawe and Moat, 39 ; his reference to the grievances of his foster-brothers, the Hovendens, 40 ; his expenses in assisting to defeat the Maguires, id.; complained of Sir Henry Bagenall's treachery in Fermanagh, at Termon Magrath, in Donegal, and after the battle of Beleek, id.; his expenses incurred in bringing Sir Rosse MacMahon to meet Sir John Perrot at Drogheda, id. ; complained of the loss of his daughter's dowry in Monaghan, 41 ; lamented the deaths of certain of his influential friends, id. ; referred to the fate of Hu^h Roe MacMahon, 42 ; denounced Wallis and Fuller, i!. ; described the treatment of Sir Owen O'Toole at the

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 500

As the companion tells it

The road passes through the parish of Belleek, in Fermanagh. The Earl of Tyrone complained of Sir Henry Bagenall's treachery here, after the battle of Beleek. Tyrone had once been accepted by the English as a faithful and trusted ally. But his good fortune embittered his relations with other members of his clan, and he quarrelled with Turlough Luineach before reaching articles of agreement with him in 1593. English servitors envied him. The authorities took offence when he protected shipwrecked soldiers and sailors from the Spanish Armada. He refused to spare Hugh Gaveloc, though a large ransom was offered, and was summoned to London, where he defended the execution. Fitzwilliam then summoned him to Dublin. He used a stratagem to avoid arrest and resolved he would go no more within the Pale. His political sentiments changed entirely. He witnessed what was done to MacMahon and grew afraid. He gave an account of his treatment by Fitzwilliam and Bagenall, and spoke of the grievances of his foster-brothers, the Hovendens. He had spent his own money helping to defeat the Maguires, and bringing Sir Rosse MacMahon to meet Sir John Perrot at Drogheda. He complained of Sir Henry Bagenall's treachery in Fermanagh, at Termon Magrath, in Donegal, and after the battle of Beleek. He complained too of the loss of his daughter's dowry in Monaghan, and lamented the deaths of certain influential friends.

Battle of Clontarf and the defeat of the Northmen

Clontarf · parish · Dublin · 1014

Brian Boru achieved his decisive victory over the Northmen at Clontarf in 1014, resulting in the extinction of their power throughout Ireland. He was assassinated by a straggling Dane immediately after the battle, living only long enough to see the enemy routed.

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Although Malachi lived until the year 1023, he had not the glory of inflicting the crowning defeat on the Northmen at Clontarf in 10 14, for his ally, Brian Boiroimhe, previously raised a commotion against him, and was able to depose the old northern hero from the chief throne. In these proceedings Brian Boiroimhe was the agent of a great southern party, who had become jealous of the frequency with which monarchs for Ireland were drawn from the northern house of O'Neill, and had, therefore, combined to interrupt or put an end to that arrangement This southern party professed to be reformers ; and, during Brian's reign of twelve years, some roads and bridges were made throughout the country, and the inhabitants were encomaged, as a matter of convenience, to adopt the use of surnames. Brian immortalised himself by his great closing grapple with the Northmen at Clontarf, which resulted in the extinction of their power throughout Ireland He only lived, however, to see the enemy routed, and the avengers on their track ; for he could not have had time, before his assassination by a straggling Dane, to comprehend how thoroughly complete and magnificent was the victory he had then achieved. From the date of his death, the struggle went on between the Irish north and south about the monarchy ; and during its progress Malachi 11. regained his lost seat, which he occupied until the time of his death. That event is noticed in the following terms, by the Four Masters : — " Maelseachlainn Mor, son of Domhnall, son of Donnchadh, pillar of the dignity and nobility of the west of the world, died on Cro-inis, Loch Aininn, after having been forty-three years in sovereignty over Ireland, according to the Book of Cluain-mic-Nois, . . . . after being anointed by the hands of Amhalghaidh, successor of Patrick, for he, and the successor of Colum-Cille, and the successor of Ciaran, and most of the seniors of Ireland, were present at his death." Towards the end of the century Murtagh O'Brien, a grandson of Brian Boiroimhe, was chosen chief monarch, and by way of putting an end to all Hy-Niall pretensions in future, he marched a large army into Inishowen, and demolished the ancient palace of Aileach, actually carrying back some of its heaviest materials into Munster, as trophies of his success. A grandson of Maelseachlainn, known as Murtagh MacLaughlan, of the same house of O'Neill, revived the family prestige for a time, although he was the last of his line to enjoy the distinction of being elected monarch — a distinction so repeatedly won by his ancestors, at longer or shorter inter-

