An historical account of the plantation in Ulster at the commencement of the seventeenth century, 1608-1620

Each story keeps the passage it was read from. Open one to read it as the scan has it, and, where the companion has written its own telling, that too. The passages are read off photographs of the page by machine, so a word here and there comes out wrong; they are kept as the reading produced them, so you can check any of them against the scan.

1. Rev. Andrew Stewart's account of Ulster settlers

   near Donaghadee · town · Down · 1645–1671

   Reverend Andrew Stewart, a Presbyterian minister at Donaghadee from 1645 to 1671 and himself the son of a settler, wrote a description of the early Ulster colonists. He characterised the settlers from Scotland and England as largely the 'scum of both nations' who fled debt or justice.

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   appeared in some important respects objectionable, the arrival of their humbler followers was not calculated to bring much alleviation to Chichester's disquietude. It would appear that the characters and habits which these colonists brought with them, whether across the North Channel or the Irish Sea, were not generally calculated to recommend them as desirable settlers. The fact, however, that they were free from all troublesome scruples in entering into other men's lands and labours, and of stoutly defending themselves therein, was likely, under the circumstances, to atone for many delinquencies. There exists, curiously enough, a description of these Ulster settlers, written by the Rev. Andrew Stewart, a presbyterian minister at Donaghadee from 1645 ^^ 167 1, himself indeed the son of a settler, and not likely, therefore, to depict them in darker colours than truth positively required. " From Scotland came many," says he, " and from England not a few ; yet all of them generally the scum of both nations, who for debt, or breaking and fleeing "TT from justice, or seeking shelter, came hither ; hoping to be without fear of man's justice in a land where there was nothing, or but little, as yet, of the fear of God. And, in a few years, there flocked such a multitude of people from Scotland, that these northern counties of Down, Antrim, Ix)ndonderry, &c, were in a good measure planted ; yet most of the people, as I said before, made up of a body (and it is strange) of different names, nations, dialects, temper, breeding ; and in a word, all void of godliness, who seemed rather to flee from God in this enterprise than to follow their own mercy; yet, God followed them when they fled from him — albeit at first it must be remembered that they cared little for any church."

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 360

   As the companion tells it

   Donaghadee is a town on this road, or near it. In the middle of the seventeenth century a Presbyterian minister named Andrew Stewart served here, from 1645 to 1671. He was the son of a settler himself, and not likely to paint the colonists in darker colours than truth required. He wrote a description of the early Ulster settlers, and what he said was not kind. "From Scotland came many," he wrote, "and from England not a few; yet all of them generally the scum of both nations, who for debt, or breaking and fleeing from justice, or seeking shelter, came hither." They hoped to be without fear of man's justice, he said, in a land where there was nothing, or but little, as yet, of the fear of God. Within a few years so many people flocked from Scotland that these northern counties of Down, Antrim, Londonderry and the rest were in good measure planted. Stewart wrote that most of the people were made up of different names, nations, dialects, temper and breeding. He called them all void of godliness, who seemed rather to flee from God in this enterprise than to follow their own mercy. "Yet, God followed them when they fled from him," he wrote, "albeit at first it must be remembered that they cared little for any church."

2. Abbey of Clones proposed as military garrison

   Clones · town · Monaghan

   Captain Lee recommended sending Sir Henry Duke as sheriff of MacMahon's country to be placed in the Abbey of Clones, which belonged to the Crown, with his own company of light foot and an additional band of 100 foot soldiers in garrison. This reflected the Crown's strategy of placing garrisons in church properties to control disputed territories.

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   Sir Geoige in that service to send Sir Heniy Duke as sheriff of that country, to be placed in the abbey of Clones (which is your Majesty's, and himself your farmer there) iVith his own company of light foot, and a band of 100 foot more to be there in garrison." The abbey of Clones was afterwards let to Sir Francis Rush, but ultimately restored to the Irish proprietor, Sir Brian McHugh Oge Macmahon.

   ULSTER BEFORE THE PLANTATION. 57

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog

   As the companion tells it

   In the town of Clones, an abbey stood that belonged to the Crown. Captain Lee recommended placing Sir Henry Duke there as sheriff of MacMahon's country, with his own company of light foot and 100 foot soldiers more in garrison. The Crown's strategy was to use church properties to hold disputed ground. The abbey was afterwards let to Sir Francis Rush, but ultimately restored to the Irish proprietor, Sir Brian McHugh Oge MacMahon.

3. Baptist Jones builds bawn and ten English houses at Bellaghy

   near Bellaghy · townland · Derry

   Baptist Jones built a bawn of brick and lime, 100 feet square with two round flankers and a rampart, surpassing all others in the plantation. He also built ten strong cage-work English houses covered with tiles, all inhabited by English families, with Jones himself resident.

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   CXCIV. 3,210 Acres. This is in the Hands oi Baptist ^ones^ Esq,, who hath built a Bawn of Brick and Lime, 100 feet square, with two round Flankers, and a good Rampart, which is more than any of the rest have done. There are also within the Bawn two good Houses, one opposite to the other ; the one is 70 feet long, and 25 feet wide, the other is nothing inferior unto it Near unto the Bawn he hath built 10 good English Houses of Cagework, that be very strong and covered with Tiles ; the Street very wide, and is to be commanded by the Bawn. All these are inhabited -with English Families, and himself, with his Wife and Family, be resident therein. There are divers other Houses built upon the Land, which are further off; and these do use Tillage plentifully after the English manner. He hath made his full Number of Freeholders and Leaseholders ; but he being gone into England, and his Tenants at the Assizes, I saw them not. There was good Store of Arms in his House, and upon the Land 76 Men, as I am informed.

   plained by this circumstance, that the clerk of the Skinners* Company is the agent of Mr. Ogilby, the lessee of this proportion. We are sorry to say that this property is proverbial throughout the county of Derry, for that lacic of comfort among the tenantry so much deplored in some parts of Ireland but happily not felt to any extent in the property granted by charter to the Irish Society." (See Report^ p. 43). According to the recent ** Return of Owners of Land in Ireland, the Skinners' Company holds 34, 772 acres, valued at 9, S ii/. See Irish Doomsday Book,

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 496

4. Castle-Killagh: four-storey castle and 34 houses at Killeshandra

   Killashandra · town · Cavan · 1610–1629

   An inquisition records that on the pole of land called Killaugh alias Castle-Killagh, within the proportion of Clonkeyne, Sir Alexander Hamilton and his assigns built a bawne 60 feet square and 12 feet high, with a fair castle four storeys high with flankers and turrets, plus a town of 34 English-like houses with British inhabitants.

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   (57). Dwelling therein, — Respecting her place of residence in Cavan, which she occupied during her widowhood, we have the following account from uie inquisition already quoted: — "Since the time of the graunts made unto the said Sir Alexander Hamilton and Sir Claud Hamilton, there hath bein built upon the pole of land called Killaugh al' Castle-Killagh, within the said proportion of Clonkeyne, by the said Sir Alexander and his assigns, one bawne of lyme and stone 60 foote square and 12 foote in height ; and within the same is built a fayre and sufficient castle or capitall mansion house of lyme and stone, four storyes in height, with flankers and turretts for the better defence thereof, and two turretts of lyme and stone upon the wall, for defence thereof ; and sdsoe a towne consisting of 34 English-like houses, and British inhabitants dwelling within the same, upon the pole of land called Killshandra, where the said marketts and foyers are kept*'

   (58). Freeholders^ 6. — ^The inquisition names four freeholders found on these two small proportions of Clonkine and Carrowtubber in 1629, viz., George Griffin^ Francis Cofyn^ Stephen Hunt^ and Richard Ughterjootf to whem Sir Alexander Hamilton had granted deeds of feofiinent by Claud Hamilton, his son and attorney.

