An historical account of the plantation in Ulster at the commencement of the seventeenth century, 1608-1620

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1. Danes of Dublin slaughtered at the battle of Clontarf

   Clontarf · parish · Dublin

   The Easterlings or Ostmen of Dublin were the Danes who were slaughtered in the battle of Clontarf. Though extinguished as a political power, the trading Northmen remained in considerable numbers in towns along all the coasts and became the principal traders in Ireland.

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   (20). By thf other, — The Easterlings or Ostmen here referred to were the Danes of Dublin, who were slaughtered in the battle of Clontarf, and afterwards, in great numbers, although not altogether exterminated. The northmen, although extingui^ed as a political power in Ireland after this battle, remained in considerable numbers in the towns on all the coasts, and became the principal traders here. Hiese trading northmen invariably took side with the English on the coming of the latter to this country.

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   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 299

   As the companion tells it

   Clontarf is the parish where the Danes of Dublin met their end. The Easterlings, or Ostmen, as they were called, were slaughtered in the battle of Clontarf. They were not altogether exterminated, though after the battle the Northmen were finished as a political power in Ireland. They remained in considerable numbers in the towns along all the coasts and became the principal traders in the country. These trading Northmen invariably took side with the English when the English came to Ireland.

2. Donegal noble ladies granted only life interests, Bingley got reversion

   Boylagh · barony · Donegal · 1610

   Two noble ladies in Donegal—the mother of the Earl of Tyrconnell and the widow of the chieftain who owned Boylagh—received only life interests in small, poorly situated estates. Sir Ralph Bingley obtained a reversionary grant of their lands.

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   From the foregoing list of grants to natives, we find that only a very few of such in each county were admitted to partake in the plantation scheme, and that whilst they had previously held the rank of gentlemen — so styled, indeed, in their miserable patents — they were obliged to accept the merest shreds of their own soil. Of those half dozen or so among the Ulster nobility, who got grants varying from 600 to 4,000 acres, some were only given a life interest therein, whilst in other cases the lands were appropriated under one plea or other by neighbouring servitors, either at, or even before, the decease of the Irish grantees. Thus, Art Mac Baron O'Neill, (who had several valiant sons, of whom Owen Roe, afterwards the famous Ulster general, was one), removed in extreme old age from his own Oneilan, and got his new estate of 2,000 acres only during the lives of himself and his wife, the lands thus passing in less than two years into the hands of Lord Audley. Two noble ladies in Donegal — one, the mother of the Earl of Tyrconnell, and the other, the widow of the chieftain who had owned the whole territory of Boylagh — obtained only a life interest in certain estates, which were miserable alike in size and sittiation. Sir Ralph Bingley having got a reversionary grant of their lands. Henry, the eldest son of Shane O'Neill, and Tirlagh, the eldest son of Sir Arthur O'Neill, of Newtown and Strabane, were both removed from their own districts into the barony of Dungannon, evidently with the view that their lands, which were of considerable extent, might eventually fall into the possession of some one or more of the powerful servitors

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 286

   As the companion tells it

   As the road takes you through or near the barony of Boylagh in Donegal, there is a story from 1610 worth hearing. In the plantation scheme, very few of the old Irish in each county were allowed to take part at all. Those who had previously held the rank of gentlemen, so styled in their miserable patents, were obliged to accept the merest shreds of their own soil. Among the Ulster nobility, perhaps half a dozen got grants varying from 600 to 4,000 acres. Some were given only a life interest in their lands. In other cases the lands were taken under one plea or another by neighbouring servitors, either at or even before the Irish grantees had died. Two noble ladies in Donegal suffered this fate. One was the mother of the Earl of Tyrconnell. The other was the widow of the chieftain who had owned the whole territory of Boylagh. Both obtained only a life interest in certain estates, which were miserable alike in size and situation. Sir Ralph Bingley had already got a reversionary grant of their lands, meaning that when these women died, their holdings passed to him. What had been the territory of a chieftain, the home of a noble house, became in this way a waiting possession for a servitor. This was the pattern across the planted counties. The old Irish, even those of high rank, were reduced to temporary tenants on what had been their own ground, while others stood ready to inherit everything the moment they were gone.

3. Donnell O'Cahan slain at the Battle of Clones

   Clones · town · Monaghan · 1642

   Donnell O'Cahan, the younger brother of Rorie Oge, returned from the continent to Ireland with Owen Roe O'Neill in 1642. He was killed in the battle of Clones, County Monaghan, seeking revenge for his father's death in the Tower and the eviction of his mother.

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   (74^ R^ger and DonnelL — Rc^er or Rorie was afterwunls known as Rorie Oge» and was executed in 161 5. Donnelly the younger brother, went to the continent, where he remained until 1642, when he returned to Ireland with Owen Roe O'Neill, and was slain in the battle of Clones, county Monaghan. This Donnell O'Cahan was said to have been a distinguished scholar ; it was not surprising that he returned, among other Irish exiles, to strike in revenge for the fate of his father who had died in the Tower, and for indignities heaped on his mother who had been ruthlessly dnven from her home when this Donnell was but a child.

   (75). Hehoysu, — This was the lieutenant of the Tower. See notices of him in the CaUndar of State Papers^ Domestic series, James I., 1611-1618.

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 185

   As the companion tells it

   Clones is the town the road takes you through. In 1642 a battle was fought here. Donnell O'Cahan, the younger brother of Rorie Oge, had spent years on the continent. He returned to Ireland that year with Owen Roe O'Neill, and was slain in the fighting. He was said to have been a distinguished scholar. He came back among other Irish exiles to strike in revenge for the fate of his father, who had died in the Tower, and for indignities heaped on his mother, who had been ruthlessly driven from her home when Donnell was but a child.

4. Eel weirs and salmon fishing on the Erne at Ballyshannon

   Ballyshannon · town · Donegal · 1608

   The grant of Assaroe Abbey to Francis Gofton included twelve ruinous eel weirs on the River Erne between Lough Erne and Ballyshannon castle, two loops on the salmon-leap for taking salmon, and fishing rights in Ballyshannon bay. These were described as free customs belonging of old to the abbey.

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   Asheroe, and divided into divers parcels called balliboes, each containing the 8th part of a quarter, and called Laghie, otherwise Lachinmore, and Lachinbegg, Behie, Ardgillew, Tollaghcorke, Laggedaghtoun, Crewtartan, Downeshenagh, Amnitalge, Kilcrehan, Ardpatin, Cashell- Illy, Tolloghmore, Balline^ragh, Shrahan or Sooraen, Maseboy, Drum-Ikellyloghie, and Legaltin ; Dacoocallowes, 2 balliboes ; Crevemanagh, 3 balliboes ; CashiN lack, 2 balliboes ; Drumnekelly, one and a half balliboe ; Tawnagh-Irewe, half a balliboe ; Towrehulty, half a balliboe ; Cavan-I^^er, half a balliboe ; seven other quarters in the temtory of Tirehugh, viz., Carewcashill, Garvanagh, Munterduyre, Carrowtubber, Carrowticlogh, Carrowcorlean, Knader, and Toughter ; the quarter of Kilcarbery ; the grange of Darriragh, in the territory of Tirbane, containing two balliboes ; the |jange of Tawn^htallon, in O' Boyle's country, contaming one balliboe with the tithes ; the grange near the monastery of Kilfoore, containing one quarter with the tithes ; the rectory of Dnimhinne, in the country of Tirehugh ; twelve ruinous eel weirs uppn the river Erne, between Lough Erne and Ballyshannon castle, the estate of the said abbey, with two loops upon the salmon-leap for taking salmon near the said castle, and liberty for two fishermen to take salmon in a place in the Erne- Water, called Asheroe, near Ballyshannon, every year ; and the second draught from all fishers at Asheroe when they bc^n to fish ; also liberty for one boat to fish from the island or rock to the sea, for salmon or other fish, yearly, within Ball3rshannon bay, which are all free customs belonging of old to the said abbey ; two third parts of all the tithes of Cashell-Moynterdooyre ; the 5 oalliboes of Crewe ; the quarter of Carshee ; the 6 balliboes of Ballymc-Iward ; and the several quarters of Kildoney, Kilbanny, and Kilcrumrie. Total rent, 8/. lOf. od. Irish. To hold forever as of the Castle of Dublin in common soccage. 12 April, 6th [1608]. (See Patent Rolls, p. 129. ) Of the abb^ or monastery lands also in this county, Davys, in his Abstract of Titles makes the following statement — "The abbey of Kilmacrenan, containing 31 quarters, and some other parcels belonging to other small religious houses dissolved, containing five quarters, were granted in fee-farm to Sir James Fullerton t^ letters patent dated 1 1 October, I** Jacobi [1603], and by him conveyed over to Sir Ralph Bingley, who bargained and sold the same to the late Earl of Tyrconnell, by whose attainder the said lands are come again to the Crown. Albeit the said eaii, by his feoffment, dated 20 Nov., 1606, did convey the said lands unto Nicholas Weston, which was made after the earl's treason committed. The possessions of the religious house called Kiladonnell, containing three quarters was passed in fee-fismn to Captain Basil Brookes^ whose estate is good in law, for aught appearing to me."

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 87

   As the companion tells it

   As you pass through Ballyshannon, the River Erne runs through this town on its way to the sea, and in 1608 it carried a living from fish. On the 12th of April that year, the lands of Assaroe Abbey were granted to a man called Francis Gofton. The grant was recorded on the Patent Rolls and it set out what the abbey had long held along this river. The record names twelve eel weirs upon the River Erne, between Lough Erne and Ballyshannon castle. They were described as ruinous, but they still belonged to the estate of the abbey. Along with them came two loops upon the salmon-leap, for taking salmon near the castle. Two fishermen had liberty to take salmon every year in a place in the Erne water called Asheroe, near Ballyshannon. The grant also gave the second draught from all fishers at Asheroe when they began to fish. And one boat had liberty to fish from the island or rock to the sea, for salmon or other fish, yearly, within Ballyshannon bay. All of these were called free customs belonging of old to the abbey. The river and the bay were not new riches handed to Gofton. They were old rights, written down and passed on, the weirs already falling into ruin but still counted as property worth naming in a grant. The total rent for everything in the grant was eight pounds and ten shillings, Irish. The date was April 1608, and the hold was to be forever, from the Castle of Dublin, in common soccage.

5. Fitzwilliam's plot to extinguish the MacMahon title in Farney

   Farney · barony · Monaghan · 1589

   In 1589, Chief Governor Fitzwilliam wrote to Burghley proposing that the MacMahon chieftainship be either pardoned, replaced with a puppet, or extinguished and the territory divided. Large bribes had been offered to Fitzwilliam to raise 'one Brien McHugh Oge' to the chieftainship, though he claimed to have refused them for the profit of the Queen and the State.

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   On this narrative, O'Donovan has the following comment : — "The guilt of Fitzwilliam is rendered still darker by the fact lately published from the State papers by Mr. Shirley {Account of Famey^ pp. 88, 91, 92, 98), that in his correspondence with Burghley, he expressed his anxiety for a speedy resolution of MacMahon's case — * that either the olde MacMahon mate be pardoned and sett at libertie, or a new one made, or that title extinguished and the territory divided.' The reader will at once perceive the wickedness of Fitzwilliam's proposal to make a new MacMahon, when he considers that Hugh Roe was his brother's heir, according to the law of England, and that large bribes had been offered to corrupt the chief governor [Fitzwilliam] to raise * one Brien McHugh Oge' to the chieftainship. On the 2nd of March, 1589, Fitzwilliam wrote to Burghley and the lords of the coimcil a long letter, in which he mentions this fact as follows : — ' Some indede attempted me for him [Brien McHugh Oge] with large offers ; but as I never benefitted myself by the admission of him that is now in durance, so did I meane to convert his fall wholie to the profit of her Majesty and good of this State, nothing regarding mine owm private ; I speak it in the presence of God, by whom I hope to be saved !' " See Shirley's Account of Famey, p. 89 ; see also Annals of Four Masters^ voL vL, pp. 1878, 1879.

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 49

   As the companion tells it

   The road runs through Farney, a barony in Monaghan. In 1589, the Chief Governor Fitzwilliam wrote to Burghley about the MacMahon chieftainship. He proposed three options: either the old MacMahon be pardoned and set at liberty, or a new one made, or the title extinguished and the territory divided. Hugh Roe was his brother's heir according to the law of England, yet Fitzwilliam proposed simply making a new MacMahon. Large bribes had been offered to corrupt the chief governor into raising one Brien McHugh Oge to the chieftainship. On the 2nd of March, 1589, Fitzwilliam wrote to Burghley and the lords of the council a long letter in which he mentioned the offers. He wrote: "Some indeed attempted me for him with large offers; but as I never benefited myself by the admission of him that is now in durance, so did I mean to convert his fall wholly to the profit of her Majesty and good of this State, nothing regarding mine own private; I speak it in the presence of God, by whom I hope to be saved." O'Donovan, commenting on this, said the guilt of Fitzwilliam was rendered darker by these proposals, and by his refusal to acknowledge that Hugh Roe's claim was the lawful one.

6. Glebe lands poorly assigned in County Coleraine

   near Coleraine · town · Derry · 1609

   During the Ulster Plantation, civil commissioners proposed using termon lands nearest the churches for glebes in County Coleraine, but Bishop Montgomery of Derry refused to consent. As a result, glebes were laid out with little regard for the convenience of incumbents, sometimes placed many miles from their parish precincts.

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   that the contentment of the greater number may overweigh the displeasure and dissatisfaction of the smaller number of better blood [or higher rank]*'. Such was the policy not only in reference to those Irish who got small freeholds, but also in reference, as we here see, to that overwhelmingly larger class who had no such provision, but were to be managed simply as serfs on their own soil. In they£rr/ set of instructions, the following is the 15th article : — *' You shall make choice of the best and best-affected natives to be freeholders in every county, and shall allot unto them greater or lesser proportions [portions] according to their several qualities and deserts." (11). To the Churches, — In the earlier set of instructions, this article takes the following form : — *' You shall consider whether one or more proportions be fit to make a parish, and according to your discretions, limit and bound out the several parishes, as far forth as it may stand with the plantation ; which being done you shaU assign unto every incumbent 60 acres of glebe for every 1,000 acres within his parish." To this 9th article the commissioners afterwards gave in their reply or answer, as follows : — " It was thought fitt not to allow the old parishes, the names and bounds whereof appear of record m the inquisitions taken last summer. For the glebes, there are so many acres added to every proportion, as the project prescribed, but because the termon lands lying nearest the churches were thought fittest to be assigned to glebes, which could not be done without the consent of the bishops, the glebes are not yet distinguished by names and bounds ; but if the Bishops consent it may be done forthwith." The bishops — or, perhaps we should only say, the Bishop of Derry — ^had not consented to this arrangement of the commissioners, for in the county of Coleraine, which contained more termon lands than any of the others, the glebes were laid out with little respect to the convenieuce of the incumbents. In Sampson's Memoir of the Chart of Londonderry^ p. 250, the author refers to this matter as follows : — '* In some instances, the glebe assigned for a certain parish is laid of at the distance of many miles from any part of its precincts ; and in other cases we find two or three glebes in a parish, not one of which belongs to itself. Yet the civil commissioners had the power and disposal over these assignments, and might, at that time [1609], easily have adjusted these properties so as to accord with their intended uses." But this power, it now appears, the commissioners had not ; so that the chief blame must be laid on the shoulders of Bishop Montgomery. The parishes* however, remained pretty much as they had be«n as to bounds and limits, being to this day very much larger than the framers of these ' Instructions' at aU contemplated, even making allowance for the most liberal admeasurements, 6r the addition to each proportion of

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 106

   As the companion tells it

   As the road passes Coleraine, there is a piece of plantation history from 1609 worth hearing. The civil commissioners of the Ulster Plantation were sorting out parishes and glebe lands across the county. The instructions said every incumbent should get 60 acres of glebe for every 1,000 acres in his parish. The commissioners had a sensible plan. The termon lands lying nearest the churches were thought fittest to be assigned as glebes. This county contained more termon lands than any of the others. But the commissioners could not act without the bishops' consent, and Bishop Montgomery of Derry did not give it. So the glebes were laid out with little respect for the convenience of the incumbents. In some instances, the glebe assigned for a certain parish was laid out many miles from any part of its precincts. In other cases, two or three glebes were found in a parish, not one of which belonged to it. The commissioners had said that if the bishops consented, the glebes could be distinguished by names and bounds forthwith. That consent never came. Sampson, in his Memoir of the Chart of Londonderry, wrote that the civil commissioners had the power and disposal over these assignments and might easily have adjusted the properties to accord with their intended uses. But it appears the commissioners had not the power they needed. The chief blame fell on Bishop Montgomery. The parishes themselves remained much as they had been, larger than the framers of the instructions ever contemplated.

7. Inquisition finds all Armagh lands in Crown possession

   near Armagh · town · Armagh · 1609

   An inquisition held at Armagh in 1609 found that all lands in County Armagh were in the real and actual possession of the Crown, with exceptions for the Archbishop of Armagh's demesne lands, the Bagnall inheritance in the barony of Orier, and other specified ecclesiastical and private holdings. The Crown's title derived from the attainder of Hugh, Earl of Tyrone, and from termon lands formerly belonging to Irish septs.

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   of the county had been vested in the Crown. As the termon lands were now again found to have belonged to the Irish septs, they had therefore come into the hands of the King by the ixth of Elizabeth, whilst other portions belonged to his Majesty by the attainder of Hugh, Earl of Tyrone. '^Lastlie, the said jurors doe, upon their oathes, present and find, that all the lands of the said county of Armagh are now in the reale and actual possession of the Crown, except the demesne landes belonging to the archbushop of Armagh (4) ; and except the inheritance [estates] of the heirs of Sir Nicholas Bagnall (5) deceased, in the barony of Orier, and in the barony of O'Neylane ; and except the inheritance of Sir Tirlagh McHenrie O'Neale, lying in the barony of the Fues ; and except the inheritance of the heires of Sir Henry Oge O'Neale, deceased, in the barony of Toaghrany,; and except the lands belonging to the deane (6) of the cathedrall church of Armagh, or to the prior -and vicars chorall (7) of the same church, or to the abbey of St Peter and St Paule (8) ; and except the inheritance of Marmaduke Whitechurch (9), and Patrick

   (4). Of Armagh, — Davys, in his Abstract of Titles ^ says: — "And now, by virtue of a commission taken at Annagh, 12th of August, 1609, to inquire of the ecclesiastical lands in that and other counties, and to distinguish the same from the lands of the Crown, it is foimd that the Archbishop of Armagh is seised, in right of his archbishoprick, of 26 towns or thereabouts, as of his mensal or demesne lands, and that he ought to have certain perpetual rents and other duties oift of 160 towns more (which are not found to be termon or herenach lands) lying in several territories of this countv, but the tenants thereof beine now Irish, are found to have been l^eritors thereof time out of mind, according to the Irish custom of tanistry and gavelkind ; and that the lord Primate could not remove the said tenants at his pleasure."

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 126

   As the companion tells it

   The town of Armagh was where a jury sat in 1609 and took stock of who owned what across the whole county. They found that all the lands of County Armagh were now, in their own words, in the real and actual possession of the Crown. The Crown's claim rested on two things. Part had come to the King through the attainder of Hugh, Earl of Tyrone. The termon lands, which had belonged to the Irish septs, had come to the King under the ninth of Elizabeth. The jurors listed what was not taken. The demesne lands belonging to the Archbishop of Armagh were excepted. The Archbishop held about 26 towns as his own demesne, and was owed rents and duties out of 160 more, whose tenants were Irish and had held them by tanistry and gavelkind time out of mind, so that the Primate could not remove them. The inheritance of the heirs of Sir Nicholas Bagnall, deceased, in the barony of Orier and the barony of O'Neylane was excepted. So was the inheritance of Sir Tirlagh McHenrie O'Neale, lying in the barony of the Fues, and that of the heirs of Sir Henry Oge O'Neale, deceased, in the barony of Toaghrany. The lands of the dean of the cathedral church of Armagh were excepted, along with those of the prior and vicars choral of the same church, and the abbey of St Peter and St Paul. The inheritance of Marmaduke Whitechurch was excepted too. Everything else was the Crown's.

8. King of Oirghialla held seat of honour at Tara

   Tara · parish · Meath

   According to the Book of Rights, the king of the Oirghialla was entitled to sit at the right hand of the king of Ireland at Tara, with special privileges including every third horn of ale. The distance of his seat was such that his sword could reach the cup-bearer.