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 19

As the companion tells it

The parish of Clontarf was where the Northmen met their end in Ireland. Brian Boiroimhe achieved the crowning defeat over them here in 1014, a victory that resulted in the extinction of their power throughout the country. Brian had come to the throne by deposing the old northern hero Malachi, acting as the agent of a great southern party who had grown jealous of how often monarchs were drawn from the northern house of O'Neill. During his reign of twelve years, some roads and bridges were made throughout the country, and the inhabitants were encouraged to adopt the use of surnames. But it was at Clontarf that Brian immortalised himself, in his great closing grapple with the Northmen. He only lived long enough to see the enemy routed and the avengers on their track. He could not have had time, before his assassination by a straggling Dane, to comprehend how thoroughly complete and magnificent was the victory he had achieved. The struggle then went on between the Irish north and south about the monarchy. Malachi regained his lost seat and occupied it until his death in 1023. The Four Masters recorded his passing: he was Maelseachlainn Mor, son of Domhnall, son of Donnchadh, described as the pillar of the dignity and nobility of the west of the world, and he died on Cro-inis, Loch Aininn, after forty-three years in sovereignty over Ireland.

Battle of Farney — defeat of Rudrician king Fergus Fogha

Farney · barony · Monaghan · 330–335

The three Collas fought a campaign in Uladh culminating in a great battle at Farney in Monaghan, where the Rudrician king Fergus Fogha and three of his sons were slain and his army destroyed. This led to the seizure of nearly the entire northern principality as sword-land.

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supplied for the occasion by the monarch of Ireland. The campaign in Uladh lasted only seven days^ but the actual fighting is described as continuous throughout that time. It ceased with a great battle at Famey, in the present county of Monaghan, where the Rudrician king, Fergus Fogha, with three of his sons, was slain, and his army cut to pieces. Other disastrous results soon followed, including the seizure, by the victorious Collas, of nearly the entire northern principality as swordland, the expulsion of its inhabitants, the planting on its fields of an alien population, and the utter destruction of the beautiful palace of Eamhuin, which, during so many centuries, had been the pride of the north.
It would now be difficult, perhaps impossible, to define the exact boundaries of the lands thus seized and planted by the three Collas and their adherents. In general terms, they may be described as comprising all Northern Ulster, from Lough Neagh and the lower Bann westward, excepting the region now known as Donegal ; and as much of southern Ulster as was included in the counties now known as Armagh, Louth, and Monaghan. In an ancient historical tale, known as the Battle of Magh Rathy the lands held by the Clann Colla, or descendants of the three Collas, are defined as extending westward from Ath-an-Imairg, 'the Ford of the Contest', a place on the lower Bann, to the river Finn, which falls into the Mourne at Lifford, and to Foither^ a place not yet identified, but probably somewhere further west According to the same authority, their lands in southern Ulster stretched from Glinn Righe (the glen through which the Newry river flows), to a place called Bearramaifty which must have been situated on the eastern confines of Breifne — a territory comprising the present counties of Cavan and Leitrim. Another definition of the ancient Uladh, held by the ^udricians, and consequently seized by the three Collas, is also given in the same historical tract A leading actor in the events therein mentioned is represented as addressing his associates — descendants of Ir and Rudhraighe — ^as follows : —