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 380

   As the companion tells it

   The town of Killashandra in Cavan holds the record of a plantation settlement. An inquisition tells what was built here after the grants made to Sir Alexander Hamilton and Sir Claud Hamilton. On the pole of land called Killaugh, also known as Castle-Killagh, within the proportion of Clonkeyne, Sir Alexander and his assigns built a bawne of lime and stone, 60 feet square and 12 feet high. Inside that wall stood a fair castle of lime and stone, four storeys high, with flankers and turrets for its defence, and two further turrets upon the wall. A town of 34 English-like houses stood on the pole of land called Killshandra, with British inhabitants dwelling in them, where markets and fairs were kept. By 1629 the inquisition names four freeholders on the two small proportions of Clonkine and Carrowtubber: George Griffin, Francis Cofyn, Stephen Hunt, and Richard Ughterjoot. Sir Alexander Hamilton had granted them deeds of feoffment through Claud Hamilton, his son and attorney.

5. Chichester at Carlingford shipping swordmen to Sweden

   Carlingford · town · Louth · 1609–1610

   Lord Deputy Chichester travelled to Carlingford to oversee the embarkation of soldiers (swordmen) being sent to Sweden, which delayed the Plantation commissioners' report to the King. The operation also involved levying soldiers along the borders.

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   |N their return to Dublin, the commissioners were expected to report to the King and council the results of their northern journey before the end of December. The King, when authorising their appointment, had expressed a decided wish that the account of their labours might be laid before him even so early as 'Hallowmas,' that he could thus have the whole winter, to read, learn, and inwardly digest. There was delay, however, after their arrival, in consequence of the absence of Chichester, who had gone to Carlingford to witness the shipping of swordmen for Sweden ; and, also, because of the scattering of the other commissioners to their several places of residence after such a lengthened period of anxiety and hard work. Even so late as the 19th of October, Davys reported to Salisbury that "since they returned home from the northern circuit, the commissioners for the Plantation have been scattered, so that little has been added to their former labours, by reason of the absence of the Lord Deputy, who has ever since been detained upon the borders about the levying and embarking of soldiers for Sweveland." When the necessary hands, however, did get to work, it was found that the materials of various kinds, collected diuing their peregrinations in Ulster, could not be arranged or made presentable, in less than double the time which even Davys had supposed would have been sufficient In his letter to Salisbury, from the camp at Lough Raen or Ramor, he had mentioned that *two months' time at least* would be required after their arrival in Dublin, to make up the inquisitions in legal form, draw the titles of the King and others into clear and easily understood cases, and finish the maps by setting forth the parishes, precincts, and proportions thereon. These various tasks, however, instead of being completed in two months, were not brought to a close before the last days of February, 1609-10. On the 20th of that month, Chichester wrote a somewhat apologetic letter to Salisbury, accounting for the delay, and stating that he had sent, with the persons who would deliver all the papers, certain observations of his own, on the questions to be considered and decided without loss of time. He "fears they have long deceived his [Salisbury's] expectation in sending Mr. Treasurer [Sir Thomas Ridgeway] hence with the return of their labours in the new survey of the escheated lands, but when he shall have seen and perused what is done, hopes he will excuse them, for they have so prepared the work that his [Salisbury's] labours will be greatly eased. Has sent some remembrances of his own to guide him in the distribution of those lands, and for the more effectual settlement of the plantation ; besides which, the Treasurer has seen most of the escheated lands in each county, and will give him good satis^tion touching this work of plantation. Hopes that his [Ridgewa/s] long stay there may not hinder the beginning of the plantation this summer. It is said that he [Salisbury] intends to be an undertaker in the plantation, which made him [Chichester] presume to name him in his notes delivered to Mr. Treasurer, where he advises the work to be undertaken in baronies, and to his [Salisbury's] noble designs his [Chichester's] best furtherance shall not be wanting."

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 151

6. County Armagh: woodsmen crisis and Chichester's harsh policy

   near Armagh · town · Armagh · 1608–1609

   The native woodsmen (woodkeme) of County Armagh, closely tied to the O'Hanlon and O'Neill families, were rendered desperate by Chichester's policy of refusing to pardon them or permit emigration unless they delivered the heads of kinsmen. The county petitioned in February 1608–9 to pardon their woodsmen or let them go beyond the sea.

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   (III). The Natives,— Tht natives of all classes of the county of Armagh were more or less suspected and feared by the authorities ; among those in the highest ranks were the O'Hanlons, nephews of the Earl of Tyrone ; the sons of Art M'Baron and Sir Tyrlagh M 'Henry O'Neill, who were also very closely related to that distinguished exile. All the swordmen and woodkem in Armagh were ready to do the bidding of the influential famUtes now named, and the woodkem especially were numerous. The latter had been rendered desperate by the unwise policy adopted towards them at this time by Chichester, who would neither pardon them, nor- permit them to leave the country, excepting such only as could bring him the heads of associates and kinsmen. When writing to the council in London on the 5th of Feb., 1608-9, he informed them that "the county of Armagh has made petition to him to pardon their woodkeme, or permit them to go beyond the sea." He would neither do the one or the other as he stated, except on the condition now mentioned. Chichester was soon forced by circumstances, however, to abandon this cruel policy, and as he could not even attempt the removal of ' the dangerous classes' from this county, he took pains afterwards to conciliate them.

   (112). Second value, — ^The number and names of kd-' vowsons will be mentioned in a subsequent chapter.

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 97

   As the companion tells it

   The road takes you near Armagh, a town whose troubles around 1608 ran deeper than most. The native families of the county were feared by the authorities. Among the highest ranks were the O'Hanlons, nephews of the Earl of Tyrone, and the sons of Art M'Baron and Sir Tyrlagh M'Henry O'Neill, all closely related to that exiled earl. The swordmen and woodkeme of Armagh were ready to do the bidding of these influential families, and the woodkeme were especially numerous. These woodkeme had been made desperate by the policy Chichester adopted towards them. He would neither pardon them nor let them leave the country, except those who could bring him the heads of their associates and kinsmen. Writing to the council in London on the 5th of February 1608-9, he told them that the county of Armagh had petitioned him to pardon their woodkeme, or let them go beyond the sea. He would do neither, he said, except on the condition of delivering heads. Circumstances soon forced Chichester to abandon this cruel policy. He could not even attempt to remove the dangerous classes from the county, and afterwards he took pains to conciliate them.

7. Herenagh and termon land customs in Tyrone parishes

   near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1609

   The Dungannon jurors in 1609 gave a detailed account of how herenagh and termon lands originated throughout Tyrone, explaining that temporal lords gave lands to church founders, who distributed them to septs for rent, duties, and church maintenance. Termon lands enjoyed additional privileges such as sanctuary.