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   (9). National assemblages, — ^An ancient Irish tract on the Oirghialla states, that whenever the hostages given by them required to be fettered, only golden chains could be used for the purpose, and that hence they were called Oirghialla^ Le., of the golden hosti^^es. According to the same authority, the king of the Oirghialla sat beside the monarch of Ireland, and all the other sub-kings were the length of his hand and sword distant from the king.--{See Battle of Magh Rath, p. 29). This latter privilege is also mentioned in the well known Book of Rights t as follows: — **From the mansions of £ire [dwellings of the chiefs] to the throne of Teamhair [Tara], the seat of the king of the Oirghialla is at the rb^ht hand of the king of Taillte [IrelancQ. The distance of that seat, truly 'tis no mistake, is sudi that his hard sword should reach the cup-bearer who distributes. Entitled is the king of the Oirghialla, beyond each lord of

   tribes, to every third horn of goodly ale, on the right of the king of Teamhair. Entitled is his queen (wiUiout falsehood, without boasting) to the same distinction from the other queens." — See C?Donovan's translation^ p. 143. As a further illustration of the pride and power of the Oirghialla, it may be mentioned that "St. Bernard, in his Life of St. Malachy, says that the Oirghialla would not allow any bishop among them except one of their own family, and that they had this carried through fifteen generations ; and, he adds inmiediately after, tluit they had claimed the see of Ard Macha, and maintained possession of it for two hundred years, claiming it as their mdubitable birthright. " — Ibid.

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 11

   As the companion tells it

   This parish of Tara was where the king of the Oirghialla held his seat of honour. According to an ancient Irish tract, when the hostages given by the Oirghialla required fettering, only golden chains could be used, and so they were called Oirghialla, of the golden hostages. The same authority states that the king of the Oirghialla sat beside the monarch of Ireland, and all the other sub-kings were the length of his hand and sword distant from the king. The Book of Rights sets out the privilege in these words: "From the mansions of Eire to the throne of Teamhair, the seat of the king of the Oirghialla is at the right hand of the king of Taillte. The distance of that seat, truly 'tis no mistake, is such that his hard sword should reach the cup-bearer who distributes." He was entitled, beyond every other lord of tribes, to every third horn of goodly ale, on the right of the king of Tara. His queen was entitled to the same distinction among the other queens. St. Bernard, in his Life of St. Malachy, says the Oirghialla would not allow any bishop among them except one of their own family, and they maintained this through fifteen generations. They claimed the see of Ard Macha and held it for two hundred years, calling it their indubitable birthright.

9. London agents' arrival at camp near Limavady, 1609

   near Limavady · town · Derry · 1609

   Davys wrote to Salisbury from the camp near Limavady on 28 August 1609, reporting the arrival of the London agents who praised the country, especially the Bann and the river of Lough Foyle. One agent fell sick and wished to return, but the Lord Deputy used all means to comfort and retain him lest the whole enterprise be discouraged.

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   is found in a letter from Davys to Salisbury, dated " The camp near Limevaddy, 28 Augusf, 1609." The writer winds up as follows : — "The Londoners are now come and are exceeding welcome. They [the commissioners of survey] all use their best rhetoric to persuade them to go on with their plantation, which will assure this whole island to the Crown of England forever. They [the agents] like and praise the country very much, specially the Banne and the river of Loghfoyle. One of the agents is fallen sick, and would fain return -, but the lord deputy and all the rest here use means to comfort him, and to retain him, lest this accident [incident] should discourage his fellowcitizens." The arrival of these I^ndoners was certainly not the less welcome to Davys and other servitors, who had no surrenders to make (should the Londoners decide to plant) of rich salmonfishings, or quiet fertile straths, in the shape of abbeylands. But to Chichester, and others so circumstanced, although they had to assume at least serenity of front, the advent of John Brode and his friends was a somewhat serious business. Would they get adequate reprises for valuable properties, to win which some, like Phillips, had ventured their * heads' ; and if so, where ? These two problems were puzzling; but there was at least reasonable hope for such as would freely consent to part with possessions only recently acquired, * in furtherance of this service.' Indeed, for a time it was feared that the whole affair would have been upset by one of the * citizens' falling sick, and wishing to return home ; but ' the Lord Deputy and the rest ' were determined that return home he must not, lest the others should return with him, thereby risking the great end of * assuring this whole island to the Crown of England forever.' But what with the 'best rhetoric* of Davys, and the deputy's ' use of all means to comfort and retain,' the sick man was retained ; and was soon again Med by the best ways' rejoicing, on his mission of 'civility, peace, religion, and obedience,' among ' that savage and rebellious people.'

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 301

   As the companion tells it

   Near Limavady, in August 1609, a camp stood where the London agents had just arrived. Davys wrote to Salisbury from there on the 28th of August, and he said the Londoners were, in his words, "exceeding welcome." The commissioners of survey used all their best rhetoric to persuade these agents to proceed with the plantation, which would, as Davys put it, "assure this whole island to the Crown of England forever." The agents liked and praised the country very much, especially the Bann and the river of Lough Foyle. But one of the agents fell sick and wished to return home. The Lord Deputy and all the rest used every means to comfort him and to retain him, fearing that if he left, the incident would discourage his fellow citizens. For a time it was feared the whole affair would be upset. The Lord Deputy was determined the sick man must not go home, lest the others return with him, risking the great end of assuring Ireland to the Crown of England forever. The arrival was certainly welcome to Davys and other servitors who had no surrenders to make should the Londoners decide to plant. They stood to lose no rich salmon-fishings or quiet fertile straths in the shape of abbey lands. But to Chichester and others in his position, the advent of John Brode and his friends was a serious business. Would they get adequate reprises for valuable properties, to win which men like Phillips had ventured their heads? These were puzzling problems. But with Davys's best rhetoric and the deputy's use of all means to comfort, the sick man was retained, and was soon fed by the best ways, rejoicing, on his mission of civility, peace, religion, and obedience, among that savage and rebellious people.

10. Londoners' active plantation progress at Coleraine

    near Coleraine · town · Derry

    The Londoners made active progress in their plantation work at Coleraine, as part of their broader settlement efforts in Ulster. They also sent agents to Derry and Coleraine to oversee the work.

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    Londoners, their Plantation, 354-444 ; how they began, 358; their first *precept,' 359; motives and reasons which influenced them, 360-362; estimate of what their outlay ought to be, 360 ; the profits they might expect from their plantation, 362, 363 ; object of their second 'precept,* 363, 364 ; members appointed to meet the council, 364, 365; four agents appointed to visit O'Cahan's country, 365, 366 ; names of the four viewers thus appointed, 366 ; instructions of the council as to their treatment whilst in Ireland, 366, 367 ; accounts of their arrival in Ulster, 368, 369 ; what they saw and heard at Limavaddy, 369, 370; witnessed iron and steel being manufactured by a native smith at Toome, 370 ; where they travelled in O'Cahan's country, 370, 371 ; carried back to London samples of various commodities from Ulster, 371 • their report of what they saw in O'Cahan's country, and of its capabilities as a place of settlement, 373-377 ; their report adopted, 377, 378 ; names of those appointed to superintend the whole work of plantation 378; their three conferences with the commissioners for Irish causes, 379-383 ; names of the deputies who signed the 'Articles* 384 ; the Articles of Agreement, 384-386 ; the immense extent of the lands conveyed by their grant, 386, 387 ; names of their lands, 387-392 ; their arrangements about commencing the work, 403, 464 ; they send two agents to Derry and Coleraine, Beresford and Rowley, 404; complained against by Sir Oliver St. John, 405, 406; their active progress at Coleraine, 406; how they commenced in I^ughinsholin, 407 ; refused to part with the barony of Loughinsholin, 417 ; consented to permit undertakers in Donegal and Tyrone to have timber for building, 419 ; complaints against for various delinquincies, 419 ; arraigned for neglecting their engagements to the Government, 4x9-421 ; their complaints in reply, 421-425 ; held on by the natives as a necessity, 424; demanded several fishings to be surrendered to them, 425 ; lands demanded by them, 425 ; their representative Irish Society appointed, 426; their charter and its provisions, 426, 427 ; appointed two deputies to visit Ulster, viz.. Smithes and Springham, 428 ; approved of these deputies* conduct, and accepted their report, 428, 429 ; presented silver-gUt communion cups to the churches of Derry and Coleraine, 429 ; their lands divided into I2 parts and mapped, 428, 431 ; their property that could not be divided, 430 ; conflicts and litigations amongst themselves, 430^ 431 ; cast lots for the 12 proportions, 431, 432; names of the leading and minor companies, 432-434 ; the lands given over by the Irish Society to the 12 companies, 434; conveyances from the society to the companies, ib,; the properties held by the Society in its own possession, to. ; the form of certificate from the Society to the several companies, 435 ; the quantity of land supposed to be surrendered to eadi company, 436; the real extent of each grant, id. ; their estates over-ran by the Irish, 440 ; receive licence to hold their lands in Mortmain, 438, 439 ; difiiculty of letting their lands to English or Scottish tenants, 442, 443 ; number of freeholders, lessees, and cottagers planted in, 589; Fynnar's account of, id.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 500

    As the companion tells it

    Coleraine was one of the towns where the Londoners planted settlers in Ulster in the early years of the seventeenth century. The Londoners had been granted immense lands in O'Cahan's country. They sent four viewers to inspect it first, and those men carried back to London samples of various commodities from Ulster and reported on what they saw. Their report was adopted, and the work began. The Londoners then sent two agents to Derry and Coleraine to superintend the work, Beresford and Rowley. At Coleraine they made active progress. But they were complained against by Sir Oliver St. John, and arraigned for neglecting their engagements to the Government. They answered with complaints of their own. They said they were held on by the natives as a necessity. They demanded several fishings to be surrendered to them, and further lands besides. They presented silver-gilt communion cups to the churches of Derry and Coleraine. Their lands were divided into 12 parts and mapped, and they cast lots for the 12 proportions among the leading and minor companies. But their estates were over-run by the Irish, and they had difficulty letting their lands to English or Scottish tenants. Still, by the count given, 589 freeholders, lessees, and cottagers were planted in their lands.

11. Londoners refuse promiscuous habitation with Irish

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1609–1610

    The Londoners declared they would have no promiscuous habitation with the Irish unless the Irish were contented to become their tenants. They objected to Irish gentlemen retaining small fragments of ancestral lands unless held from the London companies.

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    The Londoners thus put forward their demands boldly and without stint, as if they had really, in their individual and collective capacity, determined upon a bona fide fulfilment of their own part in the bargain now to be made. But they can hardly get credit for much honesty of purpose, either towards the native Irish or the Government They would have no " promiscuous habitation with the Irish, unless they were contented to be their [the Londoners'] tenants j" in other words, they would not tolerate the enormity of some three or four Irish gentlemen having small fragments of the lands that had belonged to their respective families for ages, unless these fragments were held from them [the Londoners]. They had no objection, however, to have "promiscuous habitation/' so long as their own interests and convenience required, with the Irish grantees who could not become their tenants because compelled to remove to patches in other counties, — not, however^ until by their labours the twelve precious companies occupying their lands had been actuaUy floated, or set fairly to work. These Londoners also persistently refused or neglected to carry out honestly

    there is but one that tans hides as they ought to be wrou|[ht. In this city [Dublin], which is the principal of the kingdom, few butchers are of ability to buy beeves, without loan of money from the merchants, who will not part with it but upon condition to have the hides at a price, and so they [the hides] never come to the market ; if this be restrained, the dty and we shaU be ill-served with provision of this kind. Besides all which there is not 40,000 hides transported out of the kingdom in one year, nor in two, as may be collected by certificates of the customs, which I send herewith." Calendar of Carew AfSS., 1603-1624, p. 204.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 313

    As the companion tells it

    Near here is Derry. In 1609 and 1610 the Londoners who came to plant this country put forward their demands boldly and without stint. They declared they would have no promiscuous habitation with the Irish unless the Irish were contented to become their tenants. In other words, they would not tolerate the enormity of some three or four Irish gentlemen keeping small fragments of the lands that had belonged to their families for ages, unless those fragments were held from the Londoners themselves. Yet the Londoners had no objection to promiscuous habitation so long as their own interests and convenience required it. They would live alongside the Irish grantees who could not become their tenants because those Irish had been compelled to remove to patches in other counties. This, however, was not to happen until by their labours the twelve precious companies occupying their lands had been actually floated, or set fairly to work. The Londoners also persistently refused or neglected to carry out honestly what was required of them. The author of the account gives them little credit for honesty of purpose, either towards the native Irish or towards the Government. Their demands were put forward, the book says, as if they had really determined upon a bona fide fulfilment of their own part in the bargain. But the record suggests otherwise.

12. Murder of Patrick McColló MacMahon under safe conduct

    Monaghan · town · Monaghan

    Patrick McColló MacMahon, who held large lands in Monaghan, was murdered under safe conduct by the Parson O'Connolan and Captain Wallis, who arranged an ambush to slay him. The motive was to seize his lands, which included about 5000 Irish acres across several townlands.

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    part disinherited, and some of those that had portions allotted to them were afterwards murdered, namely, Patrick McCoUo [Mac-Cu-Uladh] McBryen [MacMahon] coming upon safe conduct to the Parson O'Connolan, then a justice of the peace, and chief man in authority for her Majesty in that country, was intercepted by an ambush appointed by the said parson and Captain Wallis, and there slain (62).

    ^^ Item, The said McMahowne [Brian McHugh Oge] (63) saith that the late McMahowne was indicted for taking a distress according to the wonted custom of his country [/.e., according to the Brehon law, and before the introduction of English law in the country] for certain duties belonging unto him, having, by direction^from the State, Captain Wallis's and Captain Plunkett's companies in his company. Also, a grand jury of soldiers, very base and corrupt people, were sworn and empannelled to indict him, and not gentlemen or freeholders of the country. Also, in the jury for his trial there were four soldiers, and nine gentlemen and kerne of the country. Whiles they chaunted they were guarded with a band of soldiers, who suffered the soldiers of the jury to depart from them at pleasure, and the nine of the country were so strictly kept as they were not permitted to take any relief, or part asunder during 24 hours, until they were forced by threatenings and to condemn him. Also, Ewer M'Collo saith that Rosse

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 45

    As the companion tells it

    Monaghan was the country of Patrick McColló MacMahon, a man who held large lands here, and it was here that he was betrayed. He came upon safe conduct to the Parson O'Connolan, who was then a justice of the peace and the chief man in authority for her Majesty in that country. But the parson and Captain Wallis had laid an ambush, and Patrick was intercepted and slain. The same source tells of another McMahon, the late McMahowne, who was indicted for taking a distress according to the wonted custom of his country, meaning the Brehon law that held before English law came in. He had been given Captain Wallis's and Captain Plunkett's companies by direction from the State. A grand jury of soldiers, described as very base and corrupt people, was sworn to indict him, rather than gentlemen or freeholders of the country. At his trial, the jury held four soldiers and nine gentlemen and kerne of the country. While they deliberated, a band of soldiers guarded them. The soldiers on the jury were allowed to depart at pleasure, but the nine country men were kept so strictly that they were not permitted to take any relief or part asunder for 24 hours, until they were forced by threatenings to condemn him.

13. O'Cahan imprisoned in Dublin Castle awaiting trial

    Dublin · city · Dublin

    Sir Donell O'Cahan was held captive in Dublin Castle while awaiting trial, having first assisted the English to subjugate the North and banish O'Neill. Chichester was determined that O'Cahan should never return to Ulster, and if he could not be hanged in Ireland, he should be transferred to England.

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    Such is Chichester's account of Sir Donell's 'country,' written when that chief was awaiting his trial ; and although the writer affected not to know what would be the result of O'Cahan's imprisonment in Dublin castle, on one point he seems to have made up his mind, to wit, that the captive should be no more permitted to trouble the *civilizers' in Ulster. Davys and Ley did not then go to London to explain how efficiently Sir Donnell had assisted them, first, to subjugate the North, and afterwards to banish O'Neill ; nor to plead that, because of his usefulness and fidelity to the English, he might be generously dealt with, even although his allegience had been made somewhat shaky by harsh treatment afterwards. They did not go to demand, in fact, as they ought to have done, that O'Cahan might be secured in peaceable possession of at least a portion of his estates. On the contrary, with Chichester's 'notes' in their hands, and his inspiration to prompt all their arrangements with the council in London, they went prepared to explain how that by an Act passed in the eleventh year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, they could seize every foot of O'Cahan's country, that the best interests of the plantation required them to do so, and that should it really not be found possible to have him hanged in Ireland, he must be transferred to England, and there, by some means, prevented from ever setting foot in Ulster again.

    As abready stated, Derry, an important position, was taken from its former connection with Tirconnell or Donegal, and included in the county of Londonderry for the special interest and gratification of the Londoners. Chichester's 'notes of remembrances' referring to this place in 1608, are as follow : — "The Derry has not a foot of land laid to it ; all on Tyrconnell's side [what belonged to it on the Donegal side] was passed to private men, or is the Bishop's, together with the very site of the city (8); and by reason of the contention arising thereon, the inhabitants have

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 293

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin holds a story from the early seventeenth century. Sir Donell O'Cahan was held captive in Dublin Castle, awaiting his trial. Chichester, who wrote an account of Sir Donell's country while the chief lay imprisoned, affected not to know what the result of that imprisonment would be. But on one point he had made up his mind: the captive should never again be permitted to trouble what he called the "civilisers" in Ulster. Davys and Ley did not go to London to explain how efficiently Sir Donell had assisted them, first to subjugate the North and afterwards to banish O'Neill. They did not go to plead that, because of his usefulness and fidelity to the English, he might be generously dealt with, even although his allegiance had been made somewhat shaky by harsh treatment afterwards. They did not go to demand that O'Cahan might be secured in peaceable possession of at least a portion of his estates. Instead, with Chichester's notes in their hands, and his inspiration prompting all their arrangements with the council in London, they went prepared to explain how, by an Act passed in the eleventh year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, they could seize every foot of O'Cahan's country. They would argue that the best interests of the plantation required them to do so. And they went with this final instruction: should it really not be found possible to have him hanged in Ireland, he must be transferred to England, and there, by some means, prevented from ever setting foot in Ulster again.

14. O'Cahan imprisoned in Dublin dungeon by Phillips

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1608–1609

    Phillips's services were enhanced during the revolt of O'Dogherty, particularly by his removal of Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan to a dungeon in Dublin. This act cleared O'Cahan's country, on which Phillips had set his heart for a large estate.

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    Sir Thomas was destined, however, for a time, to experience the pain of hope deferred, although his services were greatly enhanced soon afterwards during the revolt of O'Dogherty, and especially by his removal of Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan to a dungeon in Dublin. Sir Thomas might now reasonably expect his reward; but lo 1 just as he had thus cleared O'Cahan's country, on which he had set his heart, the Londoners came forward to blight his cherished hopes. But all is not lost that may be in danger. He was, as we have already seen, selected by the council in London, as the most competent person to guide and instruct them in their negotiations with that astute and avaricious body known as the ^ City.' Phillips was specially required to view O'Cahan's country in the interests of the King; and probably permitted, at the same time, to look about in it for some such portion as he would think might suit himself. He must soon surrender his four townlands east of the Bann, his market in Coleraine, his ferries on the river, his quarter of land called Termonbacco [128 acres] adjoining the Derry, and even his patent to make aquavitae in the county of Coleraine and in the Route (46). The Government was impressed with a

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 319

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, around 1608. During the revolt of O'Dogherty, Sir Thomas Phillips made his move. He took Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan and had him shut away in a dungeon in Dublin. With O'Cahan gone, his country was cleared. Phillips had set his heart on that land, and now he might reasonably expect his reward. But just as he had cleared the way, the Londoners came forward to blight his cherished hopes. The council in London chose Phillips as the most competent person to guide and instruct them in their negotiations with the City. He was specially required to view O'Cahan's country in the interests of the King, and probably permitted at the same time to look about in it for some portion that might suit himself. Yet he must soon surrender his four townlands east of the Bann, his market in Coleraine, his ferries on the river, his quarter of land called Termonbacco, 128 acres adjoining the Derry, and even his patent to make aquavitae in the county of Coleraine and in the Route.

15. O'Donnell's peace conditions seek no garrisons in Sligo and Tyrconnell

    Sligo · town · Sligo

    Hugh Roe O'Donnell sought pardon and the retention of his family's castles and lands in County Sligo, proposing to grant them to Donough O'Conor on traditional terms. He specifically requested that no garrisons, wards, or officers be placed in Tyrconnell or Sligo, citing the inhabitants' fear of harsh treatment by such officers.