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 10

As the companion tells it

As you travel through the barony of Farney, you pass near ground where, around the year 330, the three Collas fought their campaign in Uladh. The campaign lasted seven days, but the fighting was continuous throughout. It ended in a great battle in Farney, where the Rudrician king Fergus Fogha was slain, along with three of his sons. His army was cut to pieces. After that victory, the Collas seized nearly the entire northern principality as sword-land. They expelled its inhabitants. They planted an alien population on its fields. They destroyed the palace of Eamhuin, which for centuries had been the pride of the north. The exact boundaries of the lands they took are now difficult to define. In general terms, they comprised all Northern Ulster from Lough Neagh and the lower Bann westward, excepting Donegal. They also took as much of southern Ulster as is now in the counties of Armagh, Louth, and Monaghan. In the ancient tale called the Battle of Magh Rathy, the lands of the Clann Colla are said to extend westward from the Ford of the Contest on the lower Bann to the river Finn, which meets the Mourne at Lifford, and to a place called Foither, not yet identified. Their lands in southern Ulster stretched from Glinn Righe, the glen of the Newry river, to a place called Bearramaifty, on the eastern edge of Breifne, the territory now covering Cavan and Leitrim.

Battle of Farsetmore: O'Donnell defeats Shane O'Neill

Farsetmore · townland · Donegal · 1567

Shane O'Neill marched into Tyrconnell with a great force but was attacked suddenly by O'Donnell near Lough Foyle. O'Donnell drove O'Neill's men into the river where many drowned, forcing Shane to flee to the Scots who later betrayed and killed him.

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(51). Lost his life. — The statement here made by Hugh Roe respecting the loyalty of the O'Donnells to the government was amply borne out by well-known facts. Captain Lee, who Knew all about the political movements in Ulster, confirms this statement in the following terms : — "And one special matter more is to be thought upon, where your Majesty, in all the wars of Shane O'No&le, had T3rrconnel faithful and ready to do your Hip^hness service, and to assist your soldiers, giving the traitor many overthrows (being then an utter enemy to all the Neals) ; now it is not so, for 0*Donnell [Hugh Roe] is married to the Earl of Tyrone's daughter, and is thereby so linked to him, that no place of succour is left to your Majesty's forces in all the north ; for Sir John O'Dogherty, who was well affected to your Majesty's service, is now held under O'Donnell, so as no aid is to be expected from him. This poor gentleman hath been hardly used on both sides ; first by Sir William Fitzwilliam, who imprisoned him in hope to have some Spanish gold ; and now by O'Donnell, because he shall not in these troubles annoy him." The battle of Farsitmore, at which the O'Donnells defeated Shane O'Neill, is described in the following terms in the Book of Howth : — "He [Shane] went with a great power upon O'Donyll to Teyreconell, and after great harms done there, this O'Neyll camped be-west the river Lough Foyll in A'Donyll's country, and might have comen over the water before. And upon the sudden O'Donyll set upon A'Neyll, and fought with his men, that with very force he dryve them to take the river, and there was drowned. At this time the sea was in; and O'Neyll, with seven horsemen, fled towards a ford that was besouth his camp, and so saved himself. And after, for veiy necessity of men of war to maintain his wars, he made his combination with the Scots, who traitorously
slew him' in their camp ; whose head was brought and put upon the castle of Dublin." Caletidar of Carew AfSS., fifth series, pp. 208, 209.

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 40

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Farsetmore, in 1567, Shane O'Neill marched into Tyrconnell with a great power against O'Donnell. After doing great harm there, he camped west of the river at Lough Foyle, in O'Donnell's country. He might have crossed the water before, but he did not, and that delay cost him. O'Donnell set upon Shane suddenly. He fought with such force that he drove Shane's men into the river, and there they were drowned. The sea was in at the time, making the water deeper and deadlier. Shane himself escaped with seven horsemen. They fled toward a ford south of his camp, and so he saved himself. But it was not enough. He had lost so many men of war that, out of very necessity, he made his combination with the Scots to maintain his wars. The Scots betrayed him. They traitorously slew him in their camp. His head was brought back and put upon the castle of Dublin. Captain Lee, who knew the political movements in Ulster well, confirmed that the O'Donnells had been loyal to the government during the wars of Shane O'Neill. He said that Tyrconnell had been faithful and ready to do service, giving the traitor many overthrows. This battle at Farsetmore was one of those overthrows, and the one that broke Shane O'Neill.