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   Respecting the original gift of these lands, and the former occupants, we have the following interesting statements from the jurors at Dungannon, in 1609: — "And further they say upon their oathes, that in all places of the said county of Tyrone, where the tiethes are divided betwixt the parson, vicar, and herenaghe, they are to bear the chardge of repairinge and maynteyninge the proper parishe church, equallie between themselves. And the said jurors doe, upon their oathes, finde and present, that the erenagh land was att first given by the temporall lords immediatlie to the first founders of the churches ; and that those founders did give the same to severall septs for paying rents and other deuties to the bishopps, and for repairinge and maynteyning their parishe church, wherein they oftentimes did beare a third parte, and sometymes two third partes of the chardge, and for keeping of hospitalitie; and that these septs or erenaghs have, tyme out of mynde, inherited the said lands according to the Irish custome of tanistrie, and that neither the said lord archbushopp [of Armagh], nor any other bushopp, nor their predecessors, could att any tyme heretofore, or now can, remove the said herenaghs out of the said lands ; and, further, they [the jurors] say, that termon land had the same beginninge as herenagh lande, onlye they differ in that the termon land hath often tymes more privileges, as sanctuarie and the like, which was not allowed to many of the herenaghs ; againe, the chiefe tenant of the termon land was called a corbe [coarb], but in common speech he is called by his simame, but the chief tenant of the herenagh [land] is alwaies knowne and called an herenagh ; and that the corbe, in many places, hath under him one or more herenaghs to whom he giveth a portion of land free, or for rente or customes, and other liberties as he thought fit" This account of these lands will be appropriately followed by certain curious illustrations of herenagh duties and prelatic claims, which occur at the very commencement of the Inquisition, and immediately after the jurors had been " duly sworne uppon the holy evangelists." Thus, they proceeded to inform the commissioners that the " lord archbushopp of Ardmagh is seized in fee, in right of his archbishopprick of, and in the severall yerely rents,, services, and customes under written, issuinge out of certain parcells of herenagh land, within the Barony of Dunganon, in the said county of Tyrone, as foUoweth : —

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 129

8. Horse-lifting at Lisnaskea during Balfour-Bishop feud

   near Lisnaskea · town · Fermanagh

   During a feud between the Bishop of Clogher and Lord Balfour, the bishop's Galbraith retainers went to Lisnaskea, Balfour's town, and seized horses belonging to Sir John Wemyss, Balfour's son-in-law. The Scottish settlers were noted for their suspicious expertise in cattle-lifting.

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   (180). Corgagh, — ^This oroportion was afterwards known as Corkagh, In 1062, Humphrey and Robert Galbraith held nearly all its lands in fee, having purchased from Sir John Colquhon, tlie laird of Luss. His son, Sir John Calhowne, purchased back this property on the 1st of May, 1664, consisting of the quarter called Corkagh, the quarter of Lebindish, the quarter of Lesglamerty, the quarter of Ruskey, the quarter of Gortmore, and the towns and lands of Canickballydowy al' CarrickballydufTe — in all, 700 acres. (See Inquisitions of Ulster^ Donegal, (3) Car. II.) The two Galbraiths above named were probably connexions of the Colquhouns. Several* brothers came to Ulster at the time of the plantation, and two of them, Humphrey and William, were retained by Spottiswoode, the Bishop of Clogher, as upper servants or agents in the management of his various and apparently very troublesome afairs. Among their numerous duties they seem to have, at times, acted as bailiffs for the bishop, at least during the period of his great quarrel with Lord Balfour already mentioned. (See PP- 47 5> 476)* ^^ the course of thi^ feud, the belligerents adopted the rather provoking tactics of driving off each other's cattle. Indeed, this appears to have been a species of warfare in which the Scottish settlers showed themselves suspiciously expert — their adroitness at such work suggesting the conclusion that some of them at least must have learned the art of * cattle lifting' before coming to Ulster. An opportunity for the bishop's retainers to do a little business in thb line had come, and we shall permit the writer of that prelate's * Life,* to tell the results of their movements as follows: — "They went to Lissenskea [Lisnaskea], the Lord Balfour's towne, where they found three or four horses of Sir John Wimbes [Wcmyss, son-in-law to Balfour], which they brought away and prized them at InniskiUing. Some two days

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   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 420

   As the companion tells it

   The road takes you near Lisnaskea, which was Lord Balfour's town. During his great quarrel with the Bishop of Clogher, the belligerents adopted the rather provoking tactics of driving off each other's cattle. This was a species of warfare in which the Scottish settlers showed themselves suspiciously expert. Their adroitness at such work suggested that some of them at least must have learned the art of cattle lifting before coming to Ulster. An opportunity came for the bishop's retainers to do a little business in this line. The writer of the bishop's Life tells the result. "They went to Lissenskea, the Lord Balfour's towne, where they found three or four horses of Sir John Wimbes, which they brought away and prized them at Inniskilling." Sir John Wemyss was Balfour's son-in-law. Some two days — and there the record breaks off. The men who did this were Galbraiths. Several Galbraith brothers came to Ulster at the time of the plantation. Two of them, Humphrey and William, were retained by Spottiswoode, the Bishop of Clogher, as upper servants or agents in the management of his various and apparently very troublesome affairs. Among their numerous duties they seem to have acted at times as bailiffs for the bishop, at least during his quarrel with Balfour. The Galbraiths were probably connexions of the Colquhouns. Humphrey and Robert Galbraith had held nearly all the lands of Corkagh in fee, having purchased from Sir John Colquhon, the laird of Luss. His son purchased back this property on the first of May 1664, consisting of several quarters of land, in all 700 acres.

9. Hugh Gaveloc O'Neill's residence at Strabane

   near Strabane · town · Tyrone · 1588

   Hugh Gaveloc, a son of Shane O'Neill, returned from Scotland to his usual place of residence at Strabane, carrying a project for the ruin of the Earl of Tyrone by accusing him of traitorous conversations with Spaniards who had been sheltered at Dungannon.

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   there received. He is supposed to have artfully drawn some expressions from them which he de- ' termined to turn to account against the earl, by accusing the latter to the government of having held traitorous conversations with these foreigners. Full of this purpose, Hugh Gaveloc returned from Scotland to his usual place of residence at Strabane, and forthwith entered upon a project for the ruin of the earl, which happened, in the first instance, to prove fatal to himself.

   Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 31

   As the companion tells it

   Strabane was the usual place of residence of Hugh Gaveloc, a son of Shane O'Neill. In 1588 he returned from Scotland to the town, carrying a project for the ruin of the Earl of Tyrone. He had drawn some expressions from Spaniards who had been sheltered at Dungannon, and meant to use them against the earl, accusing him to the government of holding traitorous conversations with those foreigners. The project proved fatal, in the first instance, to Hugh Gaveloc himself.

10. Lisgoole Abbey and Maguire cemetery

    Lisgoole · townland · Fermanagh

    Lisgoole had an abbey and was the burial place of the Maguires. Chichester gave an account of the locality, and Davys's plantation proportion adjoined the abbey lands.

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    Lisgoole, abbey of, 108 ; Chichester's account of the locality; iB. ; Davys's 'proportion' adjoins the lands of, 182; cemetery of the Maguires in, ib,\ Pynnar's reference to Davys's proportion under the name of Lisgowley, 485.

    Lislapp, the proportion so called, 289 ; Pynnar's account of, 523. ^teNeuttowne,

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11. London corporation accused of exceeding charter grant

    near Coleraine · town · Derry · 1613

    The courtly party charged the London corporation with inserting conditions into the 1613 charter that gave them 70,000 acres more than the agreed 27,000, causing the King great loss in rents from the plantation lands in Ulster.