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    Sr Hugh Roe QDannell wrote to Elizabeth at the same time, in the following terms : — " I confess to have offended your Majesty contrary to your peace and laws, which I cannot justify, though proceeding not of any malice against your Majesty, but chiefly from the bad usage of me by Sir John Perrott, in the unlawful apprehension of me, with many other abuses. As this has been my first offence, extend upon me and mine your gracious pardon. Protesting hereafter faithfully to serve you, I do renounce to join with any foreign prince or potentate." O'Donnell only asked as conditions of peace — " i. Pardon for himself and his followers. 2. Free liberty of conscience. 3. That all the castles, manors, and lands in the county of Sligo, belonging to his family may be continued in possession of the O'Donnells, all which lands he will give Donough McCale Oge O'Connor, upon condition that he yield to O'Donnell such services, rights, and duties as his ancestors have given out of the same to all O'Donnell's predecessors. 4. That no garrisons, wards, or officers whatsoever be placed in Tyreconnell or Sligo until the fear they [the inhabitants] have conceived by the hard dealing of such officers shall be somewhat lessened ; but that it will please her Majesty to appoint commissioners for the ending of all controversies that shall arise, whose orders we will put in execution. 5. A remittal of all arrearages past, and a year's freedom yet to come, in regard of the several great sums that his father paid as well to the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Edward Moore, knight, as to others sent from the State to receive the same for her Majesty's use."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 50

    As the companion tells it

    As the road takes you through or past Sligo, this town sits at the centre of a bargain Hugh Roe O'Donnell once tried to strike with Queen Elizabeth. He wrote to her confessing he had broken her peace and her laws, though he said it came not from malice but from the bad usage of him by Sir John Perrott, who had unlawfully seized him and done him many other abuses. As it was his first offence, he asked her gracious pardon for himself and his followers, and promised faithfully to serve her, renouncing any alliance with a foreign prince or potentate. His conditions for peace were five. He asked pardon for himself and his people. He asked free liberty of conscience. He asked that all the castles, manors, and lands in the county of Sligo belonging to his family stay in the possession of the O'Donnells, and that he would grant them to Donough McCale Oge O'Connor, on condition that O'Connor yield to O'Donnell the same services, rights, and duties his ancestors had given to all O'Donnell's predecessors. He asked that no garrisons, wards, or officers be placed in Tyrconnell or Sligo, because the inhabitants had conceived a fear of such officers from their hard dealing, and he asked that commissioners be appointed to end all controversies, whose orders he would put in execution. Finally he asked a remittal of all arrearages past and a year's freedom yet to come, because of the great sums his father had paid to the Earl of Tyrone, to Sir Edward Moore, and to others sent from the State to receive the same for her Majesty's use.

16. Rathmullan Castle – strongest fortress in Ulster

    Rathmullan · town · Donegal · 1600–1611

    The ancient castle of Rathmullan on Lough Swilly was the principal residence of the McSwyne Fawnett chiefs and was described by the Four Masters as the strongest fortress in Ulster. Donnell McSwyne was unable to prevent Sir Henry Docwra from overrunning his country and destroying his people, forcing him to make peace through Niall Garve O'Donnell.

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    (238). McSwyne Fawnett, — For a notice of the district of Fanad, or Faynett, see pp. 102, 203. This Donnell was the representative or chief of the sept or family of McSwynes there seated. The principal residence of the chiefs of this branch was the ancient castle of Rathmullan, on Lough Swilly, which the Four Masters describe as the strongest fortress in Ulster. Donnell, however, was unable to keep Sir Henry Docwra from over-running his 'country,' and destroying his 'people,' so he made his peace through Niall Garve O'Donnell. He was eventually fain to accept such quantity of land, and in such distnct as the Government pleased to appoint. Sir Robert Jacob, the solicitor-general, states, in a letter to Salisbury, April 15, 1609, that "McSwyny Fanaght sate with them as a justice of peace [at Lifford], though he came in an uncivil manner in his mantle."

    (239). Manus McNeale McSwyne, — This Manus was the son of an incorrigible rebel called Neal McSwyne, who was nephew to Sir Niall Garve 0*Donnell, and

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 268

    As the companion tells it

    Rathmullan, on Lough Swilly, was the seat of the McSwyne Fawnett chiefs. Their ancient castle there the Four Masters called the strongest fortress in Ulster. Donnell McSwyne was chief of this branch, but he could not stop Sir Henry Docwra from overrunning his country and destroying his people. He made his peace through Niall Garve O'Donnell, and in the end was fain to accept whatever land the Government pleased to appoint him. In a letter to Salisbury, dated April 15, 1609, Sir Robert Jacob, the solicitor-general, wrote that "McSwyny Fanaght sate with them as a justice of peace at Lifford, though he came in an uncivil manner in his mantle." So a chief who had held the strongest fortress in Ulster came to sit among the men who had overrun his country, wrapped in his mantle.

17. Rebels rob and wound English settler near Derry

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1608–1610

    On a Tuesday in early May, rebels entered an Englishman's house located six miles from Derry on the highway, wounding the homeowner severely and taking money and goods. The man had been hosting Mr. Fowkes at his first coming into the country, and reports indicated his wife was also ill-treated.

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    " Divers robberies and some murders have been committed neare us sithence that tyme, and they are nowe growen soe bould that on tuisdaye last, being the 7 th of this month, a companie of Rebels, about 6 of the clock in the afternoone, entered into an Englishman's house, six miles on this side Deny, upon the highway, where Mr. Fowkes did ly att his first coming into this country: they wounded the man of the house verie sore, soe that he will verie hardlie skape with life, and tooke between 7 and 8//. in money, and all the rest of his goods that were worth carrying away ; and some that brought the first tydings of it hither reported that four or five of the villains most grossly ill-treated his wife.

    "Theise mischeifes and miseries causeth us to stand continuallie upon our guard, and when we travell we take good strength with us ; wherefore might it please you, when you send those materialls I wrote for in ^ my last, alsoe to send over some more armes, as musketts, callivers, powder, and bullets (the last callivers' bullets you sent were all too big); wherefore, if you please to send two paire of bullet moulds, and lead were best, soe they be made fitt for the pieces, also some halberds and half pikes. When the second floor is laid on your castell, I hope it will be a secure place against a hundred men, if we be anie thing well provided within. For this time I must crave your pardons for my abrupt writing, and committ you all to the protection of

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 357

    As the companion tells it

    Not far from Derry, in the early years of the plantation, robberies and some murders had been committed nearby, and the rebels had grown bold. On Tuesday the 7th of May, around six in the afternoon, a company of rebels entered an Englishman's house, six miles from the city, on the highway. Mr Fowkes had stayed there when he first came into the country. They wounded the man of the house very sorely, so that he would hardly escape with his life, and took between 7 and 8 pounds in money, and all the rest of his goods that were worth carrying away. Some who brought the first news of it reported that four or five of the villains most grossly ill-treated his wife. These mischiefs and miseries caused them to stand continually upon their guard, and when they travelled they took good strength with them. They wrote asking for more arms to be sent over, including muskets, calivers, powder, and bullets. The last calivers' bullets sent had all been too big, so they asked for two pairs of bullet moulds and lead, and also some halberds and half pikes. They noted that when the second floor was laid on the castle, it would be secure against a hundred men if they were well provided within.

18. Shane Carragh O'Cahan executed at Dungannon, head set on castle

    near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1608

    At Dungannon, Shane Carragh O'Cahan was found guilty and executed in the camp, his head being placed on the castle of Dungannon. A monk taken at Birt Castle, one of O'Dogherty's counsellors, renounced obedience to the Pope and was spared.

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    the rendering [surrender] of Castle Doe, in Tyrconnell, the strongest hold in all this province, which endured loo blows of the demi-cannon before it yielded. Shortly after this, word came that O'Doghertie's bastard brother was taken in Tyrconnell, with divers others, whereof some were executed by martial law, and others referred to be tried by common law, when they came with their commission of gaol delivery into that county. Briefly, there scarce passed one day wherein they heard not of the killing or taking of some of the rebels." In a subsequent portion of this letter, Davys states that at Dungannon Shane Carragh O'Cahan was found guilty and executed in the camp, his head being set on the castle of Dungannon. At that place, also, he tells of a monk who had been one of O'Doghert/s principal counsellors, and was taken at Birt Castle. This monk, voluntarily, and in the sight of all the people, renounced his obedience to the Pope, " whereupon the deputy gave him his life and liberty." At Coleraine, " they found no extraordinary business, but that O'Cahane's priest and ghostly father, being taken in action of rebellion with Shane Carragh 0*Cahane, was executed for treason, and so taught the people better doctrine by the example of his death than he had ever done in all his life before. He excepted to their jurisdiction, affirming that the secular power could not condemn a priest for any offence whatsoever, but the country saw that point of doctrine &lsified, both by his judgment and execution."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 56

    As the companion tells it

    In 1608, Dungannon saw a grim piece of business. Shane Carragh O'Cahan was found guilty and executed in the camp there. His head was set on the castle of Dungannon for all to see. Not everyone taken in those days met the same fate. A monk who had been one of O'Dogherty's principal counsellors was captured at Birt Castle and brought to Dungannon as well. This monk, voluntarily, and in the sight of all the people, renounced his obedience to the Pope. Whereupon the deputy gave him his life and liberty. The days around this were full of killing and taking. There scarcely passed one day wherein they heard not of the killing or taking of some of the rebels. O'Dogherty's bastard brother was taken in Tyrconnell, with divers others, whereof some were executed by martial law, and others referred to be tried by common law. At Coleraine, another of O'Cahan's men was dealt with. His priest and ghostly father, taken in action of rebellion with Shane Carragh O'Cahan, was executed for treason. He excepted to their jurisdiction, affirming that the secular power could not condemn a priest for any offence whatsoever. But the country saw that point of doctrine falsified, both by his judgment and execution. So, as the report put it, he taught the people better doctrine by the example of his death than he had ever done in all his life before.

19. Sir John Davys surveys six escheated counties from Coleraine

    near Coleraine · town · Derry · 1608

    Sir John Davys, Attorney-General for Ireland, wrote to Salisbury from the vicinity of Coleraine on 5 August 1608, reporting that commissioners hoped to present a perfect survey of six counties which the King had in demesne and actual possession. He noted the extent was greater than any prince in Europe had to dispose of, and that plantation of colonies was a matter of great consideration.

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    Since the printing of these plantation papers, there can exist no longer any doubt, or dispute, as to the real extent of the then confiscated lands in Ulster. The six counties of Armagh, Tyrone, Coleraine, Donegal, Fermanagh, and. Cavan, contain about 3,798,000 statute acres, all of which escheated or fell to the Crown, and were thus made available for the several purposes of plantation. Such portions of these six counties as could not be included in the attainder of the fugitive earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell, or in that of their immediate adherents who w^ent with them into exile, were claimed for the King through an act of parliament known as the nth of Elizabeth, which act had not been repealed, nor even modified, in reference to the several territories wherein it was now specially required to operate. It was with more than ordinary gratification, therefore, that Sir John Davys, the Attorney-General for Ireland, and the highest authority, perhaps, on questions of title to land, wrote to his patron, Salisbury, from the vicinity of Coleraine, on the 5th of August, 1608, in the following terms: — "They [the commissioners of survey] hope before Michaelmas to present a perfect survey of six several counties, which the King has now in demesne and actual possession^ in this province ; which is a greater extent of land than any prince in Europe has to dispose of, the disposition whereof by plantation of colonies is a matter of great consideration, wherein it is not easy to lay down a good and sure project" Whilst this fact, then, about the extent of the confiscation, could not be more clearly stated in words, nor on higher authority, we have it actually demonstrated on the barony maps of 1609, which show how the lands were laid out for the several plantation purposes, but do not indicate lands remaining for any other purposes whatever. That vast area, therefore, of nearly four millions of statute acres, was parcelled out to British undertakers, London citizens, English servitors in Ireland, Protestant bishops and incumbents, corporate towns, forts, free schools, the college then recently established at Dublin, and certain native inhabitants of the province — for even the little shreds given to them, were given from the confiscated lands, and specially for plantation purposes.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 2

    As the companion tells it

    The road takes you near Coleraine, a town that in 1608 found itself at the edge of one of the largest land confiscations in Irish history. Six counties in Ulster had fallen to the Crown: Armagh, Tyrone, Coleraine, Donegal, Fermanagh, and Cavan. Together they contained about 3,798,000 statute acres, all escheated or forfeited to the King. Some of this land could be tied to the attainder of the fugitive earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell and their adherents who had gone into exile. The rest was claimed for the King through an act of parliament known as the 11th of Elizabeth, which had not been repealed or modified where it was now needed. Sir John Davys, Attorney-General for Ireland and perhaps the highest authority on questions of title to land, wrote to his patron, Salisbury, from the vicinity of Coleraine on the 5th of August 1608. He said the commissioners of survey hoped before Michaelmas to present a perfect survey of six counties which the King had in demesne and actual possession. He called it a greater extent of land than any prince in Europe had to dispose of, and said that the disposition of it by plantation of colonies was a matter of great consideration, wherein it was not easy to lay down a good and sure project. The barony maps of 1609 would later show how the lands were laid out for plantation purposes, leaving nothing for any other use. That vast area was parcelled out to British undertakers, London citizens, English servitors, Protestant bishops and incumbents, corporate towns, forts, free schools, the college recently established in Dublin, and certain native inhabitants, who received even their small shreds from the confiscated lands.

20. Grahams transported to County Roscommon

    Roscommon · town · Roscommon · 1606

    The Graham sept was forcibly expelled from the English-Scottish borders and sent to County Roscommon, where they endured terrible hardship and many died. Survivors eventually dispersed, with many heading north into Ulster hoping to return to their native borders.

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    in a congratulatory spirit that the natives had not been even more savagely treated! ''Lastly," says Davys, "this transplantation of the natives is made by nis Majesty rather Wtt a father than like a lord or monarch. The Romans transplanted whole nations out of Germany into France ; the Spaniards lately removed all the Moors out of Grenada into Barbary, without providing them any new seats there ; when the English Pale was first planted all the natives were clearly expelled, so as not one Irish family had so much as an acre of freehold in all the five counties of the Pale ; and now, within these four years past, the Greames were removed from the borders of Scotland to this kingdom, and had not one foot of land allotted to them here : but these natives of Cavan have competent portions of land [not one in every thousand had any land] assigned unto them, many of them [very few] in the same barony where they dwelt before, and such as are removed are planted in the same county." (See Historical Tracts^ pp. 283, 284). The transportation of the Grahams above referred to was a curious but melancholy illustration in the history of plantations, lliis tribe or sept was forcibly expelled from their own ancient territoxy on the borders between England and Scotland, and sent in large numbers, including old and young, to the county of Roscommon, where they endured terrible hardship for a time. Many of them soon died there, and the remainder were at last permitted to disperse themselves as they could. Many came northward into Ulster, with the purpose of returning to their native borders, but few are supposed to have succeeded in doiiu; so. This transplantation took place in the autumn of IM)6, and was conducted by a person named Sir Ralph Sidley on the part of the Government The *' Articles of agreement touching the transportation and transplantation 01 the Graemes, and other inhabitants of Leven, Esk, and Sark, the late borders of England, into Ireland, were concluded between the Bishop of Carlisle, Sir Charles Hales, Knight, Sir Wilfred Lawson, Knight, and JoKseph Pennington, Eisq., of the one part; and Sir Ralph Sidley of the other part ; and bore date 1 2th September, 1600. This Sir Ralph Sidley had been a servitor m Ireland, and was one of those captains who was discharged in 1604. He had married the widow of Henry Malby, son and heir of the well-known Sir Nicholas Nlalby, for so many ye^ governor of Connaught in the reign of Elizabeth.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 179

    As the companion tells it

    Roscommon is a town the road passes through or near. In the autumn of 1606 a whole sept of people arrived here, not by choice but by order of the crown. The Grahams had lived for generations on the borders between England and Scotland, along the rivers Leven, Esk, and Sark. They were forcibly expelled from that territory and transported in large numbers, old and young together, to County Roscommon. They had not one foot of land allotted to them. The transplantation was conducted by a man named Sir Ralph Sidley, acting on behalf of the Government. Articles of agreement for the removal were drawn up and bore the date of the 12th of September 1606, concluded between the Bishop of Carlisle, Sir Charles Hales, Sir Wilfred Lawson, and Joseph Pennington on one side, and Sir Ralph Sidley on the other. Sidley had been a servitor in Ireland and was one of the captains discharged in 1604. He had married the widow of Henry Malby, whose father Sir Nicholas Malby had served as governor of Connaught in the reign of Elizabeth. The Grahams endured terrible hardship in Roscommon. Many of them soon died there. The remainder were at last permitted to disperse themselves as they could. Many came northward into Ulster, with the purpose of returning to their native borders, but few are supposed to have succeeded in doing so. A writer of the time noted that the Romans had transplanted whole nations out of Germany into France, and the Spaniards had removed the Moors out of Grenada into Barbary without providing them any new seats. He offered this comparison in a congratulatory spirit, arguing that the king had acted, as he put it,

21. 1641 rebellion alarm at Newtownstewart

    near Newtownstewart · village · Tyrone · 1641

    On 23 October 1641, William Montgomery was at school in Newtownstewart House practising drill with his pike and musket when messengers arrived with news of the Irish insurrection, murders, and burnings. Sir William Stewart evacuated his family to Strabane and then to Londonderry the next morning.

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    be held in free and common socage, subject to the conditions of plantation, and according to the instructions for renewing of grants to undertakers. The house built by Sir William Stewart on this manor was known as Newtown, and formed the principal family residence. Sir William's grandson, William Montgomery, who passed a few years of his boyhood there, has left the following curious account of his hurried departure thence, at the time of the outbreak in 1 641 : — '*! was kept at School in Newtoun Stewart house . . . and had a pike and muskett made to my size ; and on the 23rd of October, 1 641, was in the Garden performing the postures of my Arms ; my grandfather Sir William Stewart's foot com< pany, himself viewing his soldiers and their Arms, and exercising them ; when about four houres afternoon (to our amazement), a man half stript came with a letter, signifying the Insurrections, Murthers, and burnings on all sides, committed by the Irish. T^ie messengers, one after another, came sweating and out of breath from divers quarters, with like consternation and haste as Job's escaped servants did to tell him of his losses ; and they related the cruell Massacres of divers Persons . • Sir William, leaving a guard in his said house, went next morning with his I^dy and Family to Strabane, and thence to Londonderry, ten miles further." See Mont* gomery Manuscripts^ pp. 407, 408.

    (232). Sir John Drommond. — Seep. 291. It was found by inquisition at Newtowne, held on the 9th of January, 1625, that Sir John Drummond had let his lands on the 1st of June, 1022, to the following tenants, several of • whom were meere Irish, viz., Hugh O'Quin, Neal O'Sloddan, Gilldu£f O'Donnelly, Shane O'Sloddan, Owen O'Sloddan, Owen McKauny, John Grime, John

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 444

    As the companion tells it

    Newtownstewart in Tyrone was where Sir William Stewart built his house on the manor, known as Newtown, and it served as the principal family residence. His grandson, William Montgomery, passed a few years of his boyhood there and later left a vivid account of his hurried departure when the rising came in 1641. Montgomery said he was kept at school in Newtownstewart House, and had a pike and musket made to his size. On the 23rd of October 1641, he was in the garden performing the postures of his arms. His grandfather Sir William Stewart's foot company was there, Stewart himself viewing his soldiers and their arms and exercising them. About four in the afternoon, to their amazement, a man half stripped came with a letter signifying the insurrections, murders, and burnings on all sides, committed by the Irish. Messengers came one after another, sweating and out of breath, from divers quarters, with what Montgomery called the same consternation and haste as Job's escaped servants did to tell him of his losses. They related the cruel massacres of divers persons. Sir William left a guard in the house and went next morning with his lady and family to Strabane, and thence to Londonderry, ten miles further. The account is preserved in the Montgomery Manuscripts.

22. Butler's castle on O'Cassidy site at Castle Coole

    Castle Coole · townland · Fermanagh · 1629

    Sir Stephen Butler erected a bawn, castle, and capital mansion on his proportion of Latrym at Drombrochas, on the site of an old castle of the O'Cassidys, hereditary physicians to the Maguires of Fermanagh. The site is now occupied by the Earl of Belmore's seat at Castle Coole, said to have cost upwards of £200,000.