Chichester secures the barony of Inishowen

near Inishowen · townland · Donegal · 1608

Following the suppression of O'Dogherty's revolt, Deputy Chichester out-manoeuvred other powerful applicants and secured the whole barony of Inishowen for himself, acquiring the large spoil.

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been granted to Sir Ralph Bingley. Although Docwra did his best to have his engagement to Sir Cahir made good, he failed in doing so, from the amount of powerful opposition against him. O'Dogherty naturally became discontented ; and, in the meantime, Docwra felt so indignant, on account of certain treatment received from the govemml&nt by himself, that he sold out his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett, who wa& wholly unfitted (even according to the expressed opinion of Chichester himself), both from his arrogance and inexperience, for the duties of deputy-governor of Derry, which he required to discharge in Sir Henry Docwra's absence. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, having lost his fishings, which were then the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard ', and, for this purpose, he required to visit Derry, and even to enter Pawlett's office, to await the arrival of the purchaser, and of Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. Whilst there, an altercation arose between himself and Pawlett, during which the latter brutally struck him with his clenched fist in the face I O'Dogherty not wishing, perhaps, to try conclusions with Pawlett in the same vulgar style, or afraid lest the official bully might summon other equally unscrupulous parties to his aid, rushed from the office, and, unfortunately, before his rage had time to cool, met his two fosterbrothers, the MacDavitts, in the street On hearing the cause of his excitement, they replied, in furious terms, that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves that they would be ready to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the dan at a given hour ! They but too faithfully kept to their determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near to arise and avenge their wrongs. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh ; and its suppression required the services of picked troops, under the command of the best officers, including such men as Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted only about three months, commencing^early in the May of 1608, and going' on to the 5th of July--on which day O'Dogherty was slain whilst skirmishing at a place called Duinn, or Doone, in Kilhnacrenan. The king had, previously to the commencement of the revolt, written a very decided letter to Chichester, requiring that Sir Cahir should receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was ample time to have communicated the contents of this letter to Sir Cahir, and thus to have prevented the revolt ; but, unfortunately, the letter was entrusted to one of Chichester's servants in London, and, perhaps^ did not reach the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field. At all events, tJ'Dogherty's body had hardly time to blacken in the sun on the spikes where its severed fragments were exposed, when Chichester's application for the barony of Inishowen reached the council in London through this same servant, John Strowd, and another named Francis Annesley. Although there were other and powerful applicants for Inishowen, the deputy outstripped or out-manoeuvred them all, and

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 55

Congal Claen lands foreign army at Dundrum

Dundrum · townland · Down · 628–637

Congal Claen, after nine years in exile, assembled an army of Picts, Britons, Saxons, and men from Alba and landed his forces at Dundrum in County Down to challenge the monarch Domhnall for the throne of Erin.

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Congal to assassinate, promising that when he (Domhnall) should succeed to the throne of Erin, he would advance Congal from being the ruler of a small comer in the north to the position of his ancestors, who were kings of all ancient Uladh. But, when Domhnall had got his own object accomplished, he forgot his promise ; and not only so, but endeavoured to humiliate Congal in the presence of his enemies (13). The latter determined in his wrath to dethrone Domhnall, but was himself suddenly driven into exile, where he remained nine years, and during that time collected an army of Picts, Britons, Saxons, and men from Alba, landing his forces at Dundrum, in the county of Down. The great dispute culminated in the battle of Mc^h Rath^ in the same county, which was fought in the year 637, and "was one of the most famous," says O'Donovan, "ever fought in Ireland." In this conflict Congal was defeated and slain. But although he was the last prince of his line in the smaller Uladh or Ulidia, that little nationality continued to maintain its place among the powers of the north until the time of the English invasion (14).
At the date of this battle the power of the Oirghialla had begun to wane, and that of the Hy- Niall and their kindred septs in north-western Ulster to spread and strengthen. The early history of the O'Neills, who were soon to make themselves felt in Ulster, was closely associated with the territory or district known as Inis-Eoghan, now Inishowen, so called from a prince named Eoghan