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    Soon after the arrival of Ley and Davys in London (see p. 68), the plan was first mooted for the colonisation of Sir Donnell O'Cahan's lands, but it would be difficult now to discover exactly in what quarter it originated. One theory is, that Elizabeth, having been liberally assisted by the purses of London citizens in her struggles against the O'Neills, had made promises at some time or other, to repay or reward those patriotic men, from the expected forfeitures in Ulster. It is further alleged, that although the Queen died before she could meet her engagements in this respect, her successor received an application for payment from the citizens aforesaid in a very gracious spirit. Another theory is, that the King, being deeply impressed with a belief in the great power and resources of the London corporation, could find no rest until he had enlisted its asssistance in the settlement of Ulster. It is certain, however, that in the negotiations between the King and his council on the one side, and the corporation of London on the other, both parties professed to be actuated by the most pious and patriotic principles. When the successors of these negotiators on both sides quarrelled with such vehemence early in the next reign, their recriminations were chiefly instructive as illustrating the motives by which the whole arrangement had been originally conducted. The courtly party roundly charged the corporation with having dishonestly and furtively introduced conditions into the charter of 1613 which the King had never intended should be there, and by which, among other results, it came to pass, that the corporation, instead of obtaining a Crown grant of 27,000 acres of arable land, as had been agreed, obtained not only this quantity, but 70,000 acres "more than was intended to be granted unto them, whereby his Majesty hath been greatly damnified in loss of the rents of above three score and ten thousand acres of land ever since the said first undertaking of the said plantation." The corporation, on the other hand, alleged that they had been all but seduced into the transaction by the King and his council. "About July," they say, "in the 7th year of James [1609], came a proposition by the lords of his late Majesty's Privy Council to the city of London, to undertake the plantation of divers lands of great extent in the province of Ulster, in the remotest parts of the north of Ireland, at that time deserted by other planters, which the city at first refused to undertake, but upon pressing importimity of the said lords that some selected persons from the city might be sent to view the country, and that the

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 294

12. Lord Audley's Poorly Kept Castle at Ferns

    Ferns · townland · Wexford · 1609

    Judge Davys became acquainted with Lord Audley while on circuit and visited his house, likely the castle of Ferns. Lord Deputy Chichester noted that the castle was meanly kept.

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    nephew, John Touchet, who attained his majority in the following year, and was summoned to Parliament as Lord Audley in 1403. The Lords Audley of the family of Touchet always held the place and precedence of the original lords. The nobleman of whom Davys speaks in the text was Sir George Touchet, the i8th Baron Aadley, who was an undertaker of extensive lands in Munster, but did not prosper as a speculator in Ireland, either north or south, when Davys was appointed a judge of assize in Ireland, in going circuit ne became acquainted with this nobleman, and visited at his house, probably the castle of Ferns which, Chichester affirms, was but meanly kept. As the families of both Audley and Davys were early connected with Wales, though ia very different ranks, they had no doubt many chats about old things and times. Davys, also, on these visits, had made himself agreeable to Elinor, Lord Audley's third daughter, whom he married, but who did not afterwards make herself particularly agreeable to him. By her, Dav3rs had a son and daughter, the former dying when a boy, and the latter, who inherited large means from her father, marrying into the house of Huntingdon.

    4

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 112

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere around Ferns there was a castle that Lord Deputy Chichester described as "but meanly kept." This was likely the house of Sir George Touchet, 18th Baron Audley. He held extensive lands in Munster but did not prosper as a speculator in Ireland, north or south. When Davys was appointed a judge of assize in Ireland, going on circuit he became acquainted with Lord Audley and visited at his house. Both families had early connections with Wales, though in very different ranks, and they no doubt had many chats about old things and times. On these visits Davys made himself agreeable to Elinor, Lord Audley's third daughter, whom he married. She did not afterwards make herself particularly agreeable to him. By her, Davys had a son and a daughter. The son died when a boy. The daughter inherited large means from her father and married into the house of Huntingdon.

13. Pirates hunt for Londoners' money bound for Coleraine

    near Coleraine · town · Derry · 1610

    Chichester wrote to Salisbury in June 1610 that pirates on the coast had become so bold they robbed English and Scotch barks and killed resisters. They lay in wait for Londoners' money sent for the works at Coleraine but missed it, breeding terror among passengers.

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    made them tremble, — they had determined in fact to lie in wait for anv vessels suspected of carrying money from the 'City' to the new plantation in Ulster ! Even In 1610 the pirates were on the watch for this purpose, and in the month of June in that year Chichester, writing to Salisbury, informs him that "the pirates on this coast are so many and are become so bold that now they are come into this channel, and have lately robbed divers barks, both English and Scotch, aud have killed some that have made resistance ; they lay for the Londoners* money sent for the works at Coleraine, but missed it ; they have bred a great terror to all passengers, and he thinks will not spare the Kind's treasure if they may light upon it. . . wishes they had a commission for the adjudging, and F 2

    executing of pirates and priests here, who vex and disturb the kingdom more than can be understood by others but them that feel it."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 357

    As the companion tells it

    In 1610, Coleraine was a new plantation town, and money from London was being sent for building works there. That June, Chichester wrote to Salisbury that pirates on the coast had grown so many and so bold they had come into the channel. They robbed English and Scotch barks and killed some who resisted. They lay in wait for the Londoners' money bound for the works, but missed it. Still, they bred what Chichester called "a great terror to all passengers," and he believed they would not spare the King's treasure if they found it. He told Salisbury that pirates and priests vexed and disturbed the kingdom more than anyone could understand who had not felt it. He wished they had a commission for the judging and executing of pirates and priests.

14. Rowley leases 81 townlands from Bishop of Derry below legal rent

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1612

    Bishop Babington of Derry, at the instigation of his wife and servant Wheeler, leased 81 townlands to London agent John Rowley for only £65 yearly, far below the required rent of 4 shillings per quarter per the letters patent. Bishop Hampton complained of this and other grievances to the London council.

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    (68). Buying of parts. — ^The chief sinner among the LQndoners in the matter of buying up good things for himself was John Rowley (see p. 404), who, it would appear, made havoc of the woods, and spoiled the church or her lands to a vast extent. On the xyth of November, 161 2, the council in London wrote to Chichester about the doings of this terrible * Londoner,* as foUows: — **A CTievous complaint has been made by Dr. Hampton, Bishop of Derry, that whereas the King had annexed by g^rant to the bishopric divers lands and tenements, and many royalties, priviles^es, and other immunities for the better advancement of me church, after the barbarism which has long possessed those parts to the extinguishing of true religion and obedience ; nevertheless his predecessor, Dr. Babington, at the instigation of his wife, and of one Wheeler, his servant, who has since married the bishop's widow, demised to one John Rowley, one of the agents of the city of London, 81 townlands, for the yearly rent of 65/., contrary to the conditions of the letters patent, which direct that a rent of 4;. a quarter be reserved in all such demises. The bishop [Hampton] has also complained of divers other grievances ; all which considered, their Lordships have cited Rowley before them to answer the complaint, and will provide in the ca9e as may appear expedient And as, among the grievances complained of, it is allied that Rowley has a gftint of all timber, woodis, and underwoods belonging to the, bishopric, and, as they are informed, has cut down 3,000 trees, and has transported into Spain many thousand pipe staves, they require him [Chichester] to take s^ial order for the preservation of the timber of th^ bishopric, and to prevent all cutting . thereof till further order. " On the 20th of the following month [December],, the council wrote again to the deputy in these terms : — "His lordship will have understood by a late letter what