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    (88). First storie, — It was found by Inquisition that, ten years subsequently to Pynnar's report as above, Sir Stephen Butler on his proportion of Latrym or Ldtrim, at Aghadee and Corteg[amon, a bawn of stone and lime 64 feet square, and 15 feet in height ; and that inside this enclosure he had erected a castle or capital-mansion 100 feet long and 30 feet in width ; another bawn of stone and lime 200 feet square and 10 high ; and at Drombrochas another castle or capital-mansion of stone and lime, 30 feet long and 24 m width. These buildings were erected on the site of an old castle of the O'Cassidys, anciently the hereditary physicians of the princely Maguires of Fermanagh. The same site is now occupied by the magnificent seat of the Earl of BelmOre, known still by the old name of Castlecoole. This residence is said to have cost upwards of ;f 200,000 ; and it is certainly one of the finest in the three Kingdoms.

    (89). Lessees. — There is no mention in the inquisition above quoted of any freeholders or lessees on this proportion, in 1629. The following natives had been admitted as yearly tenants : — ^John McMahowne, Patrick O'Greene, Cormock 0*Carrahin, Teige reagh 0*Gelligane, Hugh M'Gillgane, John Maguire, Owen McEnrowe, Philip O'Caill Magwire, Knogher O'Kenon, Bryan oge Magwire, Arte oge McMartin, Hen. McGillmartyn, Brian Magwire, Cahill O'Donogh, Murrough McPhillipp, Donogh McDonnell, Donogh Magwire, Owen Magwier, Brian McManus, Patrick McDonnell, Murrough McDonnell, Patrick boy McDonnell, Shane McDonnell, Patrick M'Elenan. Edmond McDonnell, Shane O'Reily, Patrick M'Donaghan, and Cormuck McManus. The lands in

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 390

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Castle Coole, Sir Stephen Butler raised a castle and a capital mansion on his proportion of Latrym, in the year found by inquisition to be ten years after Pynnar's report. At Aghadee and Cortegamon he built a bawn of stone and lime, 64 feet square and 15 feet high, and inside it a castle or capital mansion, 100 feet long and 30 feet wide. He built another bawn there, 200 feet square and 10 feet high. And at Drombrochas he erected another castle or capital mansion of stone and lime, 30 feet long and 24 feet wide. These buildings stood on the site of an old castle of the O'Cassidys, who were anciently the hereditary physicians of the princely Maguires of Fermanagh. That same site is now the Earl of Belmore's seat, still known by its old name. The residence is said to have cost upwards of 200,000 pounds, and the book calls it one of the finest in the three kingdoms. The inquisition of 1629 names no freeholders or lessees on this proportion, but records the natives admitted as yearly tenants, among them John McMahowne, Patrick O'Greene, Cormock O'Carrahin, Teige Reagh O'Gelligane, John Maguire, Bryan Oge Magwire, and Cormuck McManus.

23. Corrupt trial and forced condemnation of McMahowne

    Monaghan · town · Monaghan

    McMahowne was indicted for taking a distress according to Brehon law, with a jury packed with soldiers and corrupt men. The nine country jurors were kept without relief for 24 hours and threatened until they agreed to condemn him, while Rosse Connor pressured jurors on behalf of the lord deputy.

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    ^^ Item, The said McMahowne [Brian McHugh Oge] (63) saith that the late McMahowne was indicted for taking a distress according to the wonted custom of his country [/.e., according to the Brehon law, and before the introduction of English law in the country] for certain duties belonging unto him, having, by direction^from the State, Captain Wallis's and Captain Plunkett's companies in his company. Also, a grand jury of soldiers, very base and corrupt people, were sworn and empannelled to indict him, and not gentlemen or freeholders of the country. Also, in the jury for his trial there were four soldiers, and nine gentlemen and kerne of the country. Whiles they chaunted they were guarded with a band of soldiers, who suffered the soldiers of the jury to depart from them at pleasure, and the nine of the country were so strictly kept as they were not permitted to take any relief, or part asunder during 24 hours, until they were forced by threatenings and to condemn him. Also, Ewer M'Collo saith that Rosse

    Connor came to him from the lord deputy, willing him to persuade his son, being one of the jury, to agree to the condemnation of McMahowne, and that he should be pardoned for all offences.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 45

    As the companion tells it

    As you pass through Monaghan, this town holds the memory of a corrupt trial. The late McMahowne was indicted for taking a distress according to the wonted custom of his country, following the Brehon law, for certain duties belonging to him. He had Captain Wallis's and Captain Plunkett's companies with him by direction from the State. A grand jury of soldiers, described as very base and corrupt people, was sworn to indict him, rather than gentlemen or freeholders of the country. At his trial the jury held four soldiers and nine gentlemen and kerne of the country. While they deliberated they were guarded by a band of soldiers, who let the soldier jurors depart at pleasure. The nine country jurors were kept so strictly they were not permitted to take any relief or part as during 24 hours, until they were forced by threatenings to condemn him. Ewer M'Collo said that Rosse Connor came to him from the lord deputy, willing him to persuade his son, being one of the jury, to agree to the condemnation of McMahowne, and that he should be pardoned for all offences.

24. Deadly affray between bishop's servants and Balfour's men

    Portora · townland · Fermanagh

    The bishop's servants distrained Lord Balfour's mares from the bishop's lands, driving them towards Inniskilling. Sir John Wimbes and Balfour's tenants overtook them, and in the ensuing fight Sir John was mortally wounded by Humphrey Galbreith. Sir William Cole came to Portora, the bishop's dwelling, demanding a recognisance.

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    after, the 20th of Decembre, the bishop's servants went out again, some five in number, to take a distress for Sir John Wishard's rent, who, as they wew passing by the Lord Balfour's town, perceived the Lord Balfour's stood of mares to be pasturing on the bishop's lands, for which Balfour refused to pay rent ; they resolved, therefore, to goe no further, so severed a part of the stood, and drove them towards Inniskilling ; and were gone near seven miles from the place before Sir John Wimbes, and above three score of the Lord Balfour's tenants and servants overtook them. Sir John, incensed with the indignity he thought done him so lately, he, without any worde, att the very first, thrust William Galbreith through the shoulder with a pyke, then two or three of his company gave him divers other wounds. Humphrey Galbreith, seeing his brother in this case, he called to Sir John to forbear, and he should have all content, to whom Sir John answered — *Devill have my soule if we part so ;' whereupon Humphrey grafted [grappled ?] with Sir John, and while they were wrestling in a dirty bog, one David Balfour wounded Humphrey in divers places. Humphrey laying his accompt his brother was Killed, and himself could not escape, he took holde of a long skeen that was &bout Sir John Wimbes, and therewith did give him a deadly wound. So they parted ; for Sir John's company gathered all about Sir John himself, and pursued the bishop's servants no further. The bishop's men were all sore wounded, and lost mutch blood, so had much adoe to get home. They did not acquaint the bishop with that was done, neither did he suspect that unhappy accident, till Sir William Cole came to Portora [the bishop's dwelling-place], and affirmed that Sir John was deadly hurt, and therefore required, the bishop to enter into a recognisance of a thousand pounds, to make his servants forthcoming att the next assizes." {Spottiswoode Miscellany ^ vol. i., pp. 1 1 3- 1 14.) Although the bishop consented to this proposal, he did so only through fear ; and suspecting afterwards that the Galbraiths would make their escape to Scotland, and he would thus forfeit his thousand pounds, he had actually made an arrangement with the sheriff to seize them before the time appointed for their

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 421

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere near here at Portora, a violent affray once took place involving the bishop's servants and Lord Balfour's men. On the 20th of December, the bishop's servants, about five in number, went out to take a distress for Sir John Wishard's rent. Passing by Lord Balfour's town, they saw Lord Balfour's stud of mares pasturing on the bishop's lands, for which Balfour refused to pay rent. They resolved to go no further, severed part of the stud, and drove the mares towards Inniskilling. They were gone near seven miles before Sir John Wimbes and above three score of Lord Balfour's tenants and servants overtook them. Sir John, incensed at the indignity he thought done him, thrust William Galbreith through the shoulder with a pike, and two or three of his company gave him divers other wounds. Humphrey Galbreith, seeing his brother in this case, called to Sir John to forbear, and he should have all content. Sir John answered, "Devill have my soule if we part so." Humphrey grappled with Sir John, and while they wrestled in a dirty bog, one David Balfour wounded Humphrey in divers places. Humphrey, reckoning his brother was killed and himself unable to escape, took hold of a long skeen that was about Sir John Wimbes, and therewith gave him a deadly wound. They parted. Sir John's company gathered about him and pursued the bishop's servants no further. The bishop's men were all sore wounded and lost much blood, and had much ado to get home. They did not acquaint the bishop with what was done, nor did he suspect that unhappy accident, till Sir William Cole came to Portora, the bishop's dwelling-place, and affirmed that Sir John was deadly hurt. He required the bishop to enter into a recognisance of a thousand pounds, to make his servants forthcoming at the next assizes.

25. Hamilton and Chichester clear Bann of minor fishermen

    near River Bann · river · Derry · 1605–1606

    Chichester and Sir James Hamilton worked together to clear the River Bann from Lough Neagh to the sea of all minor fishermen who had claims to salmon and eel fishing, consolidating control of the river's fisheries between themselves after the flight of the earls.

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    the earls, he was able, with much manoeuvering and a small outlay, to get almost exclusively to himself. Chichester and Sir James Hamilton appear to have played into each other's hands in this business, very quietly but quickly clearing the river from Loughneagh to the sea of all other minor plotters against its salmon and eels. Hamilton opened the campaign on the Bann modestly enough, by accepting a patent, on the 20th July, 1605, of one free fishing, every Monday next after St. John the Baptist's Day — on which day all the fish taken in the river had belonged to the priory of Coleraine before the time of its dissolution, together with one salmon each Say during the fishing season, from every fisherman fishing in these waters. This little initiative step no doubt opened the grantee's eyes to the importance of taking another and a longer one, for in the same year, and indeed in the same month, Hamilton obtained a second grant, which conveyed to him the entire fishings of Lough Neagh and of the Bann as far as the Salmon Leap near Coleraine. A few months subsequently to the dates of these grants, on the 2nd of March, 1605-6, John Wakeman of Beckford, in the county of Gloucester, esquire, got possession, also by grant from the Crown (and as a trustee of Mountjoy Earl of Devonshire) of the fishings in the river, from the Salmon Leap to the sea ; and on the next day, March 3 (as that earl was not then expected to survive many weeks) Wakeman sold this grant to Hamilton ; so that the latter had then the entire fishings of the lough, and of river, along its whole course to the sea. This lucky " discoverer," by that time was beginning to confine his operations more exclusively to the county of Down; and, therefore, he sold to Chichester, on the loth of April, 1606, the whole fishings of eel and salmon in the Bann, from the lough to the Leap at Coleraine. On the 14th of May, in the same year, he also sold to Chichester the one half of the fishings in Lough Neagh.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 322

    As the companion tells it

    The River Bann runs from Lough Neagh to the sea, and its salmon and eel fisheries were once claimed by many minor hands. After the flight of the earls, two men moved in to take almost all of it for themselves. Chichester and Sir James Hamilton worked together, quietly and quickly clearing the river of every minor plotter who had a share in its fish. Hamilton began modestly. On the 20th of July, 1605, he accepted a patent for one free fishing, on the Monday after St. John the Baptist's Day, when all fish taken in the river had once belonged to the priory of Coleraine before its dissolution. The patent also gave him one salmon each day during the fishing season from every fisherman working those waters. That small step opened his eyes. In the same month, Hamilton obtained a second grant, conveying to him the entire fishings of Lough Neagh and of the Bann as far as the Salmon Leap near Coleraine. A few months later, on the 2nd of March, 1606, John Wakeman of Beckford in Gloucestershire took possession, by Crown grant and as trustee of Mountjoy, Earl of Devonshire, of the fishings from the Salmon Leap to the sea. The next day, because that earl was not expected to survive many weeks, Wakeman sold the grant to Hamilton. So Hamilton then held the entire fishings of the lough and the river, along its whole course to the sea. By that time Hamilton was turning his attention more to the county of Down. On the 10th of April, 1606, he sold to Chichester the whole fishings of eel and salmon in the Bann, from the lough to the Leap at Coleraine. On the 14th of May that same year, he sold Chichester one half of the fishings in Lough Neagh.

26. Hovendens defeat Spaniards in Tír Chonaill

    Tyrconnell · locality · Donegal

    Captain Richard and Henry Hovendon, the earl's foster-brothers, led 200 footmen at the earl's expense and overthrew 500–600 Spaniards in Tír Chonaill. They captured the best of the Spaniards and brought them to the earl, who sent them to the lord deputy, but received no recompense or ransom share.

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    " 4. The earl's foster-brothers, captain Richard and Henry Hovendon, having the leading of 200 footmen upon the earPs charges, overthrew 500 or 600 Spaniards in Tireconnell, and brought all the best of them to the earl (see p. 32), whom he sent to the now lord deputy; but neither they [the Hovendens] nor the earl, had any recompence for that service, or so much as part of the ransom of those prisoners (which was great), they being greatly indebted for the furnishing of their companies at that time.

    "5. In the late service against Magwire (37), it was promised to the earl that he should be in commission, and he promised the lord chancellor [archbishop Loftus] that he would come with the marshal in that service, without remembering any causes of discord between them, being greatly moved against Magwire in that he brake his word with him. That service cost him near 3,000/. sterling, for which and the loss of his blood he had no thanks, but was called traitor by the lord deputy at his own table ; while the marshal (having only her majesty's forces and none of his own) obtained a concordatum of 400/.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 36

    As the companion tells it

    Tyrconnell is the land the road takes you through here. In this country, the earl's foster-brothers, Captain Richard and Henry Hovendon, led 200 footmen raised at the earl's own cost, and they overthrew 500 or 600 Spaniards. They captured the best of those Spaniards and brought them to the earl, who passed them on to the lord deputy. But neither the Hovendens nor the earl received any recompense for that service, nor so much as a share of the prisoners' ransom, which was great. They were left greatly indebted for the furnishing of their companies at that time. The earl had spent his own money and his men had spent their strength, and nothing came back to them for it. The service against the Spaniards here in Tyrconnell went unrewarded, like later service the earl gave against Magwire, which cost him near 3,000 pounds sterling and earned him no thanks, only insult at his own table.

27. Inch Island in Lough Swilly: terrain, fort, and oyster bed

    Inch · parish · Donegal

    Inch Island, off the western side of Lough Swilly, was reported as 1,024 acres but actually contains 3,100 acres of the best land in the barony of Inishowen. It features Inch Top at 740 feet, Down Fort as a fortified garrisoned position on its northern side, a roadstead, and a valuable oyster bed close to shore.

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    (55)* The Inche, — Seep. 62. Chichester had not been granted the barony of Inishowen when this 'Project' was drawn up, but he secured it very soon afterwards, and thus saved all others, whether commissioners, or servitors, or native claimants, any farther trouble. The island of Inch, represented as above to contain 1,024 sicres, really contains 3, 100 acres of the best land in the whole barony to which it belongs. It lies on the western side of Lough Swilly, being separated by a deep and narrow chatmel from RathmuUen. The land gradually slopes up from the shores, forming a sort of cone near the centre of the island, about 740 feet above the sea-leveL This height is known appropriately as Inch Top. Off the northern side of the island, which is overlooked by a fortified and garrisoned position known as Down Fort, there is a eood roadstead for vessels bound to Letterkeiiny and Ramelton, and close to the shore is a valuable oyster bed. The island is reached by various ferries from the mainland* the shortest of which connects with Quigley's Point, about a mile from Bomfoot bridge.

    (56). Ballyshannon, — The snatching so large a slice as this from the Earl of Tirconnell, was one of the chief causes of his discontent, and eventual 'flight.'

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 88

    As the companion tells it

    As the road takes you through the parish of Inch, you are passing the edge of a place that was much underestimated. Inch Island was once recorded as just 1,024 acres, but it actually holds 3,100 acres of the best land in the whole barony of Inishowen. Chichester had not yet been granted the barony when the original project was drawn up, but he secured it soon after, and that ended any further claims from commissioners, servitors, or native claimants. The island lies on the western side of Lough Swilly, separated from Rathmullen by a deep and narrow channel. The land slopes upward from the shores, rising to a cone near the centre, some 740 feet above sea level, a height known as Inch Top. Off the northern side of the island stands Down Fort, a fortified and garrisoned position. Beyond it lies a good roadstead for vessels bound to Letterkenny and Ramelton. Close to the shore there is a valuable oyster bed. The island is reached by various ferries from the mainland, the shortest connecting with Quigley's Point, about a mile from Bunfoot bridge.

28. Inquisition at Limavady on termon and herenagh lands

    near Limavady · town · Derry · 1609

    At an inquisition held in Limavady, jurors found that temporal lords never received rents from the termon or herenagh lands of County Coleraine, and that Shane O'Neill had extorted uncertain rents from tenants at the beginning of his rebellion, which they deemed unlawful. The jurors, drawn largely from families occupying the lands, hoped to retain possession but the commissioners were preparing to use the 11th of Elizabeth to dispossess them.

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    lord bushopp of Deny [Montgomery] doth sett and dispose att his pleasure, but by what right the said jurors knowe not, but they say that the said bushopp's predecessors never enjoyed or ouglit to have the said land itself, but only the rent and refeccion aforesaid." Toward the close of this Inquisition at Limavaddie, the jurors dispose of any claim that may have been made on these lands by temporal lords or territorial chiefs, in the following words : — " And further, the said jurors doe uppon their oathes, present and say, that the temporall lords never received any rents or dueties out of the termon or herenagh lands of the said countie of Colrane, but that Shane O'Neale, in the beginning of his rebellion, compelled the tennants of the said termon and herenagh lands to give him sundrie imcertain rents and customes, which the said jurors finde to have bene extorted wrongfullie and defacto^ as an unlawfuU exaction, and not de Jure, ox as a lawful rent." As these jurors, in this and the other counties of Ulster were almost to a man drawn from the septs or families then in occupation of the termon or herenagh lands, they had, no doubt, begun to hope that, as neither the bishops nor the territorial chiefs could remove them, the State would permit them to liold on, and especially as they were thus zealously sustaining the doctrine which Chichester and Davys were so anxious to establish against the northern prelates. But the jurors were "reckoning without their host," and whilst thus cordially 'clearing the King's title,' they had, perhaps, little idea that the commissioners were just then in the act of drawing that fatal weapon — the nth of Elizabeth — to cut them off from any hope of holding their ancient possessions.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 134

    As the companion tells it

    Limavady was where an inquisition sat in 1609, looking into the termon and herenagh lands of County Coleraine. The jurors said the temporal lords had never received any rents or duties from those lands. They acknowledged that Shane O'Neill, at the beginning of his rebellion, had compelled the tenants to give him sundry uncertain rents and customs. But the jurors found this to have been wrongfully extorted, an unlawful exaction and not a lawful rent. They also addressed the Bishop of Derry, who set and disposed of land at his pleasure. The jurors said they did not know by what right the bishop did this, and that his predecessors never enjoyed or ought to have had the land itself, but only the rent and refection. These jurors, in this county as in the other counties of Ulster, were almost to a man drawn from the families then occupying the termon or herenagh lands. They had begun to hope that since neither the bishops nor the territorial chiefs could remove them, the State would permit them to hold on. They were sustaining the doctrine that Chichester and Davys were anxious to establish against the northern prelates. But the jurors were reckoning without their host. While they cordially cleared the King's title, the commissioners were just then drawing the 11th of Elizabeth to cut them off from any hope of holding their ancient possessions.

29. O'Dogherty's Inishowen and the island of Inch

    Inch · parish · Donegal · 1601–1608

    Sir Cahir O'Dogherty's foster-brethren, the MacDavitts, agreed with Sir Henry Docwra in 1601 to join the government on condition that Cahir receive a grant of his father's estates. However, the best portion of the barony of Inishowen, namely the island of Inch with its valuable fishings, had already been promised elsewhere.