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 14

As the companion tells it

Close to Dundrum, in the years between 628 and 637, an exiled prince brought a foreign army ashore. His name was Congal Claen. He had once been ruler of a small corner in the north, and his ancestors had been kings of all ancient Uladh. Domhnall had promised to advance Congal to that former position, in exchange for Congal's help, but once Domhnall succeeded to the throne of Erin he forgot his promise and went further, endeavouring to humiliate Congal in the presence of his enemies. Congal, in his wrath, determined to dethrone Domhnall, but was himself suddenly driven into exile. He remained there nine years. During that time he collected an army of Picts, Britons, Saxons, and men from Alba, and landed his forces at Dundrum in the county of Down. The great dispute culminated in the battle of Mag Rath in the same county, fought in the year 637. O'Donovan called it one of the most famous ever fought in Ireland. In this conflict Congal was defeated and slain. He was the last prince of his line in the smaller Uladh, or Ulidia, but that little nationality continued to maintain its place among the powers of the north until the time of the English invasion. At the date of this battle the power of the Oirghialla had begun to wane, and that of the Hy-Niall and their kindred septs in north-western Ulster to spread and strengthen.

Council meets at Dundalk to settle O'Neill quarrel, 1591

Dundalk · town · Louth · 1591

Deputy Fitzwilliam and the council met at Dundalk in 1591 to resolve a violent dispute between the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Tirlagh O'Neale. Sir Tirlagh had been shot in the shoulder and beaten with a horseman's staff, requiring a surgeon sent by the Deputy.

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O'Neill estates, his relations with other branches or families of the great clan O'Neill were not improved, but rathei: embittered, by his good fortune. With Turlough Luineach and his sons the quarrel continued, and required the frequent interference of government officials. Fitzwilliam, who had been appointed deputy after Sir John Perrot, was utterly unfitted by his selfish nature for the duties of his office, and appears to have taken more pleasure in witnessing the quarrels than the contentment of Irish chiefs. The following extract from one of his letters to Burghley in 1591, is significant enough as to the state of affairs in Tyrone : — " I and this council, being now but six [in number] must be, the last of this month (God pleased) at Dondalk, for the ending of a great controversy between the earl and Sir T)n:lagh O'Neale, by reason of a fray fallen between them, in which the dutiful old knight. Sir Tyrlagh O'Neale, was shot through the shoulder with a bullet, and stroken with a horseman's staff in the small of the back, two grievous wounds ; but (God I thank) well recovered. I sent him a surgeon, with a great deal of stuff for his dressing." Writing, less than a month afterwards, to Sir George Carew, the deputy notices the " affair" thus : — " In the quarrel between the earl of Tyrone and Sir Tyrlagh O'Neale it was complained that the earl was altogether in fault, but upon examination (having them both here, and at the Newrie) it fell out that Sir Tyrlagh was therein far to blame. I and the council have so ended those causes, as they are both returned home with good contentment, and have given both their consents to have Tirone reduced to shire ground, and to accept of a Sheriff." See Calendar of Carew MSS.^ third series, pp. 55, 57- .

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 29

As the companion tells it

In 1591, the town of Dundalk was where Deputy Fitzwilliam and his council, just six men, gathered to settle a violent quarrel between the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Tirlagh O'Neale. Sir Tirlagh, a dutiful old knight, had been shot through the shoulder with a bullet and struck with a horseman's staff in the small of his back. Fitzwilliam called them "two grievous wounds" but thanked God the knight was well recovered. He sent him a surgeon, with "a great deal of stuff for his dressing." Fitzwilliam had taken office after Sir John Perrot, and was said to be unfitted by his selfish nature for the duties of his office, taking more pleasure in witnessing the quarrels of Irish chiefs than in their contentment. The quarrel between the Earl and Turlough Luineach and his sons continued and required the frequent interference of government officials. Less than a month after the meeting, Fitzwilliam wrote to Sir George Carew about the affair. It had been complained that the earl was altogether in fault, but upon examination, having them both and at the Newrie, it fell out that Sir Tirlagh was far to blame. The deputy and council ended the causes so that both men returned home with good contentment. They both gave their consent to have Tyrone reduced to shire ground and to accept a Sheriff.