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 341

    As the companion tells it

    Derry, in 1612, was the setting for a scandal that reached the London council. The city had lands attached to its bishopric, granted by the King for the advancement of the church after what the council called the barbarism that had long possessed those parts. Bishop Babington held the see before Dr. Hampton, and it was Babington who, at the instigation of his wife and of one Wheeler, his servant, leased 81 townlands to John Rowley, an agent of the city of London. The yearly rent was 65 pounds. The letters patent required 4 shillings a quarter for all such leases, so this was far below what the law demanded. Wheeler later married the bishop's widow. Bishop Hampton complained to the London council of this deal and of divers other grievances. The council wrote to Chichester on the 17th of November, 1612, calling it a grievous complaint, and cited Rowley before them to answer. Among the grievances was a grant Rowley held of all timber, woods, and underwoods belonging to the bishopric. He was said to have cut down 3,000 trees and transported many thousand pipe staves into Spain. The council ordered Chichester to preserve the timber of the bishopric and prevent all cutting until further order. In December they wrote to the deputy again, continuing the matter.

15. Sir Gerald Moore's confirmation of Mellifont Abbey

    Mellifont · townland · Louth · 1611

    By a patent dated June 4, 1611, Sir Gerald Moore received a confirmation in fee of the abbey of Mellifont and its lands. His father, Sir Edward Moore, had acquired Mellifont near Drogheda during the war with the Earl of Tyrone.

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    (208). Gerald Moore, — He was among the most distinguished of the servitor class, both as to his family position and his services. He was son of Sir Edward Moore, of Mellifont, near Drogheda, who had come from Kent to make a fortune in Ireland during the war with the Earl of Tyrone, and succeeded even perhaps b^ond his expectations. His son, Gerald, or Garret (as his name is always written in the State Papers), added considerably to the accumulations of his father. By a patent dated June 4, 161 1, he had a confirmation in fee of the abbey of Mellifont, with all its lands ; the priory of Duleek, with all its lands ; the hospital of St. John the Baptist, in Ardee, with all its lands ; the manor of Shenlis, and the monastery of Gallen, together with the rectories and tithes of Duleeke, Kilcarvan, Eight-Castles, Moorechurch, Stamullen, Cloneallway, Ardcathe, Tymoll, Macestown, Dowth, Rathkenny, Killmessane, Rathconnell, Castletowne, Killowene, Croyanestown, Kilcowle, Hollywood, the Grallagh, the Naull, Cowloge, St. Mary's and St. Peter's, Drogheda, Julianstown, Muliingar, and Maghericloo, — in the several counties of Louth, Meath, Westmeath, Dublin, Monaghan, and King's County. He had also obtained the castle and lands of Ball yscanlan, Krivagh, and others, in 1600, and last, though not least, this grant in the precinct of Drier. (See Lodge's Peerage of Irdand^ edited by Archdall, vol. ii., p. 95). Chichester, when recommending the council to concede some suit preferred by Sir Garret Moore, states the ground of his recommendation thus : — '*The inducement for this is that he pays the greatest rent to the Kine of any man in the kinfi;aom, and that he is a worthy and honest servant." Although

    his proportion is stated in this grant to have only included 1,000 acres, the map has coloured and marked it as a middle proportion of 1,500 acres. Moore had originally asked for lands in Upper Orier, and he thus had his desire gratified. There appears to have been very little wood or bog on his proportion.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 255

16. Sword of Bruce preserved at Derrygonnelly

    Derrygonnelly · village · Fermanagh · 1696

    A two-edged sword inscribed 'Robertus Brusius, Scotorum Rex, 1310' was kept at Hugh Montgomery's house at Derrygonnelly, a family relic passed down from Sir John Dunbar who had married a descendant of King Robert Bruce. The sword was said to have been used in the late war about Enniskillen.

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    afterwards in that of Hugh Montgomery of Derrygonnelly, who married Sir John's grand-daughter. This was no other than the sword of Bruce, a family relic, which had been piously preserved for many generations, and whose exbtence, in Fermanagh, would have been probably unknown, had not William Montgomery, the author of the well-known Mont^mery Manuscripts, chanced to visit his kinsman's house in the year 1696. ■ Of this visit he has left the following record: — **Our present Hugh aforesaid is marryed to a beutifuU grand-daughter and heiress to Sr. John Dumbarr. His estate, whereof Derrygonnelly is ye chiefe mansion place ; besides which he [Hugh Montgomery] hath his father's and his own purchases. I was, in a.d. 1696, three nights in his new house (for the old walls are not rebuilt) ; it is a pleasant seate ; a River running by it within half a muskett shott, and thereon a com and a tuck mill, in which one may walk dry in slippers ; he hath a pretty garden and a plantation of fruit trees ; thereto also a pretty little chappell opposite to the house door, about nine score yards from it (to which one may go dry in like maner), built and endowed by Sr. Jo : Dumbarr, aforesaid, for a deacon to read prayers, homilys, or preach in, when the weather is badd. I saw a rarity att that house, to witt, a two-edged sword of excellent metall, which this Hugh never caused to be made but had it (I have foi^ot what hee told mee thereof), in ye late warr about Enniskillen. I am of ye opinion there is no smith in Ireland can forge soe (ipod a blade, for I saw it severly tryed. The swoni is inscribed on ye right hand side of ye blade thus —

    RobertiMS Bruscius, ) 1310, and on {pro Christo )

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 407

    As the companion tells it

    The village of Derrygonnelly in Fermanagh once held a relic of a Scottish king. A two-edged sword, inscribed Robertus Brusius, Scotorum Rex, 1310, was kept at the house of Hugh Montgomery, who had married the granddaughter and heiress of Sir John Dunbar. Sir John had married a descendant of King Robert Bruce, and the sword had been piously preserved through many generations as a family relic. Its existence in Fermanagh would probably have gone unknown, had not William Montgomery, the author of the Montgomery Manuscripts, chanced to visit his kinsman's house in 1696. William stayed three nights in Hugh's new house, for the old walls had not been rebuilt. He called it a pleasant seat, with a river running by within half a musket shot, and on it a corn mill and a tuck mill. There was a pretty garden, a plantation of fruit trees, and a little chapel built and endowed by Sir John Dunbar, about nine score yards opposite the house door, where a deacon could read prayers or preach when the weather was bad. William wrote of what he saw: a two-edged sword of excellent metal. Hugh had not had it made but had used it in the late war about Enniskillen. William was of the opinion that no smith in Ireland could forge so good a blade, for he saw it severely tried. The sword was inscribed on the right hand side of the blade, Robertus Brusius, Scotorum Rex, 1310, and also the words pro Christo.

17. Assizes at Armagh: executions for cattle-lifting

    near Armagh · town · Armagh · 1614

    At the Spring Assizes held at Armagh on 8 March 1613–14, several individuals were tried and sentenced to death for stealing cattle and horses. The condemned were hanged immediately after sentence, with halters placed round their necks in the dock and led through the principal streets of the town to the place of execution.