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    4. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, the youngest of these Ulster knights, had probably the happiest fate, although apparently the most cruel at the time of its occurrence. On the death of his father, Sir John O'Dogherty, the clan elected Felim, the younger brother of the latter, to succeed him, which so enraged Sir Cahir's foster-brethren, the MacDavitts, that they agreed with Sir Henry Docwra, in 1601, to desert their own standards, and join the government on condition that Sir Cahir might have a giant of his father's estates from the crown. This offer was gladly accepted by Sir Henry Docwra, on the part of the government, and the matter was to be certainly arranged at the close of the war with O'Neill and O'DonnelL But it soon afterwards appeared that the best portion of the whole barony of Inishowen, namely, the island of Inch, with its valuable fishings, had

    62

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 54

    As the companion tells it

    The parish of Inch takes in some of the best land in Inishowen, and its fate was bound up with a young lord's. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty was the youngest of the Ulster knights. When his father, Sir John O'Dogherty, died, the clan passed over the son and elected Felim, Sir John's younger brother, to succeed him. This enraged Sir Cahir's foster-brethren, the MacDavitts. In 1601 they went to Sir Henry Docwra and agreed to desert their own standards and join the government, on one condition: that Sir Cahir receive a grant of his father's estates from the crown. Sir Henry accepted gladly, and the matter was to be settled at the close of the war with O'Neill and O'Donnel. But it then came out that the finest part of the whole barony of Inishowen, the island of Inch with its valuable fishings, had already been promised elsewhere.

30. Pynnar's Survey of Drapers' Hall at Moneymore

    Moneymore · townland · Derry · 1618–1619

    Pynnar describes a strong stone and lime bawn at Moneymore, 100 feet square with two flankers, containing a battlemented castle also with two flankers. Twelve houses were built before the castle, six of lime and stone and six of timber, inhabited by English families, along with a water mill, malt house, and a conduit head bringing piped water to the bawn and town.

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    CXCV. 3,210 Acres. This Proportion is not Set to any Man, but is held by the Agent, Mr. Russell, Upon this there is a Strong Bawn of Stone and Lyme, 100 feet square, 15 feet high, with two Flankers. There is a Castle within the Bawne of the same wideness, being Battlemented, the which hath also two Flankers, and near finished. Right before the Castle, there are built 1 2 Houses, whereof six are of Lime and Stone, very good, and six of Timber, inhabited with English Families ; and this the best work that I have seen for building ; a Water-Mill and a Mault-House also. A quarter of a Mile from the Town there is made a Conduit Head, which bringeth Water to all Places in the Bawn and Town, in Pipes. But these Tenants have not any Estates, for the Agent can make none ; neither will they [have estates] till such time as their Land can be improved to the utmost Within this Castle there is good Store of Arms.

    Salters-Hall (324).

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 497

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Moneymore, Pynnar's survey of 1618 to 1619 found a strong bawn of stone and lime, 100 feet square and 15 feet high, with two flankers. Inside the bawn stood a battlemented castle of the same wideness, also with two flankers, near finished. Right before the castle were 12 houses, six of lime and stone, very good, and six of timber, inhabited with English families. Pynnar called it the best work he had seen for building. There was also a water mill and a malt house. A quarter of a mile from the town, a conduit head had been made, bringing water in pipes to all places in the bawn and town. But the tenants held no estates, for the agent, Mr. Russell, could make none, and would not till the land could be improved to the utmost. The proportion, of 3210 acres, was not set to any man but held by the agent. Within the castle there was a good store of arms.

31. Bagenal seizes Magheramorne and imprisons Shane MacBrian at Newry

    near Newry · town · Down · 1584

    Sir Henry Bagenal took the barony of Magheramorne from Shane MacBrian and imprisoned him at Newry until Shane signed away his rights to the lands. Bagenal had previously taken forcible possession of this valuable territory around 1584, and the Shanescastle estate remained without Magheramorne ever after.

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    " 2. Soon afterwards Sir Henry Bagenall took from him the barony of Mawghrye Mome, and finding him on a time in the Newrye, did there imprison him, and would not deliver him until he had passed unto him [Bagenall] what assurance he would have on said barony (60) — [/>., until Shane had signed away and surrendered his right in the lands, now mentioned, to Bagenall].

    "3. He sustained many other griefs by the hands of her Majesty's officers at Carrickfergus, to the great losses of his followers and goods, and the hazard of his own life." Ibid.y pp. 154, 155.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 44

    As the companion tells it

    In 1584, Sir Henry Bagenal took the barony of Magheramorne from Shane MacBrian. He found Shane one day in Newry and imprisoned him there. He would not release him until Shane had signed away and surrendered his right to the lands. After that, the Shanescastle estate remained without Magheramorne. Shane suffered further injuries at the hands of her Majesty's officers at Carrickfergus, to the great losses of his followers and goods, and the hazard of his own life.

32. Bishop of Limerick reports Tyrone's letters to Ulster kinsmen

    Limerick · city · Limerick · 1609

    In June 1609 the bishop of Limerick wrote to Chichester with proof that the exiled Earl of Tyrone had sent letters to Brian, son of Hugh Oge M'Mahon, in Ulster, raising fears of a planned return with Spanish forces.

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    About the time when the actual plantation began, the Irish of Ulster naturally became more despairing and more to be suspected than at other periods. The hope of deliverance by the return of O'Neill, with an army of Irish and Spaniards, seems then to have taken complete possession of them. It was found that O'Neill had been in correspondence with some of his kinsmen in Ulster, and it was inferred that his letters could have no other object than the discussion of his contemplated return. In the June of 1609, the bishop of Limerick wrote to Chichester, stating that he had proof that the Earl of Tyrone had actually sent letters " to Brian, the son of Hugh Oge M'Mahon ; to Sir

    (28). Into Ireiand, — Sir Charles Comwallis, the writer of the foregoing letter, was second son of Sir Thomas Comwallis, comptroller of the household to Queen Mary. Sir Charles was ambassador to Spain in 1604, and afterwards from 1608 to 1 6 10. Whilst the Irish exiles in Spain had *' taken to their beads," their abusive critic had taken to something even worse and more dangerous, for he had no sooner returned to England, in 16 1 1, than he entered on an extensive system of peculation. In 161 7, he was brought before the Star Chamber to answer

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 121

    As the companion tells it

    In June 1609, the bishop of Limerick wrote to Chichester with proof that the Earl of Tyrone had sent letters into Ulster. The exiled earl, O'Neill, had been in correspondence with some of his kinsmen there, and it was inferred that his letters could have no other object than the discussion of his contemplated return. About the time the actual plantation began, the Irish of Ulster had grown more despairing and more to be suspected than at other periods. The hope of deliverance through O'Neill coming back with an army of Irish and Spaniards had taken complete possession of them. The bishop's letter to Chichester stated he had proof that Tyrone had actually sent letters, in the words of the source, "to Brian, the son of Hugh Oge M'Mahon." It was found that O'Neill had been corresponding with his kinsmen, and the fear was that his planned return with Spanish forces was being arranged through these letters to Ulster.

33. Canning reports continual troubles from Agivey on the Bann

    near Agivey · parish · Derry · 1615

    Writing from Agivey on the River Bann on 13 May 1615, Canning reported nothing but continual troubles in those parts, by sea and land, with an unprecedented number of kernes out in the country. The plantation lands were in a state of serious disorganisation.

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    If the Londoners were loudly and truly enough accused of keeping all the natives on their lands simply for their own selfish ends of procuring high rents and cheap labour, they suffered rather severely during the excitement produced by the partial insurrection of 16 15. Their lands, in fact, throughout the whole county, both before and after the discovery of the combination in that year, were overrun by guerilla bands, who levied black mail on all English settlers, and in some cases, perhaps, when resisted, did not scruple to commit even greater crimes. On Canning's return to Aghadowey, the wretchedly disorganised state of the country was the first question to attract his attention. Writing from *Ahgiave' [now Agivey], on the Bann, May 13, 16 15, he says: — " The newes here is nothing bui the contynuall troubles in theis partes, both by sea and land. Sir Thomas Phillips is now going from Colraine to sea with 3 or 4 smale Barkes after the pirates ; God speede him well (86V There were never sithence I came hither soe many kernes out in the

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 356

    As the companion tells it

    The road takes you through the parish of Agivey, by the River Bann. In May 1615, Canning wrote from here that the news was "nothing but the continual troubles in these parts, both by sea and land." There had never been so many kernes out in the country since he came there. Sir Thomas Phillips was going from Colraine to sea with 3 or 4 small vessels after the pirates. Canning had returned to Aghadowey and found the country in a wretchedly disorganised state. Across the whole county, the lands were overrun by guerrilla bands who levied blackmail on all English settlers, and when resisted, did not scruple to commit even greater crimes. The partial insurrection of 1615 had produced excitement throughout the county. The Londoners who held these lands suffered rather severely. They had been accused of keeping all the natives on their lands simply to procure high rents and cheap labour.

34. Chichester purchases Bann fisheries from Hamilton

    near River Bann · river · Derry · 1606

    On 10 April 1606, Sir James Hamilton sold to Chichester the whole fishings of eel and salmon in the Bann from Lough Neagh to the Salmon Leap at Coleraine. On 14 May of the same year, Hamilton also sold Chichester one half of the fishings in Lough Neagh, consolidating Chichester's control over the major fisheries.

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    the earls, he was able, with much manoeuvering and a small outlay, to get almost exclusively to himself. Chichester and Sir James Hamilton appear to have played into each other's hands in this business, very quietly but quickly clearing the river from Loughneagh to the sea of all other minor plotters against its salmon and eels. Hamilton opened the campaign on the Bann modestly enough, by accepting a patent, on the 20th July, 1605, of one free fishing, every Monday next after St. John the Baptist's Day — on which day all the fish taken in the river had belonged to the priory of Coleraine before the time of its dissolution, together with one salmon each Say during the fishing season, from every fisherman fishing in these waters. This little initiative step no doubt opened the grantee's eyes to the importance of taking another and a longer one, for in the same year, and indeed in the same month, Hamilton obtained a second grant, which conveyed to him the entire fishings of Lough Neagh and of the Bann as far as the Salmon Leap near Coleraine. A few months subsequently to the dates of these grants, on the 2nd of March, 1605-6, John Wakeman of Beckford, in the county of Gloucester, esquire, got possession, also by grant from the Crown (and as a trustee of Mountjoy Earl of Devonshire) of the fishings in the river, from the Salmon Leap to the sea ; and on the next day, March 3 (as that earl was not then expected to survive many weeks) Wakeman sold this grant to Hamilton ; so that the latter had then the entire fishings of the lough, and of river, along its whole course to the sea. This lucky " discoverer," by that time was beginning to confine his operations more exclusively to the county of Down; and, therefore, he sold to Chichester, on the loth of April, 1606, the whole fishings of eel and salmon in the Bann, from the lough to the Leap at Coleraine. On the 14th of May, in the same year, he also sold to Chichester the one half of the fishings in Lough Neagh.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 322

    As the companion tells it

    The River Bann runs through this part of the country, and in 1606 it became the object of a quiet but determined grab for its salmon and eels. Sir James Hamilton and Sir Arthur Chichester worked together, clearing the river from Lough Neagh to the sea of all the smaller men who had claims on its fish. Hamilton began modestly. On the 20th of July, 1605, he took a patent for one free fishing, every Monday after St. John the Baptist's Day. On that day, before the dissolution of the priory of Coleraine, all the fish taken in the river had belonged to that priory. The grant also gave him one salmon each day during the fishing season from every fisherman working those waters. That small step opened his eyes. In the same month, Hamilton obtained a second grant, conveying to him the entire fishings of Lough Neagh and of the Bann as far as the Salmon Leap near Coleraine. A few months later, on the 2nd of March, 1605-6, John Wakeman of Beckford in Gloucestershire got the fishings from the Salmon Leap to the sea, as a trustee of Mountjoy, Earl of Devonshire. The earl was not expected to survive many weeks. The very next day, Wakeman sold that grant to Hamilton. So Hamilton held the entire fishings of the lough and of the river, along its whole course to the sea. By then he was turning his attention more to the county of Down, and on the 10th of April, 1606, he sold to Chichester the whole fishings of eel and salmon in the Bann, from the lough to the Leap at Coleraine. On the 14th of May of that same year, he sold Chichester one half of the fishings in Lough Neagh as well.

35. Chichester's complaint about land allocation at Dungannon

    near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1610

    Lord Deputy Chichester expected 3,000 acres around Dungannon but could only obtain 1,320, expressing sharp disappointment. He also complained that the native Irish of Tyrone had received too little land overall and were all crowded into the barony of Dungannon.

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    (21 5). Deputy, — Chichester was expecting to have 3,000 acres around Dungannon, and gave vent to nis disappointment in no uncertain terms on finding that he was partly crowded out, and could only get 1,320. He complained also that the natives of Tyrone had got too little land, and that such of them as h^ been so fortunate as to ^t even a share in that little, should be all crowded mto the barony of Dungannon. On Chichester's proportion the old castle of the O'Neills at Dungannon is marked, with two churches, one in the immediate vicinity of the castle, and the other at a litde distance, in a balliboe or townland called Tannagh. The map also represents this locality as having a due amount of wood and bog.

    (216). Ridgeway. — See pp. 264, 265. The large-sized proportion here granted to Ridgeway is represented on the map as abounding in woods and bogs. It lay along the upper course of the Black water, from the point where that nver enters the barony of Dungannon to the boundary of Muinterbime. In the centre otthis proportion, there is a ruinous church marked on the map at a place called PlaisUT.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 258

    As the companion tells it

    Dungannon in Tyrone is the place. In 1610, Lord Deputy Chichester expected to have 3,000 acres around this town. He could only get 1,320, and he let his disappointment be known in no uncertain terms. He had been partly crowded out. He complained also that the native Irish of Tyrone had received too little land altogether, and that those fortunate enough to get even a share of that little were all crowded into the barony of Dungannon itself. On Chichester's proportion, the old castle of the O'Neills at Dungannon was marked, with two churches. One church stood in the immediate vicinity of the castle. The other lay at a little distance, in a townland called Tannagh. The map of this locality also showed a due amount of wood and bog. So the land Chichester wanted had at its centre the seat of the O'Neills, the old ruling family, and ground that was both wooded and wet, not easy country for a new plantation.

36. Clogher territory of Sir Cormac O'Neill marked for plantation

    near Clogher · town · Tyrone · 1608–1610

    The territory of Clogher, which belonged to Sir Cormac O'Neill, the Earl of Tyrone's brother, was among the lands added to the field for plantation after the flight of the northern earls.

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    I. I HE broad lands, thus quietly abandoned to the planters by the flight of the northern earls, were soon to receive vast additions, as mentioned at the close of the preceding chapter. These additions included Cavan, the 'country* of the O'Reillys; Fermanagh, the 'country' of the Maguires ; Coleraine, the 'country* of the 0*Cahans ; the barony of Inishowen, which had belonged to Sir Cahir 0*Dogherty ; the estates of Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell, stretching from LifTord westward along the two banks of the Finn, and including the beautiful Lough Esk ; the territory of Clogher, which belonged to Sir Cormac O'Neill, the Earl of Tyrone's brother ; and last though not least in fertility or picturesque beauty, the 'country* of Orior, reaching from Armagh to the vicinity of Dundalk, and owned by the gallant old Sir Oghie O'Hanlon.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 53

    As the companion tells it

    The road takes you through Clogher in Tyrone. After the northern earls fled, their abandoned lands were opened for plantation, and vast additions followed. Clogher was among them. It had belonged to Sir Cormac O'Neill, brother of the Earl of Tyrone. Other territories were added too: Cavan, country of the O'Reillys; Fermanagh, country of the Maguires; Coleraine, country of the O'Cahans; the barony of Inishowen, which had belonged to Sir Cahir O'Dogherty; the estates of Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell, stretching from Lifford westward along both banks of the Finn, including Lough Esk; and the country of Orior, reaching from Armagh toward Dundalk, owned by Sir Oghie O'Hanlon. So Clogher, Sir Cormac's territory, passed quietly into the hands of planters. The book calls these lands

37. Construction of the strong fort at Lifford

    Lifford · townland · Donegal · 1607–1611

    A strong lime and stone fort with bulwarks and a moat was built at Lifford by Sir Richard Hansard, partly funded by the King. It featured a storehouse for victuals and munitions, a gatehouse, and a drawbridge.

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    " Town of Lyffer, A good and strong fort built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side, with a storehouse for victuals and munition, a gatehouse with a drawbridge. This fort was built by Sir Richard Hansard, towards which the King allowed him 200/. English. There is another small fort in the town rampiered and ditched, about which are certain houses built of good timber after the English manner, which serve for the use of a gaoler, and to keep the prisoners. Sir Richard Hansard, Knight, being appointed by the now Lord Deputy to be at Lyffer with his Company in 1607, found but one house in that town. Upon view of the town we found it [161 1] well furnished with inhabitants of English, and Scottish, and Irish, who live by several trades, brought thither by Sir Richard, who built 21 houses for tenants who are to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others.

    " Town of DonegalL We found a fair bawn built, with flankers, a parapet, and a walk on the top 15 foot high. Within the bawn is a strong house of stone, built by Captain Bassill Brooke, towards which the King gave him 250/. English. Many families of English, Scottish, and Irish are inhabiting in the town, who built them good copied houses after the manner of the Pale. About two miles from thence Captain Paul Goare [Gore] has erected a fair stone house out of the ruins of O'Boyle's old castle upon the sea side, which he has by direction of the Lords of the Council delivered up to I^ird Broughton, undertaker of those lands ; he demands some consideration for his charges, which we think him wojrthy of." CareVs Report in 161 1].

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 425

    As the companion tells it

    Close to Lifford, between 1607 and 1611, a good and strong fort was built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side. It held a storehouse for victuals and munition, and a gatehouse with a drawbridge. This fort was built by Sir Richard Hansard, towards which the King allowed him 200 pounds English. There was another small fort in the town, rampiered and ditched, about which stood certain houses built of good timber after the English manner, which served for the use of a gaoler and to keep the prisoners. Sir Richard Hansard, Knight, being appointed by the Lord Deputy to be at Lifford with his Company in 1607, found but one house in that town. Upon view of the town, they found it by 1611 well furnished with inhabitants of English, Scottish, and Irish, who lived by several trades, all brought thither by Sir Richard. He built 21 houses for tenants who were to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others. So from a single house, within four years, the place had grown into a fortified settlement with near sixty dwellings, a strong fort on the river, and a smaller fort for holding prisoners.

38. County Coleraine shunned despite fertile lands

    near Coleraine · town · Derry · 1609

    The county of Coleraine was avoided by English and Scottish undertakers despite being among the most fertile and attractive districts in Ulster. The land was only offered to the London corporation because it had been deserted by other planters who feared O'Cahan's claims.

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    The foregoing extract puts on record a curious and significant fact, to wit, that O'Cahan's country was offered to the city of London because of its being * deserted,* or rather shunned, * by other planters.' The question is here at once suggested — Why was the county of Coleraine thus avoided by English and Scottish undertakers ? Not certainly because it was more barren, or barbarous, than other districts. On the contrar)', it was admittedly amongst the most fertile and attractive in Ulster. This refusal, therefore, to be concerned with O'Cahan's country, on the part of sharpwitted undertakers, both English and Scotch, must have arisen from a fear that Sir Donnell might return to claim his own ; and that even should he not, his clansmen, confessedly the most warlike in Ulster, could hardly be expected to become pleasant, or even practicable neighbours. This state of affairs had evidently led the King and his council to the conclusion that, since undertakers singly, or even in consorts, could not be induced to sit down anywhere between the Foyle and the Bann, the land must be occupied by a powerful party, such as the London corporation could easily throw across the channel The citizens were much flattered by this favourable opinion of their greatness, as entertained, and even loudly expressed in high quarters, the first public move in the business being made by the King himself, who directed a printed copy of the * Orders and Conditions' to be forwarded to the lord mayor, and to be accompanied with an intimation that the Sovereign would graciously accept assistance from the cit}-, in the great project which he had really so much at heart

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 295

    As the companion tells it

    The road takes you through or near Coleraine, a town at the heart of a county that in 1609 no English or Scottish planter wanted. The county of Coleraine was shunned, and that fact is worth pausing on. It was not refused for being poor or wild. It was admitted to be among the most fertile and attractive districts in all of Ulster. The sharp-witted undertakers, both English and Scotch, stayed away for another reason. They feared that Sir Donnell O'Cahan might return to claim his own. And even if he did not, his clansmen, confessedly the most warlike in Ulster, could hardly be expected to become pleasant, or even practicable, neighbours. So O'Cahan's country lay empty of planters. The King and his council reached a conclusion. Since no undertaker, singly or in consorts, could be induced to sit down anywhere between the Foyle and the Bann, the land must be occupied by a powerful party. The London corporation could easily throw such a party across the channel. The citizens were flattered by the high opinion of their greatness expressed in high quarters. The King himself made the first move, directing a printed copy of the Orders and Conditions to be forwarded to the lord mayor, with word that the Sovereign would graciously accept assistance from the city in the great project he had so much at heart.