Crom Castle: plantation fortification and 1688 siege

Crom · townland · Fermanagh · 1610–1688

Butler and Balfour built a bawn of 61 feet square and 15 feet high, plus a castle 22 feet square, on the tate called Crum (Crom). The castle was gallantly held by the Earl of Erne's ancestor in 1688 against Lord Galmoy until relieved by the Enniskilleners. The ruins of the old castle are still preserved, with the modern family residence built nearby on an eminence near the lake.

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in 1629, were — Patrick O'Teme, Edmond boy McMahown, Owen reagh McTeugart, Cahill McGwire, Donell McTegarte, Patrick McGwire, Donagh Arman, Donough McGwire, Anne Gellan, Tirlough O'Gillane, Tho. O'Kane, Art McGwire, Ross McGwire, Art McGwire, Owen McDonoghoe, Brian McGwire, Patrick McGwire, Patrick McCafferye, Cormock McCaffeiye, Ow^n McGwire, Donough McAneny, TiegeO*Tamultie, Knogher McGwire, Rowrie McGwire, Knogher McBryan, and James McGwire. {Jhid), The most suitable portions of this estate whereon to locate Irish tenants were the half tate of Letteigreene- Itra ; Dromgoale, one tate ; Dromsasericke, one tate ; Comevrean, one tate ; Mullelehan and Gortleage, one large tate ; Killelahure, one tate ; and Port and Derrebegg^e, one large tate. {Ibid). Butler and Balfour built, on the tate called Crum, a bawn of 61 feet square, 15 feet high ; and on the same tate, a castle 22 feet square. Oh the tate or parcel called Dowhate was erected a castle 22 feet square, and 20 feet in height, ijbid. ; see also Carrowshee^ supra). The Balfours of Mount whany, Fifeshire, professed the principles of the Reformation, but acted generally with the court party in the time of Mary Queen of Scots. The Presbjrterians boasted that Sir James, the famous Clerk Register, was one of themselves. But they "reckoned without their host," and John Knox expressed his anger when made aware of Balfour's joining another communion. "This we write," says Knox, "because we have heard that the said Maister James allegeis that he was never of this our religion, but that he was brought up in Martine*s [Luther's] opinioun of the sacrament, and therefore he cannot communicat with us. But his ain conscience, and twa hundred witnesses besydes, know that he lyes." The lands above-named now form part of the beautiful estate of the Earl of Erne. The castle built at Crum or Crom by Butler and Balfour, at great expense, was gallantly held by the eari's ancestor in 1688, against Lord Galmoy until relieved by the EnniskiUeners. The ruins of the old castle are still preserved, the modem family residence being built at some distance on an eminence, near the lake. Seen from the lake, "the graceful towers rise, like thosewhidi have been imagined as appertaining to a fairy palace, above plantations of great extent and natural loveliness. Few walks can be imagined more beautiful than the path from the ruined castle to the modem buildings, leading as it does by the edge of the lake, over which in many places hang graceful trees" (see Wakeman's Lough Eme^

Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 389

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, at Crom, Butler and Balfour built a bawn 61 feet square and 15 feet high, and on the same ground a castle 22 feet square. That was during the plantation. The Balfours came from Mount whany in Fifeshire. They professed the principles of the Reformation, but generally acted with the court party in the time of Mary Queen of Scots. The Presbyterians claimed Sir James Balfour, the famous Clerk Register, as one of their own. John Knox was furious when he learned Balfour had joined another communion. Knox wrote that Balfour claimed he was never of their religion, but had been brought up in Luther's opinion of the sacrament. Knox's words are sharp: "his ain conscience, and twa hundred witnesses besydes, know that he lyes." The castle at Crom, built at great expense, was gallantly held by the Earl of Erne's ancestor in 1688, against Lord Galmoy, until the Enniskilleners came and relieved the siege. The lands now form part of the Earl of Erne's beautiful estate. The ruins of the old castle are still preserved. The modern family residence stands at some distance, on an eminence near the lake. Seen from the lake, "the graceful towers rise, like those which have been imagined as appertaining to a fairy palace, above plantations of great extent and natural loveliness." The path from the ruined castle to the modern buildings leads along the edge of the lake, where graceful trees hang over the water.