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    man, on the loth December, 1614, stole three cows, value 2Qr. each. Guilty. To be executed. — Art McGillechree and Gillese McKerney, of MoUenbracke, yeomen, on the 3rd January, 1613-14, stole a black *gelldinge' worth 4/., belonging to Patrick Granton, of Dromfergus. Guilty. To be executed." (See Ulster Joumcd of ArchoEology, vol. ii., pp. 27, 28), These culprits were hanged immediately after sentence had been pronounced upon them, the custom then being to put halters round their necks in the dock, and lead them along the principal streets or thoroughfares of the town to the place of execution.

    [3S4j

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 291

18. Chichester surrenders Bann and Loughfoyle fishings to the King

    near River Bann · river · Derry · 1610–1611

    Sir Arthur Chichester sold and surrendered his fishing rights on the River Bann and the shores of Lough Foyle to the King during the summer of 1610, with the formal agreement signed on 3 April 1611. The Londoners had looked greedily upon these fishings as belonging to their own estates.

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    Although the deputy seems to have had much trouble with these fishings, both before and after he got them into his own possession, he was not permitted to hold them longer than about four years. The Londoners looked greedily upon them as belonging to their own estates, and to encourage the Londoners was then considered a specially patriotic duty. Chichester, therefore, sold and surrendered his fishings in the Bann, and on the shores of Loughfoyle, during the summer of i6to, but the agreement between him and the King was not formally signed until the 3rd of April, 161 1. In the interval, the King made arrangements with Sir James Hamilton for his title and interest in the fishings of Loughneagh and Loughfoyle, ordering the exchequer to pay him 1,000/. *in addition to other monies paid to him.' These transactions are recorded in the Patent Rolls, as follows: — "Deed, dated 3 April, 161 1, between Sir Arthur Chichester, knight. Lord Deputy of Ireland, and the King, stating, that whereas Sir James Hamilton, knight, by deed, dated 10 April, 1606, sold to Sir Arthur and his heirs, among other things, the fishing of the river of the Bann, between Lough-Sidney [Lough Neagh], and the salmon-leap, the ground and soil of the said river, and the old eel-weirs, near Castletoome, at a crown rent of 12s. 6d. Irish, which, with other things, had been granted to the said Hamilton by patent, dated 20 July, 1605 ; and whereas the said Hamilton, by deed, dated 14 May, 1606, likewise sold to Sir Arthur and hLs heirs, the moiety of that part which he had of the fishing of the Banne, from the rock called the salmon-leap to the main sea, with the soil and ground, weirs and fishing places within the said limits; and whereas the King had granted to Sir Arthur for life the castle of Culmore in Donegal county, with 300 acres of land adjoining, and by another patent had granted to him and his heirs, among other things, the salmon-fishing of Culmore and of the Derrie, or one of them. Sir Arthur, by this indenture, for the sum of 550/. English, paid to him by Sir James Hamilton, in behalf of the King, who had given satisfaction to the said Sir James Hamilton for the whole fishing of the Bann, surrendered to the King the aforementioned castle of Culmore, the fishings and premises, with a covenant to levy a fine or fines thereof within two years."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 323

    As the companion tells it

    The River Bann runs through this country, and its fishings were once a prize worth fighting over. Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy of Ireland, held them for about four years, though he had trouble with them both before and after they came into his possession. The Londoners looked greedily upon these fishings, seeing them as belonging to their own estates, and to encourage the Londoners was then considered a specially patriotic duty. So Chichester sold and surrendered his fishings in the Bann and on the shores of Lough Foyle during the summer of 1610. The agreement between him and the King was not formally signed until 3 April 1611. In the interval, the King made arrangements with Sir James Hamilton for his title and interest in the fishings of Lough Neagh and Lough Foyle, ordering the exchequer to pay him 1,000 pounds in addition to other monies paid to him. The Patent Rolls record the deed. Sir James Hamilton had sold Sir Arthur, by deed dated 10 April 1606, the fishing of the Bann between Lough Neagh and the salmon-leap, the ground and soil, and the old eel-weirs near Castletoome, at a crown rent of 12 shillings and 6 pence Irish. By another deed, 14 May 1606, Hamilton sold Sir Arthur the moiety of the fishing of the Bann from the salmon-leap to the main sea, with soil, ground, weirs, and fishing places. The King had granted Sir Arthur for life the castle of Culmore in Donegal, with 300 acres, and the salmon-fishing of Culmore and of the Derrie, or one of them. For 550 pounds English, paid by Hamilton on behalf of the King, Sir Arthur surrendered the castle of Culmore, the fishings and premises, covenanting to levy a fine thereof within two years.

19. O'Donnell recuperates in Glenmalure after escape

    near Glenmalur · valley · Wicklow · 1591

    After escaping from Dublin Castle through a bribed arrangement, O'Donnell lay sick and frostbitten in the fastness of Glenmalure, where he was tended by doctors and guarded by O'Byrne's galloglass. He had been forced to cut off his toes due to frostbite sustained during his escape.

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    (54). In the country — The following reference to Hu?h Roe, and his treacherous capture, was written by one who knew him personally : — ** In sooth, dear brother, I knew him from nis fifteenth year, when Perrot's hired agent basely entrapped him aboard the ship that anchored opposite the' Carmelite nunnery of RathmuUen. Often and often during the four years he was prisoner in Dublin Castle, have I loitered about that fortress, to catch a glimpse of him, when he and his fellow-captives were allowed to walk out on the ramparts to breathe the fresh air, — nay, after Deputy Fitzwilliam had clutched the bribe of a thousand pounds, given him by O'Neill, to connive at his brother-m-law's [son-in-law's] escape, I was one of the first to congratulate him as he lay sick and frostbitten in the fastness of Glenmalure, tended by doctors and guarded by O'Byme's galloglass. ... I was a soldier in my prime, and I marched under his banner, after I had witnessed his inauguration on the mound of Kilmacrenan. Well did I know him in every phase of his career — in the hour of his splendid victory over Clifford, in the passes of the Curliews, and when his cavalry chased the remnant of Bagnall's routed forces from the Blackwater into Armagh. Alas, I knew him too in the hour of his reverse, and was one of the last to kiss his hand on the beach of Castlehaven, when he was about to embark for Spain." (Meehan's Franciscan Monasteries, pp. 67, 68. ) Captain Lee mentions the prison-sufferings of O'Donnell thus : — "He being young, and being taken by stratagem, having never offended, was imprisoned with great severity, many irons laid upon him, as if he had been a notable traitor and male&ctor, and kept still among those who were ever notorious traitorsi^ainst your Majesty ; having no other council, or advice, or company but theirs — what good could come to this young man, for his education among such, I humbly refer to your highness."