39. Devenish priory and its ruins

    Devenish · townland · Fermanagh · 1606

    The island of Devenish contained the priory of canons with ruinous walls of an old church and a great structure covered with wooden tiles. The island of about 30 acres belonged time immemorial to the prior and friars but was latterly claimed by Maguire.

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    (72). In Fee-Farm, — These lands were granted to Sir Heniy Brunckar, on the 12th of Nov., 1606. The grant conveyed the site and precinct of the late abbey of canons in Lisgoole, viz. , an old church and church-ya!rd situate on the south side of Lough Eame, 6 quarters containing 24 parcels of land called tathes, each tate containing about 30 acres country measure, with the tithes of the same and certain other liberties and customs to said abbey due and payable out of Ballinsag^gart, and other lands, lying as well within [among the islands] as without said lake ; also the site, &c., of the late abbey [priory] of St. Francis, situate near Lisgoole abbey, wherein are the old ruinous walls of a small church, a cfaurch-^ard, certain gardens or tofts, and small closes contaimng 3 acres ; also the site, &c., of the late priory of canons of Devenish, in which are the ruinous walls of an old church, one great structure annexed, covered with wooden tiles, under which long since was a cell, and uix>n the same are built certain chambers for the use of the inhabitants, and other small buildings, an orchard and small garden, with small closes there containing about ^ acres, — which abbey is situate in the island of Devenish ; also a small cell or chapel called Collidea, belonging to the abbey, and possessing 3 tates of land, llie whole island of Devenish contains about 30 acres, and belonged time immemorial to the prior and friars, but had been latterly claimed and occupied by Maguire, the lord of Fermanagh, as his right. See Erck's Repertory^ p. 275.

    (73). TTte greatest y, — Inconsequence of a subsequent arrangement which thrust out fonndr Roe Maguire from two baronies, the planters had a much larger extent in Fermanagh than tney at first expected. Instead of the ' 20 proportions here originally, set down in the ' Project,' there were 40 proportions available by their adopting the means now mentioned. Of these 40 proportions the English and Scotch got 5 great; 5 middle, and 16 small, whilst among the servitors and natives were distributed 2 great proportions and 12 small ones.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 92

    As the companion tells it

    Close to Devenish, there was a priory of canons on an island in the lough. The whole island held about 30 acres, and it had belonged time out of mind to the prior and friars. But latterly Maguire, lord of Fermanagh, had claimed it and occupied it as his own right. What stood there in 1606 was this. The ruinous walls of an old church. One great structure annexed to it, covered with wooden tiles. Long ago there had been a cell underneath that great structure. Now, upon it, chambers had been built for the use of the inhabitants. There were other small buildings too, an orchard, and a small garden, with small closes of land around them. A small cell or chapel called Collidea also belonged to the priory, and it held 3 tates of land. On the 12th of November 1606, all of this was granted to Sir Henry Brunckar. The grant conveyed the site and precinct of the late priory of canons of Devenish, along with two other abbeys, the abbey of canons in Lisgoole and the abbey of St. Francis near Lisgoole. The Lisgoole grant carried 6 quarters containing 24 parcels of land called tates, each about 30 acres, with tithes payable out of Ballinsaggart and other lands among the islands and shores of the lake. The St. Francis site had a small church, a churchyard, gardens, and closes of about 3 acres. All of it passed to Brunckar in fee-farm that November.

40. Docwra crosses Lough Swilly with soldiers pursuing Niall Garve's cattle raid

    near Lough Swilly · estuary · Donegal

    Sir Henry Docwra, having prepared soldiers and written letters, crossed Lough Swilly by boat and marched seven or eight miles before receiving news that his men had overtaken Niall Garve, defeated him, and recovered approximately 7,000 head of cattle that Garve had seized and defended with armed force.

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    absence to be preyed by those of that province that yett stood out in Kebellion ; my lord gives him leave; and writes to Neale Garvie that hee shall not molest nor troubl^them [the cattle], and soe Roary takes his journey [to Dublin]. Hee was noe sooner gone, and the Catel putt over. But Neale Gaxvie, notwithstanding my lord's command, oeizes them as his owne, under pretents they were the Goods of the countrey belonging unto him [as rightful chief]. ... I asked him why he went not to my lord all this while [Nial having been summoned three months before to answer for his conduct], nor came unto mee sooner, nor restored Rorie O'Donell's Catle. His aunswere was this : You knowe the whole countrey of Tirconnell was long since promised mee, and many services I have done that I think have deserved it ; but I sawe I was n^lected, and therefore I have righted myselfe by takeing the Catle, and People, that were my owne ; now by this means the countrey is sure unto mee, and if I have done anything amisse lett all be pardoned that is past, and from this day forward, by Jesus hand, I will be true to the Queene, and noe man's Councill will I follow but yours. You take a wrong course, said I, it may not goe thus, the first acte you must doe to procure forgiveness for your faults (if it may be) is to make restitution of the Catle ; if you doe it not of your owne accord, I knowe you will be forced unto it upon harder conditiotks. Yet at that time nothing I could say would prevail with him. ... I was not deceived in my Congecture, and soe by that time I had writt these letters, made ready the souldiers to goe with mee, was passed over Lough Swilley by boate, and had marched some 7 or 8 Mile, I mett with the Newes that our men had overtaken and beate him, got possession of the Cowes, which hee fought for and derended with force of Armes as long as he was able, and which were estimated to be about 7,000** [head]. See Miscellany of Celtic Society, pp. 266, 167, 269.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 186

    As the companion tells it

    This is Lough Swilly, the estuary in Donegal. In the early years of the seventeenth century, a cattle raid across these waters set Sir Henry Docwra against Niall Garve. Rorie O'Donell's cattle had been put across the lough. Niall Garve seized them as his own, under the claim that they were the goods of the country belonging to him as rightful chief. This was despite a lord's command that he should not molest or trouble them. Docwra asked Niall Garve why he had not come sooner, nor restored Rorie O'Donell's cattle. Niall Garve answered that the whole country of Tirconnell had long been promised to him, and that he had done many services he thought deserved it. But he saw he was neglected, and so he said he had righted himself by taking the cattle and the people that were his own. He offered to be true to the Queen from that day forward and to follow no man's counsel but Docwra's. Docwra told him he took a wrong course. The first act to procure forgiveness, he said, must be to make restitution of the cattle. If he did not do it of his own accord, he would be forced to it upon harder conditions. Nothing Docwra could say would prevail with Niall Garve at that time. Docwra wrote his letters and made ready the soldiers to go with him. He passed over Lough Swilly by boat and marched some 7 or 8 miles. Then he met with the news that his men had overtaken and beaten Niall Garve and got possession of the cows. Niall Garve had fought for them and defended them with force of arms as long as he was able. The cattle were estimated at about 7,000 head.

41. Earl of Tyrone and Sir Tirlagh examined at Newry, 1591

    near Newry · town · Down · 1591

    Deputy Fitzwilliam examined the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Tirlagh O'Neale at Newry following their violent quarrel. The examination found Sir Tirlagh partly to blame, and both men consented to Tyrone being reduced to shire ground and accepting a Sheriff.

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    O'Neill estates, his relations with other branches or families of the great clan O'Neill were not improved, but rathei: embittered, by his good fortune. With Turlough Luineach and his sons the quarrel continued, and required the frequent interference of government officials. Fitzwilliam, who had been appointed deputy after Sir John Perrot, was utterly unfitted by his selfish nature for the duties of his office, and appears to have taken more pleasure in witnessing the quarrels than the contentment of Irish chiefs. The following extract from one of his letters to Burghley in 1591, is significant enough as to the state of affairs in Tyrone : — " I and this council, being now but six [in number] must be, the last of this month (God pleased) at Dondalk, for the ending of a great controversy between the earl and Sir T)n:lagh O'Neale, by reason of a fray fallen between them, in which the dutiful old knight. Sir Tyrlagh O'Neale, was shot through the shoulder with a bullet, and stroken with a horseman's staff in the small of the back, two grievous wounds ; but (God I thank) well recovered. I sent him a surgeon, with a great deal of stuff for his dressing." Writing, less than a month afterwards, to Sir George Carew, the deputy notices the " affair" thus : — " In the quarrel between the earl of Tyrone and Sir Tyrlagh O'Neale it was complained that the earl was altogether in fault, but upon examination (having them both here, and at the Newrie) it fell out that Sir Tyrlagh was therein far to blame. I and the council have so ended those causes, as they are both returned home with good contentment, and have given both their consents to have Tirone reduced to shire ground, and to accept of a Sheriff." See Calendar of Carew MSS.^ third series, pp. 55, 57- .

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 29

    As the companion tells it

    In 1591, Newry was the scene of a reckoning between two men of the O'Neill name. The Earl of Tyrone and Sir Tirlagh O'Neale had fallen into a violent quarrel, a fray in which Sir Tirlagh, described as a dutiful old knight, was shot through the shoulder with a bullet and struck with a horseman's staff in the small of the back. The deputy, Fitzwilliam, sent him a surgeon, with a great deal of stuff for his dressing. He thanked God the old knight was well recovered. Fitzwilliam had been appointed deputy after Sir John Perrot, and the book says he was utterly unfitted by his selfish nature for the duties of his office, and took more pleasure in witnessing the quarrels than the contentment of Irish chiefs. The quarrel between the earl and Sir Tirlagh was part of a longer strife with Turlough Luineach and his sons that required the frequent interference of government officials. It was complained that the earl was altogether in fault, but upon examination, having them both at Newry, it fell out that Sir Tirlagh was far to blame. Fitzwilliam and the council ended the matter so that both men returned home with good contentment. They gave their consents to have Tyrone reduced to shire ground and to accept a Sheriff.

42. English became masters of Lough Foyle through O'Cahan's surrender

    near Lough Foyle · estuary · Derry

    Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan's timely surrender and assistance enabled the English to become masters of Lough Foyle. They promised him the larger part of his own family estates in return, but he was later imprisoned in the Tower of London and his family left destitute.

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    going 'Instructions' with a leaning towards the 'receivers/ notwithstanding his apparent sympathy in Dublin with 'the gentlemen of the north/ as they came up penniless, rather cow-less, to take out patents for their several proportions. Among the most melancholy cases afterwards brought before the commissioners were those of Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan and Sir Neill Garve O'Donnell, who being immured in the Tower, had no means of defending themselves against their dishonest tenants* The following letter, written in July, 1613, from the council in London to Chichester, will explain the nature of these cases : — " The wife and sister of Sir Neale O'Donell and Sir Donel O'Cahan [the wife of Sir Donnell O'Cahan and sister of Sir Neill O'Donnell] after long attendance here, are on their return to Ireland, and have asked of them for some means to carry them over, for they complain that, having given out all the means they had to certain tenants of theirs in the nature of ' commins,' according to the custom of the country, the same is now refused to be repaid unto them, as by the enclosed appears. He is, therefore, to see that what is due to them in this kind may be for the use and maintenance of these women, so that being supplied there with some small maintenance, whereof they are now altogether destitute, they may forbear to make any further repair hither to the disquieting the said knights, prisoners in the Tower, or be any further trouble to them " [the council in London]. What a lamentable story this heartless letter reveals I " These women — now altogether destitute" — ^were the daughters of Hugh O'Neill and Sir Conn O'Donnell, and thus belonged to families much older, and infinitely more distinguished than those to which these councillors belonged. One of " these women" was the sister of that Niall Garve O'Donnell by whose aid the English had won Donegal, and to whom they had promised the chieftaincy in the event of their success. The other of "these women" was the wife of that gallant and ill-starred simpleton, Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan, by whose timely surrender and assistance the English had become masters of Lough Foyle, promising him, for his services, the laiger part of his own family estates. Yet these ignoble English earls were only anxious that the women aforesaid should be prevented in futiure from troubling them, or " disquieting the said knights" in their gloomy prison repose — ^more terrible than death.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 184

    As the companion tells it

    Lough Foyle stretches wide along this coast, an estuary that once turned on a single man's choice. Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan gave the English timely surrender and assistance here, and by his help they became masters of Lough Foyle. They promised him the larger part of his own family estates in return for what he had done. He never received them. He was imprisoned in the Tower of London, left with no means to defend himself against dishonest tenants. Sir Neill Garve O'Donnell shared the same fate, immured in the Tower alongside him. The two knights could do nothing for their families. In July 1613, the council in London wrote to Chichester about the wives of both men. These women were daughters of Hugh O'Neill and Sir Conn O'Donnell, belonging to families older and more distinguished than those of the councillors who dismissed them. They had given out all they had to certain tenants as commins, according to the custom of the country, and repayment was now refused. They had attended in London for a long time and were returning to Ireland, altogether destitute. The council asked that what was due to them might be secured for their use and maintenance, some small maintenance, so that they would forbear to make any further repair to London, and so that they would not disquiet the said knights, prisoners in the Tower, in their gloomy repose, described as more terrible than death. The letter called these women destitute, yet the councillors were anxious chiefly that the women should be prevented from troubling them further.

43. Enniskillen fort strengthened by Captain William Cole

    near Enniskillen · town · Fermanagh · 1611

    Captain William Cole, constable of Enniskillen, erected a strong lime-and-stone wall 26 feet high with flankers, parapet, and walk, funded partly by £200 from the King. He began a fair house on the old castle foundation, added a bawn with a ditch and drawbridge, and had three King's boats ready for service.

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    Enishkellin, There is a fair strong wall newly erected of lime and stone, 26 foot high, with flankers, a parapet, and a walk on the top of the wall, built by Captain William CoUe [Cole], constable thereof, towards which he had 200/. sterling from the King. A fair house begun upon the foundation of the old castle, with other convenient houses for store and munition, which, besides the laying out of the captain's own money, will draw on some increase of charge to the King. The bawn is ditched about with a fair large ditch and the river on one side, with a good drawbridge. The King has three good boats there ready to attend all services. A large piece of ground adjoins the fort with a good timber house, after the English fashion, built by the captain, in which he and his family now dwell."

    In a *Note' preserved among the Carew MSS., arid written by 'Phillip Gatisfeth,' there are the following references to the above mentioned undertakers, Flowerdew and Sedborough: — "Thomas Flowerdew hath with him six persons, one a carpenter, others freeholders or leaseholders ; has built an Irish house with a chimney at the end, made of wattles, contrived in two rooms, and a frame for a timber house of birch, most part to be set up in a Danes' fort He has a plough of mares and garrons, with two English horses, an English mare, one cow, with some three or four bullocks for their provision, and some few arms. Mr. Sudborough has with him eight men well armed, including two sons, and one Mr. Stookes, a leaseholder ; he has contrived an Irish house into three rooms, and built a wattled chimney in it He has one plough of mares and garrons ; an English horse and mare ; and twenty head of cows."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 391

    As the companion tells it

    Around the town of Enniskillen, in 1611, Captain William Cole was building something that would last. He was the constable here, and he had money behind him. The King gave 200 pounds sterling toward the work. What Cole raised was a fair strong wall of lime and stone, 26 feet high, with flankers, a parapet, and a walk along the top. He began a fair house on the foundation of the old castle, and put up other houses for store and munition. Besides the King's money and his own, he knew the work would draw further charge. The bawn was ditched about with a fair large ditch, the river guarding one side, and a good drawbridge at the entrance. The King had three good boats there, ready to attend all services. Cole did not stop at the fort itself. A large piece of ground adjoined it, and on it he built a good timber house after the English fashion, and there he and his family now dwelt. Other undertakers were settling the land too. Thomas Flowerdew had six persons with him, including a carpenter and freeholders. He built an Irish house with a wattled chimney, contrived in two rooms, and had a frame for a timber house of birch, most part to be set up in a Danes' fort. He kept a plough of mares and garrons, two English horses, an English mare, a cow, and a few bullocks, with some few arms. Mr. Sudborough had eight men well armed, including two sons and a leaseholder named Mr. Stookes. He contrived an Irish house into three rooms with a wattled chimney, kept a plough of mares and garrons, an English horse and mare, and 20 head of cows.

44. Fort and settlement at Lifford

    Lifford · townland · Donegal · 1607–1611

    Sir Richard Hansard built a strong fort of lime and stone with bulwarks, parapet, drawbridge and storehouse at Liffer, for which the King allowed £200. When Hansard arrived in 1607 he found but one house; by 1611 the town had 21 houses built by him and 37 by others, with English, Scottish, and Irish inhabitants.

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    " Town of Lyffer, A good and strong fort built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side, with a storehouse for victuals and munition, a gatehouse with a drawbridge. This fort was built by Sir Richard Hansard, towards which the King allowed him 200/. English. There is another small fort in the town rampiered and ditched, about which are certain houses built of good timber afler the English manner, which serve for the use of a gaoler, and to keep the prisoners. Sir Richard Hansard, Knight, being appointed by the now Lord Deputy to be at Lyffer with his Company in 1607, found but one house in that town. Upon view of the town we found it [161 1] well furnished with inhabitants of English, and Scottish, and Irish, who live by several trades, brought thither by Sir Richard, who built 2 1 houses for tenants who are to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others.

    " Town of Donegall, We found a fair bawn built, with flankers, a parapet, and a walk on the top 15 foot high. Within the bawn is a strong house of stone, built by Captain Bassill Brooke, towards which the King gave him 250/. English. Many families of English, Scottish, and Irish are inhabiting in the town, who built them good copied houses after the manner of the Pale. About two miles from thence Captain Paul Goare [Core] has erected a fair stone house out of the ruins of O'Boyle's old castle upon the sea side, which he has by direction of the Lords of the Council delivered up to I^ird Broughton, undertaker of those lands ; he demands some consideration for his charges, which we think him wojthy of." Carew's Report in 161 1].

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 424

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere around here is the place once called Lyffer, where Sir Richard Hansard raised a fort. The fort was built of lime and stone, good and strong, with bulwarks and a parapet. A large ditch of good depth was cast about it on the river side. It had a storehouse for victuals and munition, and a gatehouse with a drawbridge. The King allowed Hansard 200 pounds English towards the cost of building it. There was another small fort in the town, rampiered and ditched, with certain houses built of good timber after the English manner. These served for the use of a gaoler and to keep the prisoners. Sir Richard Hansard, being appointed by the Lord Deputy to be at Lyffer with his company in 1607, found but one house in that town. By 1611, upon view, the town was well furnished with inhabitants, English, Scottish, and Irish, who lived by several trades. Sir Richard had brought them thither. He built 21 houses for tenants who were to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others.

45. Fort and town development at Lifford

    Lifford · townland · Donegal · 1607–1611

    Sir Richard Hansard built a strong lime-and-stone fort with bulwarks, parapet, ditch, storehouse, and drawbridge gatehouse at Lifford, with the King allowing £200 towards it. When Hansard arrived in 1607 he found but one house; by 1611 the town was well furnished with English, Scottish, and Irish inhabitants, with 21 houses built by Hansard and 37 by others.

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    " Town of Lyffer. A good and strong fort built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side, with a storehouse for victuals and munition, a gatehouse with a drawbridge. This fort was built by Sir Richard Hansard, towards which the King allowed him 200/. English. There is another small fort in the town rampiered and ditched, about which are certain houses built of good timber after the English manner, which serve for the use of a gaoler, and to keep the prisoners. Sir Richard Hansard, Knight, being appointed by the now Lord Deputy to be at Lyffer with his Company in 1607, found but one house in that town. Upon view of the town we found it [161 1] well furnished with inhabitants of English, and Scottish, and Irish, who live by several trades, brought thither by Sir Richard, who built 2 1 houses for tenants who are to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others.