An historical account of the plantation in Ulster at the commencement of the seventeenth century, 1608-1620

The stories, best first

Execution of 200 shipwrecked Spaniards in Galway

Fitzwilliam's ravages in Inishowen against Spaniards

Tyrone's midnight escape from Dublin

Brehon O'Bristan and McGuyre's ancient roll at Devenish

Executioner brought from Cavan to hang Gaveloc

O'Cahan seized in Dublin and imprisoned in the Tower

Flight of the Earls from Lough Swilly

Lough Swilly: departure point of the Flight of the Earls

Sir Hugh O'Donnell's penance at Donegal Abbey

Surveyor decapitated in Donegal for 'discovering' the country

Trial and execution of Hugh Roe MacMahon at Monaghan

Hugh Gaveloc seized and executed near Dungannon

O'Neills' castle at Newtownstewart: last night before the Flight

Woodkern and wolf raids near Charlemont fort

Pawlett strikes O'Dogherty in Derry

Cavan O'Reilly lands seized for plantation

Con McNeile Oge's raids on Carrickfergus

Dispossessed gentry turn woodkerne in County Armagh

Spaniards sheltered at Dungannon by Earl of Tyrone

Tyrone's messenger lands at Killybegs

Chichester's planned corporate town at Lisgoole

Coleraine prisoners spared for Swedish wars

Execution of Hugh Roe Macmahon at his castle in Monaghan

O'Cahan's claim and the barony of Maghery yielded to Tyrone

O'Dogherty sacks Derry and starts revolt

Dunnalong: meeting place before the Flight of the Earls

Demolition of Lough Derg abbey and priory, 1632

Donegal Franciscan friary ruins on the bay

Execution of Hugh Roe MacMahon at his house in Monaghan

Inquisition at Limavady to distinguish Crown and Church lands

Lord Balfour's marriage at Castleblayney to Lord Blaney's daughter

Manslaughter verdict against Canning after rent distress at Agivey, 1631

Near-total recusancy at Cashel under Archbishop Magrath

O'Dogherty slain at Doone in Kilmacrenan

O'Mullan brothers slain by O'Cahan's men

O'Neales kidnap Sir Benjamin Thornborough near Armagh

Outlawry of the northern earls at Lifford and Strabane

Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell's lands on the Finn

Spanish prisoners escorted to Dungannon in 1588

Teig O'Talstaf alarms Cork authorities with Spanish invasion rumours

Treacherous seizure of Hugh Roe Macmahon in Dublin

Hugh Roe O'Donnell captured at Rathmullan

O'Cahan promised the country on submission, 1601

1593 agreement grants Strabane and Urney to Sir Tirlagh

Battle of Magh Rath (Moira), 637

Docwra sells Derry property to Pawlett

Enniskillen chosen as Fermanagh shire town

Hugh Maguire of Tempo mortgages estate, family falls into distress

MacMahon of Monaghan lacks a harp

Navan Fort (Eamhuin) — ancient royal site near Armagh

Tirone's Ditches: O'Neill's earthworks near Ballymore

1593 agreement grants Benburb to Sir Tirlagh

Battle of Beleek and treachery

Battle of Clontarf and the defeat of the Northmen

Battle of Farney — defeat of Rudrician king Fergus Fogha

Battle of Farsetmore: O'Donnell defeats Shane O'Neill

Chichester secures the barony of Inishowen

Congal Claen lands foreign army at Dundrum

Council meets at Dundalk to settle O'Neill quarrel, 1591

Crom Castle: plantation fortification and 1688 siege