    (55). To her highness. — (See pp. 32, 42.) When Captain Lee wrote his celebrated tract, Sir Owen O'Tooie

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 41

    As the companion tells it

    This valley is where Hugh Roe O'Donnell came to recover after his escape from Dublin Castle in 1591. He had been taken by stratagem at fifteen, lured aboard a ship anchored opposite the Carmelite nunnery of Rathmullen. For four years he was held in Dublin Castle, with many irons laid upon him. Deputy Fitzwilliam accepted a bribe of a thousand pounds from O'Neill to connive at the escape. When O'Donnell reached Glenmalure, he was sick and frostbitten. The frostbite from the escape had been so severe he was forced to cut off his own toes. He lay in the fastness of this valley, tended by doctors and guarded by O'Byrne's galloglass. The account comes from a man who knew O'Donnell personally. He had loitered about Dublin Castle during the four years of captivity, hoping to catch a glimpse when prisoners were allowed on the ramparts to breathe fresh air. He was one of the first to congratulate O'Donnell as he lay sick in the fastness. He later marched under O'Donnell's banner and witnessed his inauguration on the mound of Kilmacrenan. He knew O'Donnell in his splendid victory over Clifford in the passes of the Curlews, and when his cavalry chased the remnant of Bagnall's routed forces from the Blackwater into Armagh. He was one of the last to kiss his hand on the beach of Castlehaven before O'Donnell embarked for Spain. Captain Lee also wrote of the prison-sufferings. He said O'Donnell was young, taken by stratagem, having never offended, yet imprisoned with great severity, many irons laid upon him as if he had been a notable traitor and malefactor, kept among those who were ever notorious traitors.

20. Ogilvie's house at Ard-Nargle overlooking the Roe

    Ardnargle · townland · Derry

    A Dublin linen manufacturer named Mr. Ogilvie (or Ogilby) took a terminable lease from the Skinners' Company for a large sum and established an excellent house on a commanding site overlooking the River Roe at Ard-Nargle, with extensive tree plantings.

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    L«ttermoyer, Boltebracan, and Legachory. Several native freeholds are marked in connection with this estate, especially throughout the mountainous lands in the southern parts of Tirkeerin. The Skinners have frequently let their lands by lump to great advantage, and were anxious for a time to sell them in perpetuity. They got so much as 25,000/. at one haul, on a terminable lease, from a Mr. Ogilvie, or Ogilby, a Dublin linen manufacturer. Sampson states that "Mr. Ogilbie, of Ard-Nargle, has an excellent house, on a commanding situation over the Roe. His plantings are rising to the utmost of his wish." (See Memoir^ p. 260). We have already referred to the lawsuit earned on by this company against the Irish Society, which last^ for a period of six years, and which accounts, perhaps, for some part of the gall in which the Society's pen was dipped, when it wrote the following report of the Skinners, in 1838 : — "This is decidedly the worst managed of all the proportions ; and but for the determioatioQ of the Society, and the remonstrance of the co^eshd que trusts (the companies associated with them — ^the Stationers, White Bakers, and Giidlers), this mismanagement would most like have been perpetuated. The Skinners' Company were anxious to seU this estate , in perpetuity — a fact so extraordinary that it would seem * unacoountable. But it may be in some measure ex-

    586

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 495

21. Phillips's journey from Coleraine to Dungannon after Flight of Earls

    near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1607

    After the Flight of the Earls was announced, Sir Thomas Phillips travelled from Coleraine to Dungannon to secure the country. The people he met along the way were amazed and ready to forsake their houses, thrown into great excitement not knowing what would happen next.

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    (99)-. ^ft^ theJUght.—On the flifi^ht of the earls and their friexids being first announced the inhabitants were, naturally enough, thrown into a state of great excitement, not knowing what was to happen next. Sir Thomas Phillips, wnting to Salisbury, on the 22nd of September, states that "he thought it good, for the securing of the people, to go from Coleraine as far as Dungannon, and going through the country the people met him, and were all amazed and ready to forsake their houses. '* Sir Dominick G I

    Sarsfield, writing to RidgeWay, on the 29th of September, states that "the departure of the earls gives rise to many conjectures, and the ill-affected who are likely (in their impatience of any peace) to second the head of innovation in these parts are of three sorts, namely, the priests, the discontented, and the competitors of great titles, who could not brook the doom of the law without squaring thereof to their own affections."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 199

22. Tirlagh O'Neill seeks castles of Benburb and Knockicligh

    Benburb · townland · Tyrone · 1610

    Denied his ancestral Slew-sheese lands and the castles of Strabane and Newton, Tirlagh O'Neill prayed to receive instead the castles of Benburb and Knockicligh in the barony of Dungannon. The London council left this to Chichester's judgment.

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    Conelaugh O'Neale, his grandfather [great-grandfather], and were intended to be conveyed in her late Majesty's grant in the 29th year of her reign, to Tyrlogh [Luineach] O'Neale, and to Arthur O'Neale, petitioner s father. Of these lands he only has a custody grant [a custodlam] from him [Chichester] of the castles of Strabane and Newton, with some ballybetaghs of land belonging to them. But this the plantation would not admit of. He now prays that he may have, in addition to the two proportions they have recommended for him, the castles of Benburb and Knockicligh, in the barony of Dungannon ; but this they leave altogether to his [Chichester^] judgment as to him is left the placing of the natives. Considering his [Tirlagh's] acceptable services, and that he has humbly submitted to his Majesty's pleasure for his transplantation, they hope he may be extraordinarily respected in the greatness of his proportion, and in the choice of a good seat for his greater comfort. One other middle proportion in the barony of Dungannon should be divided among the three other sons of Sir Arthur O'Neale, viz., Neale O^Neale, Con O'Neale, and Bryan O'Neale.'* Such, then, was the result The four loyal sons of this once ereat family must be moved from their lands, and even from their own native place, to make way for certain "Scotchmen" who had fancied to plant there — these Scotchmen being principally the Earl of Abercorn and his connexions.

    318

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 260

23. Ballyconnell castle and bawne built by Culme and Talbott

    Ballyconnell · town · Cavan · 1608–1620

    Captain Culme and Walter Talbott held 1,500 acres at Balleconnd (Ballyconnell). A strong bawne 100 feet square and 12 feet high with two flankers was built, enclosing a castle of lime and stone three stories high, described as well-placed for the strength and service of the country.

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    XXXVI. 1,500 Acres. Captain Culme and Walter Talbott^ have 1,500 Acres, called Balleconnd (74). Upon this Proportion there is built a strong Bawne 100 feet square, 12 feet high, with two Flankers, and within the Bawne a strong Castle of Lime and Stone three stories high : This standeth in a very good and convenient place for the strength and service of the Countrey.

    also called Drommalt, and contains Dromnefalla, Derrenedoyne, Knoknegroggah, Droonan, Balaness, Tewboy, Cunnena, Tewnemoone, Cronekillan, Corgiaghbeg, Corgiaghmore, Cloyragh, Knokwhossan, Knokgilheeny, Shentonagh, Droneyn, Dirlester, Ghengan. Knoknekearoe, Reaske, Polfaddaghym, Keiller, Gortenkeiller, Keankiller, Knocknacullen, Knokmimdebalgan, and Knockmullen. Kilsheverin is also called Connort, and contains the parcels of Dromhallagh, Knockcrummer, Corcullentragh, Knockanowle, and Liscormore. Lecke contains the parcels called Leckyn, Carricknuske, Knoktoggill, Corgyaghleckyn, Tawnaghorne, Tawnaghbyn, Kearkeele, Tassan, Dromshinagh, Tawnaghtott, and Graphogagh. Cashell and Creven contain the several parcels adled Gortinneback, Crosckoyle, Knagowell, Gortennewagh, Corliss, Cargyagh-kin, Taghreagh, and Dromghirge. Corridonoghy contains the parcels called Aghnecrosse, Dromcaggyn, Gobgarrow, Gortinfecnog, Aughnacrossoughtra, Loghdromcaggin, Aughnacrosseightra, Quillagh, Corrilow, Camrowghan, Aoghkilbrwyne, Knokithomas, Knokocossan, and Dowlisis. Corveonagh contains the parcels called Corriaghy, Aughnedoygh, Cortra, Greoghgerrue, Knoknava^, Carricknoffring, Carrickocury, and Corggaghbane. Dromgoha is also called Dromyough, and contains Gortenconnoghro, Mullenemerock, and [ ]. Aitgkacorran contains