    " Town of DonegalL We found a fair bawn built, with flankers, a parapet, and a walk on the top 15 foot high. Within the bawn is a strong house of stone, built by Captain Bassill Brooke, towards which the King gave him 250/. English. Many families of English, Scottish, and Irish are inhabiting in the town, who built them good copied houses after the manner of the Pale. About two miles from thence Captain Paul Goare [Gore] has erected a fair stone house out of the ruins of O'Boyle's old castle upon the sea side, which he has by direction of the Lords of the Council delivered up to I^ird Broughton, undertaker of those lands ; he demands some consideration for his charges, which we think him worthy of." Carew's Report in 161 1],

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 422

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere around here, Sir Richard Hansard built a fort at Lifford. It was a good and strong fort, built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side. It had a storehouse for victuals and munition, and a gatehouse with a drawbridge. The King allowed him 200 pounds English towards the building of it. There was another small fort in the town, rampiered and ditched, with certain houses built of good timber after the English manner. These served for the use of a gaoler and to keep the prisoners. When Sir Richard Hansard arrived at Lifford in 1607, appointed by the Lord Deputy to be there with his company, he found but one house in the town. By 1611, upon view, the town was well furnished with inhabitants, English, Scottish, and Irish, who lived by several trades. Sir Richard had brought them there. He built 21 houses for tenants who were to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others. So in four years, Hansard turned a place with a single house into a settled town with a strong fort, a garrison, tradesmen of three nations, and over fifty houses.

46. Fort and town of Lyffer built by Sir Richard Hansard

    Lifford · townland · Donegal · 1607–1611

    Sir Richard Hansard built a strong fort of lime and stone with bulwarks, parapet, and ditch on the river side at Lyffer, with a storehouse and gatehouse with drawbridge, towards which the King allowed £200. When appointed to be at Lyffer in 1607 he found but one house; by 1611 the town was well furnished with English, Scottish, and Irish inhabitants, with 21 houses built by Hansard and 37 by others.

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    " Town of Lyffer. A good and strong fort built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side, with a storehouse for victuals and munition, a gatehouse with a drawbridge. This fort was built by Sir Richard Hansard, towards which the King allowed him 200/. English. There is another small fort in the town rampiered and ditched, about which are certain houses built of good timber after the English manner, which serve for the use of a gaoler, and to keep the prisoners. Sir Richard Hansard, Knight, being appointed by the now Lord Deputy to be at Lyffer with his Company in 1607, found but one house in that town. Upon view of the town we found it [161 1] well furnished with inhabitants of English, and Scottish, and Irish, who live by several trades, brought thither by Sir Richard, who built 2 1 houses for tenants who are to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others.

    " Town of Donegall, We found a fair bawn built, with flankers, a parapet, and a walk on the top 15 foot high. Within the bawn is a strong house of stone, built by Captain Bassill Brooke, towards which the King gave him 250/. English. Many families of English, Scottish, and Irish are inhabiting in the town, who built them good copied houses after the manner of the Pale. About two miles from thence Captain Paul Goare [Gore] has erected a fair stone house out of the ruins of O'Boyle's old casde upon the sea side, which he has by direction of the Lords of the Council delivered up to I^ird Broughton, undertaker of those lands ; he demands some consideration for his charges, which we think him worthy of." Carew's Report in 161 1].

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 423

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Lifford, Sir Richard Hansard built a town and a fort. The fort was a good and strong one, built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side. It had a storehouse for victuals and munition, and a gatehouse with a drawbridge. Towards the building of this fort, the King allowed Sir Richard 200 pounds English. There was another small fort in the town, ramparted and ditched, with certain houses built of good timber after the English manner, which served for the use of a gaoler and to keep prisoners. Sir Richard Hansard, being appointed by the Lord Deputy to be at Lyffer with his company in 1607, found but one house in that town. By 1611, upon view, the town was well furnished with inhabitants, English, Scottish, and Irish, who lived by several trades. Sir Richard had brought them there himself. He built 21 houses for tenants who were to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others. So in four years the place went from a single house to a town of many families living by their trades, drawn together under the fort Hansard raised on the river side.

47. Ineen Dubh, mother-in-law of Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell, as witness at his trial

    Donegal · town · Donegal · 1608–1611

    Nene Duffe Neene James (Ineen dubh), daughter of James MacDonnell and widow of Hugh son of Manus O'Donnell, received a grant of 596 acres across several townlands in Donegal. She was an important witness against Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell at his trial for complicity in O'Dogherty's revolt.

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    (242). Neene James, — This lady was mother-in-law to Sir Niall Garve O^Donnell, and an important witness against him on his trial for complicity in 0*Dogherty's revolt.

    (243). Bourk, — This lady, one of the powerful sept of the Burkes in Connaught, was of true Anglo-Norman descent. Her race became so Irish in all their sentiments and habits that they were very generally regarded by the inhabitants of the Pale as of Irish descent.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 269

    As the companion tells it

    In Donegal, a woman known as Ineen Dubh, daughter of James MacDonnell and widow of Hugh, son of Manus O'Donnell, received a grant of 596 acres across several townlands. She was mother-in-law to Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell, and an important witness against him at his trial for complicity in O'Dogherty's revolt.

48. Inquisition at Dungannon finds all Tyrone lands for the King

    near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1609

    The commissioners' inquisition at Dungannon concluded that all manors, castles, and lands in County Tyrone were now in the actual possession of the King, by reason of the attainder of treason of Hugh, late Earl of Tyrone, and the statute attainting Shane O'Neill. Some 313 balliboes of herenagh lands were thus found for the Crown.

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    until his return to Dublin. On one point, however, he felt he could speak freely, and with good hope of gratifying all concerned, from the King downwards. The whole lands of the county of Tyrone, temporal, herenagh, and termon, were to be found for the King ! In his letter to Salisbury, above quoted, the deputy mentions that the Earl of Clanrickard had visited him at Dungannon, probably with a view to negotiate some terms about acceptmg of the northern swordmen, and Chichester had taken the opportunity of explaining to him (for the benefit of the London authorities whom Clanrickard was about to visit), the manner of their procedure in Ulster. " At his lordship's being here he [Chichester] acquainted him with the course they hold in this new siurvey. The work is very intricate and full of labour, and will be chargeable to his Majesty, but when it is finished after the form they have begun (which shall be this journey, if conveniently they may) hopes it will give his Highness [the King] and his Lordship [Salisbury] good satisfaction." He thus refers to the main work of their journey — the clearing of the King's title to the forfeited lands — ^and as they had commenced so auspiciously at Armagh, and looked even to greater results in Tyrone, he expected they would be able to have a triumph on this head, if on no other, at the close of their northern excursion. And to this end, the Inquisition at Dungannon, contributed not a little, its concluding announcement being as follows : — "And lastlie, the said jurors doe, upon their oathes, find and present, that all manors, castles, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, within the said countie of Tirone (except the lands heretofore granted unto Sir Henry Oge O'Neale and his heirs by letters patent, and except the mensall lands, demesne lands, and the rents, duties and customs above mentioned to belong to any archbishopprick or bishoppricks, and except all lands belonging to any abbeys, monasteries, or religious houses, which were granted by letters patent to any person or persons), are now in the reall and actual possession of his Majesty, by reason of the attainder pf treason of Hugh, late Earle of Tirone, and by the Statute of the attainder of Shane O'Neale, made in the nth yeare of the raigne of the late Queen Elizabeth, and by reason of either of them." Here was, indeed, a complete sweep for the Crown ! It so happened that neither the Primate nor the Bishop of Deny had mensal or demesne lands in Tyrone, and the bishop had only a few balliboes in the vicinity of the town of Clogher. The glebe lands in the county contained in all three balliboes, two sessiaghs, and seven acres. The lands that had belonged to the little abbey of Omagh were supposed to be scanty, and had been granted to the Leighs. And nothing was found by inquisition for the prelates but some insignificant chiefries and duties — all the herenagh lands amounting to about 313 balliboes having been found for the King. As if to make matters worse for the Bishop of Derry, it was found that the nth of Elizabeth which, while attainting Shane O'Neill and his adherents, had saved the right of the Archbishop of Armagh without saving the right of the Bishop of Derry, whose diocese extended partly into the county of Tyrone. "The Bishop of Derry," says Davys in his Abstract, "because the right of the said bishoprick was not saved by the Act of the nth of Elizabeth, cannot in law demand either land or rent [in Tyrone], but is left to his Majesty's grace and favour in that behalf." This temporary humiliation of Montgomery, was soon to be succeeded by the acquisition, on his part, of ecclesiastical spoils of enormous value and extent.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 131

    As the companion tells it

    As you pass through or near Dungannon, in Tyrone, you are in a town where, in 1609, commissioners held an inquisition that changed the ownership of an entire county. Chichester, the deputy, had written to Salisbury about the survey work in Ulster, calling the work "intricate and full of labour," but hoping it would give the King good satisfaction. The Earl of Clanrickard visited him at Dungannon, and Chichester explained their procedure. The main work was clearing the King's title to forfeited lands. The inquisition concluded with a sweeping finding. The jurors declared that all manors, castles, lands, tenements, and hereditaments within County Tyrone were now in the real and actual possession of his Majesty. This was by reason of the attainder of treason of Hugh, late Earl of Tyrone, and by the statute attainting Shane O'Neill, made in the 11th year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Certain lands were excepted: those granted to Sir Henry Oge O'Neale, church demesne lands, and abbey lands already granted by letters patent. About 313 balliboes of herenagh lands were found for the Crown. Neither the Primate nor the Bishop of Derry had mensal or demesne lands in Tyrone. The bishop had only a few balliboes near Clogher. The glebe lands contained three balliboes, two sessiaghs, and seven acres. The lands of the little abbey of Omagh had been granted to the Leighs. The Bishop of Derry was left without legal claim, because the statute had saved the right of the Archbishop of Armagh but not his. As Davys wrote in his Abstract, the bishop could not in law demand either land or rent in Tyrone, but was left to the King's grace and favour.

49. Murder at national assembly at Tara under King Dermod

    near Tara · hill or hills · Meath · 544–565

    During the reign of Dermod (elected monarch in 544), a son of the king of Connacht wantonly slew a nobleman during a national assembly at Tara. The murderer sought shelter with Columbkille, who had become a great power in the North.

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    Uisce-Chain is now Iskaheen, a very pleasant locality — as the name implies — ^adjoining the present townland of Aileach, and not far distant from the ruins of Eoghan's palace. He did not pass, however, from his summer-house and arched walks on the hill, down to take his rest among the quiet, green slopes of Iskaheen, before he had laid deep and broad, the foundations of the great house of O'Neill in Ulster. The principality of Tir-Eoghan gradually and in due time absorbed not only the nine cantreds of the Oirghialla, but virtually, also, the smaller Uladh after the death of Congal Claen, although it continued to retain its originally organised form. The Oirghialla and the Hy-Niall tribes had probably less difficulty in uniting for the same objects, or in a common policy, from the fact that they were really kindred races, being both descended from Cairbre Lifeachair, a monarch of Erin, * ad. 277. In the interval, however, between the death of Eoghan and the commencement of the Norse invasions of the eighth century, several princes of the Ulster Hy-Niall had the honour of being elected to the chief throne of Ireland. The first of them who enjoyed this distinction was his grandson, Murtagh MacEarcha, who became a pattern ruler ; and the next prince of this house, elected monarch in 544, was Dermod, contemporary with his troublesome kinsman, Columbkille, or St. Columba, descended from Conall Gulban. Dermod, soon after his appointment, became a distinguished law-maker, and was so really anxious to inspire his subjects with a love of what was just and right, as to involve himself in much sorrow and trouble. It so happened that his own son, Breasal, was the first to violate a new code of laws promulgated by the monarch ; and the latter felt that should he shrink, even at the outset, on any pretext, from the due administration of the law, the labours of his wisest counsellors would have been undertaken comparatively in vain. He stood firm ; and allowed the law to take its course, although it inflicted the penalty of death on his own son. Another case, not so lamentable, but involving great trouble and calamity, occurred soon afterwards. A son of the king of Coimaught, presuming on his high, and as he believed, irresponsible position, wantonly slew' a nobleman during the time of a national assembly at Tara. On finding, however, the real danger of his position in the presence of Dermod's new code, the murderer hastily sought shelter with Columbkille, who had then become a great power, especially in the North, from the magnitude of his ecclesiastical performances. Dermod, who did not spare his own son, could not be expected, imder similar circum-

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 15

    As the companion tells it

    On the hill of Tara in Meath, during the reign of King Dermod, a murder took place at a national assembly. Dermod was elected monarch in 544, and he soon became a distinguished law-maker, genuinely anxious to inspire his subjects with a love of what was just and right. His own son, Breasal, was the first to violate a new code of laws the monarch had promulgated. Dermod felt that should he shrink, even at the outset, on any pretext, from the due administration of the law, the labours of his wisest counsellors would have been undertaken comparatively in vain. He stood firm, and allowed the law to take its course, though it inflicted the penalty of death on his own son. Another case, not so lamentable but involving great trouble and calamity, occurred soon afterwards. A son of the king of Connacht, presuming on his high and, as he believed, irresponsible position, wantonly slew a nobleman during a national assembly at Tara. On finding the real danger of his position in the presence of Dermod's new code, the murderer hastily sought shelter with Columbkille, who had then become a great power, especially in the North, from the magnitude of his ecclesiastical performances. Dermod, who did not spare his own son, could not be expected, under similar circumstances, to spare the murderer.

50. O'Cahan's priest executed for treason at Coleraine

    near Coleraine · town · Derry · 1608

    At Coleraine, O'Cahan's priest and ghostly father, taken in action of rebellion with Shane Carragh O'Cahan, was executed for treason. He had excepted to their jurisdiction, claiming secular power could not condemn a priest.

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    the rendering [surrender] of Castle Doe, in Tyrconnell, the strongest hold in all this province, which endured loo blows of the demi-cannon before it yielded. Shortly after this, word came that O'Doghertie's bastard brother was taken in Tyrconnell, with divers others, whereof some were executed by martial law, and others referred to be tried by common law, when they came with their commission of gaol delivery into that county. Briefly, there scarce passed one day wherein they heard not of the killing or taking of some of the rebels." In a subsequent portion of this letter, Davys states that at Dungannon Shane Carragh O'Cahan was found guilty and executed in the camp, his head being set on the castle of Dungannon. At that place, also, he tells of a monk who had been one of O'Doghert/s principal counsellors, and was taken at Birt Castle. This monk, voluntarily, and in the sight of all the people, renounced his obedience to the Pope, " whereupon the deputy gave him his life and liberty." At Coleraine, " they found no extraordinary business, but that O'Cahane's priest and ghostly father, being taken in action of rebellion with Shane Carragh 0*Cahane, was executed for treason, and so taught the people better doctrine by the example of his death than he had ever done in all his life before. He excepted to their jurisdiction, affirming that the secular power could not condemn a priest for any offence whatsoever, but the country saw that point of doctrine &lsified, both by his judgment and execution."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 56

    As the companion tells it

    Coleraine, in Derry, was the scene of an execution in 1608, during the suppression of O'Dogherty's rebellion. The forces moving through Ulster found little of note in the town beyond one grim matter. O'Cahan's priest, who had served as his ghostly father, had been taken in action of rebellion alongside Shane Carragh O'Cahan. He was tried and executed for treason. Before his death, the priest challenged the authority of the court. He excepted to their jurisdiction, affirming that the secular power could not condemn a priest for any offence whatsoever. The court rejected that claim. He was put to death, and the country, in the words of the source, saw that point of doctrine "falsified, both by his judgment and execution." The writer noted that the priest "taught the people better doctrine by the example of his death than he had ever done in all his life before." Around this same time, other rebels were meeting similar ends. Shane Carragh O'Cahan himself had been found guilty and executed at Dungannon, his head set on the castle there. A monk who had been one of O'Dogherty's principal counsellors was taken at Birt Castle and, in the sight of all the people, renounced his obedience to the Pope, whereupon the deputy gave him his life and liberty. At Coleraine, the priest made no such renunciation, and no mercy was shown.

51. O'Neill heirs removed from Newtown and Strabane to barony of Dungannon

    near Strabane · town · Tyrone · 1610

    Henry, eldest son of Shane O'Neill, and Tirlagh, eldest son of Sir Arthur O'Neill of Newtown and Strabane, were both removed from their own districts into the barony of Dungannon, evidently so their considerable lands might eventually fall to powerful servitors.

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    From the foregoing list of grants to natives, we find that only a very few of such in each county were admitted to partake in the plantation scheme, and that whilst they had previously held the rank of gentlemen — so styled, indeed, in their miserable patents — they were obliged to accept the merest shreds of their own soil. Of those half dozen or so among the Ulster nobility, who got grants varying from 600 to 4,000 acres, some were only given a life interest therein, whilst in other cases the lands were appropriated under one plea or other by neighbouring servitors, either at, or even before, the decease of the Irish grantees. Thus, Art Mac Baron O'Neill, (who had several valiant sons, of whom Owen Roe, afterwards the famous Ulster general, was one), removed in extreme old age from his own Oneilan, and got his new estate of 2,000 acres only during the lives of himself and his wife, the lands thus passing in less than two years into the hands of Lord Audley. Two noble ladies in Donegal — one, the mother of the Earl of Tyrconnell, and the other, the widow of the chieftain who had owned the whole territory of Boylagh — obtained only a life interest in certain estates, which were miserable alike in size and sittiation. Sir Ralph Bingley having got a reversionary grant of their lands. Henry, the eldest son of Shane O'Neill, and Tirlagh, the eldest son of Sir Arthur O'Neill, of Newtown and Strabane, were both removed from their own districts into the barony of Dungannon, evidently with the view that their lands, which were of considerable extent, might eventually fall into the possession of some one or more of the powerful servitors

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 286

    As the companion tells it

    The town of Strabane was one of the places from which the O'Neill heirs were moved in the plantation years. This happened in 1610. Henry, the eldest son of Shane O'Neill, and Tirlagh, the eldest son of Sir Arthur O'Neill, of Newtown and Strabane, were both removed from their own districts into the barony of Dungannon. The purpose was evident. Their lands were of considerable extent, and the removal was done so that those lands might eventually fall into the possession of one or more of the powerful servitors. They were not alone in this. Across Ulster, only a very few of the native Irish were admitted to partake in the plantation scheme. Even those few, who had previously held the rank of gentlemen, were obliged to accept the merest shreds of their own soil. Of the half dozen or so among the Ulster nobility who got grants varying from 600 to 4,000 acres, some were given only a life interest. In other cases the lands were taken under one plea or another by neighbouring servitors, either at or even before the death of the Irish grantees. Art Mac Baron O'Neill, who had several valiant sons, was removed in extreme old age from his own Oneilan and given an estate of 2,000 acres only during the lives of himself and his wife. Those lands passed in less than two years into the hands of Lord Audley. Two noble ladies in Donegal obtained only a life interest in estates that were miserable in size and situation. Sir Ralph Bingley got a reversionary grant of their lands.

52. Phillips's journey through Loughinsholin after Flight of Earls

    near Loughinsholin · barony · Derry · 1607

    After the Flight of the Earls in autumn 1607, Sir Thomas Phillips travelled from Coleraine to Dungannon through the wooded country of Loughinsholin and wrote to Salisbury expressing astonishment at the abundance of cattle and grain along his route, despite the recent war's devastation.

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    We are generally accustomed to believe that the Irish of Ulster, in the seventeenth century, were ignorant of all agricultural piursuits, including, of course, the management of domesticated animals. Our plantation records, however, show us clearly enough that we have been mistaken to a very considerable extent in this conclusion also. Their knowledge and management in such matters would fall far short, to be sure, of our present requirements; but, as compared with their neighbours, whether English or Scottish, it is pretty evident that the Irish of Ulster only wanted peau to enable them to excel both, as agriculturists. During the seven years' war already referred to, the native inhabitants of this province were reduced to the lowest depths of misery by the systematic destruction of their cattle and growing crops ; but even in the brief lull or interval of peace that succeeded, from the spring of 1602 until the autumn of 1607, the recuperative process appears to have been of a very remarkable character indeed. On the flight of the earls at the latter, date. Sir Thomas Phillips made^a journey from Coleraine to Dungannon, through the wooded country of Loch-inis-0*Lynn, or Loughinsholin, and thereupon wrote to Salisbury, expressing among other matters, his unfeigned astonishment at the sight of so many cattle and such abundance of grain as he had observed all along his route from the one town to the other. This servitor's astonishment arose from the fact — not that the Irish were successful agriculturalists under favourable circumstances, for that seems to have been generally acknowledged — ^but that in so short an interval of peace the district above named, which had suffered such fearful havoc during the war, should have assumed, as if by some magical power, that charming aspect peculiar only to a condition of peace and plenty. The hill-sides were literally covered with cattle, where creaghting went on, no doubt, in its most attractive forms ; the valleys were clothed in the rich garniture of ripening barley and oats ; whilst the woods swarmed with swine — 20,000 of these animals being easily fattened yearly (as Phillips himself afterwards affirmed) in the forest of Glenconkeyne alone. As an evidence of the agricultural tastes and achievements of the natives in '' that pleasant and fruitful countrye of the O'Cahans," Phillips stated, in his Project for planting it, that '* the Irishmen have been so addicted to tillage that a Bristowe ban barrell of barley was sold but for 18^. in the market of Coleraine." Fynes Moryson informs us that their exports in grain and raw hides were considerable; and Sir Arthur Chichester states that these exports were only permitted to Great Britain. The only period, however, during his administration in which the

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog

    As the companion tells it

    Loughinsholin is the wooded country the road passes through between Coleraine and Dungannon. In the autumn of 1607, the earls had fled, and Sir Thomas Phillips made the journey through this barony and wrote to Salisbury about what he saw. He was astonished. After seven years of war, when the native inhabitants of Ulster had been reduced to the lowest depths of misery by the systematic destruction of their cattle and their growing crops, a brief interval of peace had lasted from the spring of 1602 until the autumn of 1607. In that short time Loughinsholin had recovered as if by some magical power. Phillips found the hill-sides literally covered with cattle, where creaghting went on in its most attractive forms. The valleys were clothed in the rich garniture of ripening barley and oats. The woods swarmed with swine. He afterwards affirmed that 20,000 of these animals were easily fattened yearly in the forest of Glenconkeyne alone. Phillips called it, in his own words, "that pleasant and fruitful countrye of the O'Cahans." He stated that the Irishmen had been so addicted to tillage that a Bristol barrel of barley was sold but for one shilling in the market of Coleraine. The Irish of Ulster only wanted peace, it was said, to enable them to excel both the English and the Scots as agriculturists. Fynes Moryson recorded that their exports in grain and raw hides were considerable. Sir Arthur Chichester stated that these exports were only permitted to Great Britain.

53. Sir Richard Hansard's arrival at Lifford

    Lifford · townland · Donegal · 1607

    Appointed by the Lord Deputy to be at Lifford with his company in 1607, Sir Richard Hansard found only one house in the town upon his arrival. By 1611, the town was well furnished with English, Scottish, and Irish inhabitants.

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    " Town of Lyffer, A good and strong fort built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side, with a storehouse for victuals and munition, a gatehouse with a drawbridge. This fort was built by Sir Richard Hansard, towards which the King allowed him 200/. English. There is another small fort in the town rampiered and ditched, about which are certain houses built of good timber after the English manner, which serve for the use of a gaoler, and to keep the prisoners. Sir Richard Hansard, Knight, being appointed by the now Lord Deputy to be at Lyffer with his Company in 1607, found but one house in that town. Upon view of the town we found it [161 1] well furnished with inhabitants of English, and Scottish, and Irish, who live by several trades, brought thither by Sir Richard, who built 21 houses for tenants who are to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others.

    " Town of DonegalL We found a fair bawn built, with flankers, a parapet, and a walk on the top 15 foot high. Within the bawn is a strong house of stone, built by Captain Bassill Brooke, towards which the King gave him 250/. English. Many families of English, Scottish, and Irish are inhabiting in the town, who built them good copied houses after the manner of the Pale. About two miles from thence Captain Paul Goare [Gore] has erected a fair stone house out of the ruins of O'Boyle's old castle upon the sea side, which he has by direction of the Lords of the Council delivered up to I^ird Broughton, undertaker of those lands ; he demands some consideration for his charges, which we think him wojrthy of." CareVs Report in 161 1].

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 425

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Lifford, in 1607, Sir Richard Hansard arrived with his company. He had been appointed by the now Lord Deputy to be at Lifford, and upon his arrival he found but one house standing in the town. What followed was years of building. There came to be a good and strong fort built of lime and stone, with bulwarks, a parapet, and a large ditch of good depth cast about it on the river side. The fort held a storehouse for victuals and munition, and a gatehouse with a drawbridge. Sir Richard built this fort himself, and the King allowed him 200 pounds English towards the cost of it. There was another small fort in the town, rampiered and ditched. About it stood certain houses built of good timber after the English manner. These served for the use of a gaoler and to keep the prisoners. Upon view of the town in 1611, it was found well furnished with inhabitants of English, Scottish, and Irish, who lived by several trades. They had been brought thither by Sir Richard himself. He built 21 houses for tenants who were to give entertainment to passengers. Thirty-seven houses were built by others. From one house to a town of tradesmen and two forts, all in a few years.

54. St Columba's three battles and lands in Donegal

    near Coleraine · town · Derry

    St Columba (Columbkille) fought three battles at Cul-Dreimhne, Clonard, and Coleraine, and received lands in Donegal to assist in his warlike operations. He later retreated to Iona.

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    ' Gulban, 12 ; his quarrel with King Dermod, 12, 13 ; his three battles at Cul-Dreimhne, Clonard, and Coleraine, 13, 14; his retreat to Hy, or lona, 13 ; got lands in Donegal to assist in his warlike operations, 174; his Meesluich, ib,

    St John, Sir Oliver, recommended that the escheated lands be let to the Irish, 68, 69 ; giant to, 310 ; notice of, ib. ; his complaint against the Londoners, 405, 406; his purchase of the proportion of Kerhanan or Keman,

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog

55. Burial of Matthew O'Neill's wife at Donegal Abbey

    Donegal · town · Donegal · 1601

    The wife of Matthew, Baron of Dungannon, died at Machairen-a-croise on 22 June and was interred in the monastery of Donegal after receiving the last rites. Her family burial-place was Lisgoole Abbey on Lough Erne, but it had been laid in ruins by the English during the war against Hugh O'Neill.

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    at Machairen-a-croise [a townland in the parish of Magheracross, county of Fermanagh], on the 22 nd of June, and was interred in the monastery of Donegal, after receiving the body and blood of Christ, after unction and penance, after having made many donations to the orders of the Church of God, and more especially to the monastery of Donegal, that she might be prayed for there among the dead" (24).

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 26

    As the companion tells it

    In 1601, the wife of Matthew, Baron of Dungannon, was buried in Donegal. She died at Machairen-a-croise on 22 June. Her family burial-place at Lisgoole Abbey on Lough Erne had been ruined by the English in Hugh O'Neill's war. She was interred in the monastery of Donegal after unction and penance, having given to the Church, especially to Donegal, "that she might be prayed for there among the dead."

56. Pynnar's Survey of Salters' Hall at Magherafelt

    near Magherafelt · town · Derry · 1618–1619

    Pynnar records two settlement sites on the Salters' proportion. At one place a bawn of lime and stone 80 feet square with two flankers contained a castle three stories high then in building. At 'Salters Town' a bawn 70 feet square enclosed a poor cage-work house, with nine cage-work houses inhabited by British families and a sawing mill, but the glass houses had gone to decay.

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    Castle is now in building, being 60 feet long, and 20 feet wide. This is now three Stories high, and the Roof ready to be set up. The Walls of the Bawn are not as yet above 10 feet high. Near unto the Bawne there are 7 Houses of slight Cage-work, whereof five are inhabited with poor Men, the other two stand waste. The other place, called Saiters Tatvn, hath a Bawne of Stone and Lyme, 70 feet square, 12 feet high, with two Flankers; and a poor House within it of Cagework, in which the Farmer, with his Wife and Family, dwelleth. Here are also 9 Houses of Cage-work standing by the Bawn, being inhabited with BritHsh Families ; also a Sawing Mill for Timber; but the Glass Houses are gone to decay, and utterly undone. There are not. any upon this Land that have any estates.

    ^^ A Brief of the general State of the Plantation for Persons Planted in the JSeveral C

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog

    As the companion tells it

    Near Magherafelt, Pynnar's survey of 1618 and 1619 found two settlement sites on the Salters' proportion. At one place a bawn of lime and stone stood with walls not yet above 10 feet high, 80 feet square with two flankers. Within it a castle was in building, 60 feet long and 20 feet wide, three stories high, the roof ready to be set up. Near the bawn there were seven houses of slight cage-work. Five were inhabited with poor men and the other two stood waste. The other place was called Salters Town. It had a bawn of stone and lime, 70 feet square, 12 feet high, with two flankers. A poor cage-work house within it held the farmer, his wife, and family. Nine houses of cage-work stood by the bawn, inhabited by British families, and a sawing mill for timber. The glass houses had gone to decay, "utterly undone." There were not any upon this land that had any estates.

57. Fort at Loch-inis-O'Linn lake-dwelling

    near Desertmartin · parish · Derry · 1609

    Chichester and Bodley determined to erect a fort on the celebrated lake-dwelling of Loch-inis-O'Linn, occupying the site of an old Irish dwelling on an island in the lake. The lake is partly in the townland of Desertmartin and partly in Annagh and Moneysterlin, the latter name derived from a religious house founded by an O'Lynn chieftain.

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    Although Slievegallon was hardly so uninviting to the travellers, it held out little hope of a practicable road or passage, by which they could reach Limavaddie in any reasonable time. This mountain, situate in the parish of Lissan and nearly four miles north-west from Moneymore, forms at once the commencement and highest portion of that chain which extends north by west to the sea at Magilligan Point The road by Desert-Linn, however, although leading through woods and wilds, was level and had at least one rare attraction for Chichester and Bodley, as conducting them to the celebrated lake-dwelling of Loch-inis-0'L)mn, on which they had determined to erect a fort for the protection of the coming settlers in that district. The planning, and in part building, of the fort, may have jMrobably, indeed, occasioned the delay mentioned by their chronicler, whom we have quoted above. The site of this fort occupied that of an old Irish dwelling on the island in the lake. Bodley was famous at fort-building, and his skill seems to have thoroughly secured this place against assault, when occupied by a sufficient force. In 1641, it was held by Shane O'Hagan ; and such, even then, was its strength, that the Irish leader now named was able to bid defiance to a party of English who assailed the little island-fortress with cannon on two occasions. The lake is partly in the townland of Desertmartin and partly in that of Annagh and Moneysterlin, the last name being a corruption of Mainistir-ffFhloinn^ and derived from a religious house founded here by a chieftain of the OXynns. (See Colton's Visitation^

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 131

    As the companion tells it

    As the road runs through Desertmartin parish, it passes near a lake once famous for an island dwelling. In 1609, Chichester and Bodley were travelling toward Limavaddie. Slievegallon, in the parish of Lissan and nearly four miles north-west from Moneymore, offered little hope of a practicable road, so they took the route by Desert-Linn. That road led through woods and wilds, but it was level, and it had at least one rare attraction for them. It brought them to the celebrated lake-dwelling of Loch-inis-O'Linn, where they had determined to erect a fort for the protection of the coming settlers in that district. The planning, and in part the building, of the fort may have occasioned the delay their chronicler noted. The site occupied that of an old Irish dwelling on the island in the lake. Bodley was famous at fort-building, and his skill seems to have thoroughly secured this place against assault, when it was held by a sufficient force. In 1641, Shane O'Hagan held it, and such was its strength even then that he was able to bid defiance to a party of English who assailed the little island-fortress with cannon on two occasions. The lake is partly in the townland of Desertmartin and partly in that of Annagh and Moneysterlin. That last name is a corruption of Mainistir UíFhloinn, derived from a religious house founded here by a chieftain of the O'Lynns.

58. Grant of castle and town of Limavady with townlands to Phillips

    near Limavady · town · Derry · 1612

    Phillips received a grant specifying the castle of Lymovade, the town of Lymovade, and numerous ballibetaghs, quarters and townlands including Gortney, Killeyane, Rathbridebegg, Ballyquin, and many others across the county of Coleraine, conveyed by deed in September 1612.

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    due sense of the value of his services on many occasions, and was prepared to acknowledge them when a suitable opportunity could be found. Phillips very soon found it; for having carefully viewed O'Cahan's 'fruitful country,* he Jighted on two spots of the best land in its whole extent, and situated on its opposite boundaries. These spots are now known as the lands surrounding Limavaddy and Castledawson — Sir Thomas modestly representing the latter as a comparative marsh or swamp, and the other as fitted to answer the purposes only of a horse park I Besides, he represented these lands, upon which he had placed his affections, as much smaller in quantity or extent than they really were, else they had expanded very considerably soon after he obtained legal possession of the same. The lands had been promised to him, or nominally granted by the King, prior to the bargain with the Londoners, so that the latter were required to acknowledge this compact, and afterwards to confirm it by a grant from the governor of their Company, in 1 6 1 2. Phillips's property, therefore, was excepted from the grant made to the Londoners in March, 161 3, and did not appear at all in the survey which required to be made when they were about to divide their lands into twelve proportions for the twelve leading companies. The grant to Sir Thomas is described as being from the King, although the lands are conveyed by the Society. It Specifies first, that portion of the grantee's estate which lay in the barony of LoughinshoUin, then belonging to Tyrone, and which portion included the towns and lands of y -- " Mayola, Taunarran, I^ytriem, Derrey, Garran, Ballm<=quiggin, ShanmuUagh, and Arnaghmore otherwise Dromroscome." By much the larger portion, however, lay in the county of Coleraine, and its several denominations therein are recited in the grant, as follows : — " The castle of Lymovade, the town of Lymovade, and the ballibetaghs, balliboes, quarters, and townlands of Gortney, Hanemagh, Coulasson, Killeyane, Rathbridebegg, Rathbridemore, Derreymore, Derreymoyle, and Ballyne-Cludse, a half balliboe, all being within the ballibetagh of Rathbride ; the quarter of Mallegene-Crosse, containing the balliboes or townlands of Ballymore, Ballemaenagh, Boshea, with Mullagh otherwise Cavenmore, and the chapel built thereon ; the quarter of Ballyquin, in the ballibetagh of Ballefoercula, containing the townlands of Ballyquin, Claggin othenvise Ballinekillie, Carrick, Tereo, and Dremon ; the ballibetagh of Ballym^morough otherwise Moyrowe^ containing the townlands of Loman, Drom, Balledonaghy, Ardnerigall, Cornedeale, Barnealleigh, Backavickin otherwise Ballemcrannah, Carne-Clara, Carnereagh, Carnevainought otherwise Menagh-Carne, Nemodoule, Crinnell, Ballehynerye, and Ballanaghcrosse or Culmore ; the l>allibetagh of Ballefallaghan, containing the townlands of Ballemaghermore, Ballemynaroy otherwise Menarag, Larginroe, Tawlegrone, Drommore, Corbarragh, Sustraghan.. Dromgighlane, Coalemore, Claggin, Tatnessellagh, Moyghmore, and Moyghbegg. All which premises were conveyed to him by deed, 26 September, 16 12, by William Cockayne (47), alderman of London^

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 319

    As the companion tells it

    Limavady is the town on your road, and its story begins with Sir Thomas Phillips, who had served the Crown on many occasions and was waiting for a suitable reward. He found it soon enough. Having carefully viewed O'Cahan's fruitful country, he lit on two spots of the best land in its whole extent, situated on its opposite boundaries. These spots are the lands surrounding Limavaddy and Castledawson. Phillips modestly represented Castledawson as a comparative marsh or swamp, and the other as fitted to answer the purposes only of a horse park. He also represented these lands as much smaller in extent than they really were, though they expanded considerably after he obtained legal possession. The lands had been promised to him, or nominally granted by the King, before the bargain with the Londoners. The Londoners were required to acknowledge this compact and confirm it by a grant from the governor of their Company in 1612. Phillips's property was therefore excepted from the grant made to the Londoners and did not appear in the survey when they divided their lands into twelve proportions. The grant to Sir Thomas is described as being from the King, although the lands are conveyed by the Society. By much the larger portion lay in the county of Coleraine. The grant recites the castle of Lymovade and the town of Lymovade, with ballibetaghs, quarters, and townlands including Gortney, Killeyane, Rathbridebegg, Ballyquin, and many others across the baronies and parishes of that country. All these premises were conveyed to him by deed, 26 September 1612, by William Cockayne, alderman of London.

59. Lord Strabane joins rebellion at Charlemont, 1650

    near Charlemont · village · Armagh · 1650

    On 20 July 1650, James Hamilton, Lord Baron Strabane, entered into rebellion with Sir Phelim O'Neill at Charlemont in County Armagh. After the fort of Charlemont was taken by the Commonwealth army on 6 August 1650, Lord Strabane fled to the woods and bogs of Munterlony in County Tyrone and was captured the same day.

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    (223). Men. — These numbers of freeholders, leaseholds, and settlers generally imply the presence of a prosperous Scottish colony in and around the town of Strabane. There is no list of these settlers recorded in the printed inquisitions relating to the county of Tyrone. The first change or movement among the representatives of this branch of the Hamiltons occurred in 1650, when Lord Strabane espoused the cause of the Irish in Ulster. The following account of his doing so, and of the results, is given in an inquisition taken at Strabane, on the 9th of August, 1658: — **The said James Hamilton, lord baron Strabane, being seised of the premises, did, the 20th of July, 1650, at Charlemont,]in the Co; of Ardmagh, within the said dominion of Ireland, enter into rebellion with Sir Phelim O'Neale, one of the chief heads of the rebels in the rebellion of Ireland ; and at the said time and place, the said Sir Phelim, together with divers other rebells held the fort of Chalemount ; and the said fort and garrison being afterwards, that is to say, the 6th of Aug., 1650, taken by the army and forces of the commonwealth of England, the said James Hamilton, lord baron of Strabane, with other rebels unknown, in his company, then fled to the woods and bogs of Mountereling [Munterlony], in the county of Tirrone, and was, the said day, taken prisoner by a party of the commonwealth's army, whereby all and singular the said manors, townes, lands, &c., w^ere forfeited to the commonwealth of England. Aflerwards, that is to say, the 13th of Aug., 1650, the said lord baron Strabane accepted and took a protection from Sir Charles Coote, being commander-in-chief of the army of the commonwealth aforesaid ; and after he took and accepted of the said protection, he did, upon the last day of Dec, 1650, breake the said protection, and went again and

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 439

    As the companion tells it

    The village of Charlemont in County Armagh, as the road passes through or near it, holds a story from 1650. On the 20th of July that year, James Hamilton, Lord Baron Strabane, entered into rebellion with Sir Phelim O'Neill. The account says Sir Phelim was one of the chief heads of the rebels in the rebellion of Ireland. At that time and place, Sir Phelim together with various other rebels held the fort there. The fort and garrison were afterwards taken by the army and forces of the Commonwealth of England on the 6th of August 1650. Lord Strabane, with other rebels unknown in his company, then fled to the woods and bogs of Munterlony in County Tyrone. He was taken prisoner that same day by a party of the Commonwealth's army. By this, all his manors, towns, and lands were forfeited to the Commonwealth of England. On the 13th of August 1650, Lord Strabane accepted and took a protection from Sir Charles Coote, commander-in-chief of the army of the Commonwealth. After he took that protection, on the last day of December 1650, he broke the said protection and went again. The record ends there. This account was given in an inquisition taken at Strabane on the 9th of August 1658.

60. O'Cahan's imprisoned plea to recover cattle from his tenants

    near Lough Foyle · estuary · Derry · 1613

    Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan, imprisoned in the Tower of London, wrote to Lord Chichester thanking him for efforts to recover his 'commins' (cattle given to tenants under Irish custom) for the support of his wife and children. He authorized Mr. William Lusher to recover about forty cows from his tenants.

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    " Right Hon. — My humble duty always remembered. First, most humbly thanking your honourable good Lordship for your honourable care to recover my commins of such tenants of mine as I gave any such unto, for the behoof of my wife and children. And, as I commit my said wife and children to your Lordship's protection for rightmg them, both of my tenants and all others, so I beseech your Lordship to give your warrant that this gentleman, Mr. William Lusher (73), may speedily recover this small parcel of my said commins, amounting to forty pounds or cows,

    (73). WiUtam Lmsher. — ^This gentlenum, son of Sir tion ; but how or why he was induced to lend money to Nicholas Lusher, was an undertaker in the Ulster planta* Sir Donnell O'Cahan, we hare not discovered.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 184

    As the companion tells it

    Near Lough Foyle, in 1613, Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan sat imprisoned in the Tower of London and wrote a letter to Lord Chichester. He thanked him for trying to recover his "commins," the cattle he had given to his tenants under Irish custom, for the support of his wife and children. He asked Chichester to protect his wife and children and to see them righted against his tenants and all others. He requested that Chichester give his warrant to a gentleman, Mr. William Lusher, to speedily recover this small parcel of his commins, amounting to forty cows. William Lusher was the son of Sir Nicholas Lusher, an undertaker in the Ulster plantation. How or why he came to lend money to O'Cahan is not known.