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 384

    As the companion tells it

    Ballyconnell in Cavan is a place the road passes through. In the early years of the seventeenth century, Captain Culme and Walter Talbott held 1,500 acres here, called Balleconnd. Upon this proportion they built a strong bawne, 100 feet square and 12 feet high, with two flankers. Within the bawne stood a strong castle of lime and stone, three stories high. The record says it stood in a very good and convenient place for the strength and service of the country. The 1,500 acres also went by the name Drommalt. It contained many parcels of land, among them Dromnefalla, Derrendoyne, Knoknegroggah, Droonan, Balaness, Tewboy, Cunnena, Tewnemoone, and Cronekillan. The holding stretched across Corgiaghbeg, Corgiaghmore, Cloyragh, Knokwhossan, Knokgilheeny, Shentonagh, and Droneyn, reaching as far as Dirlester, Ghengan, and Reaske. Nearby proportions carried their own lists of parcels, places whose names still mark the ground today.

24. Bishop Babington's proselytising in Derry

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1610–1611

    Bishop Babington wrote to Salisbury in January 1610-11 detailing his efforts to reform religion in Derry. He notably convinced Owen M'Cawell, a prominent priest, to attend a church service in Derry publicly as an example to others.

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    them lovingly and kindly, and often conferring in his study, where they turned books together, and forbearing to press them with such principal differences and grounded points of their religion at the nrst onset, as he well knew they would sooner die than 3rield unto on the sudden ; at length he overcame them, and persuaded one of them named Owen M'Cawell, who well understood English, to accompany him (for example sake) to the church, which he publicly did in the Derry on a sabbath day ; and there placing him next to himself [Babington], he heard with good attention both service and sermon, to the great rejoicing of all the people, and gave good approbation of their church meetings afterwards, as he sat at his [Babing* ton's] table in the presence of divers of good note." After much more to this effect, the bishop concludes with the following practical application of the whole subject : — "Imploring his lordship's [Salisbury's] favourable assistance, first, that in order to meet the consequent expenses- [of his proselytising exploits] he may be enabled to enjoy what his Majesty has apportioned him without being encumbered with law suits. It was through his lordship's favour he obtained the place, and if his efforts be checked for want of support, the popish adversaries who had begun to quail, will be mightily strenfi[thened. Begs he may be furnished with the same authority as his predecessor [Montgomery] had, whereof he would make some good use in these rude and barbarous parts, where countenance and authority only, and not religion, keeps men under subjection. But he refers the consideration of all to his lordship's wisdom, and himself to his patronage, having made special choice of him [Salisbury] to be his only Mecenas." Babington's wholesale spoliation of church property soon became a subject of grave complaint.

    4i6

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 336

    As the companion tells it

    Derry, in the years after 1610, was where Bishop Babington set about reforming religion. He wrote to Salisbury in January 1610 to 1611, telling how he went about it. He did not confront the local priests head on. He met them lovingly and kindly, often conferring with them in his study, where they turned books together. He forbore to press them on the principal differences of their religion at the first onset, knowing they would sooner die than yield on the sudden. At length he overcame them. He persuaded one named Owen M'Cawell, who well understood English, to accompany him to church for example's sake. Owen M'Cawell did so publicly in Derry on a sabbath day. The bishop placed him next to himself, and he heard with good attention both service and sermon, to the great rejoicing of all the people. He gave good approbation of their church meetings afterwards, as he sat at the bishop's table in the presence of divers of good note. Babington then asked Salisbury for help. He wanted to enjoy what his Majesty had apportioned him without being encumbered with lawsuits, to meet the expenses of his efforts. He warned that if his efforts were checked for want of support, the popish adversaries who had begun to quail would be mightily strengthened. He begged to be furnished with the same authority as his predecessor Montgomery had, saying he would make good use of it in these rude and barbarous parts, where, in his words, countenance and authority only, and not religion, keeps men under subjection. Babington's wholesale spoliation of church property soon became a subject of grave complaint.

25. Franciscan friary of Omey/Omagh and garrison plans

    near Omagh · town · Tyrone · 1604–1605

    The Franciscan friary of Omey (Omagh) and its lands were granted in fee-simple to Robert Leycester in 1604, then held by Captain Edmund Leigh. Chichester described the site as a small abbey on the river Omey, surrounded by general desolation, where travelers were frequently murdered, and recommended planting an English servitor there with a garrison.

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    (11). Fee farm, — These lands had belonged to the religious house known as the Franciscan friary of Omey or Omagh, and were granted in fee-simple to Robert Leycester, on the 17th of May, 1604, but were soon afterwards held b^ Captain Edmund Leigh. In Leycester's grant the house IS called a 'franciscan friary,' but Chichester speaks of it as a ' small abb^.' Among a number of places mentioned by the latter, m 1605, as requiring to be held and garrisoned, was *' St. Omey, seated upon the river Omey, in Tyrone, 20 miles beneath Dimgannon, in the way to the Liffer, from which it is 12 miles distant. Round about this place [St. Omey] there is a general desolation, by reason of which it happeneth that merchants and other passengers weakly guarded, travelling to and from the Derrie or Liffer to the Pale, are usually in their passage cut off and murdered. For remedy they intend to plant there an English servitor, . . . there being there a little abbey with a small quantity of land belong* ing to it, which is already passed upon some book given by his Majesty unto Captain Edmund Leigh, a gentleman of good experience in those parts, who hath lived there in this late rebellion."

    (12). In Dublin, — ^These lands were not included among the extensive grants in Ulster finally made U> Trinity CoUege.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 78

    As the companion tells it

    Omagh in Tyrone was the site of a Franciscan friary, also called Omey. Its lands were granted in fee-simple to Robert Leycester on the 17th of May, 1604, but were soon afterwards held by Captain Edmund Leigh. In Leycester's grant the house is called a Franciscan friary, but Chichester speaks of it as a small abbey. In 1605, Chichester named it among places requiring to be held and garrisoned. He described it as seated upon the river Omey, in Tyrone, 20 miles beneath Dungannon, in the way to the Liffer, from which it is 12 miles distant. Round about this place, he said, there is a general desolation, by reason of which it happeneth that merchants and other passengers weakly guarded, travelling to and from the Derrie or Liffer to the Pale, are usually in their passage cut off and murdered. For remedy, he said, they intend to plant there an English servitor, there being there a little abbey with a small quantity of land belonging to it, already passed upon some book given by his Majesty unto Captain Edmund Leigh, a gentleman of good experience in those parts, who had lived there in the late rebellion.

26. Portrush fishing by Breton fishermen

    near Portrush · town · Antrim

    Sir Thomas Phillips records that Breton fishermen from France formerly came to Portrush every season to fish for deafish and rays, which were sold as a commodity in Spain. Phillips also notes Portrush's proximity to the Scottish isles' fishing grounds.

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    ( 1 8). En^and. — This theme — the sea and river-fishings of Ulster — IS one on which every Anglo-Irish authority becomes eloquent. "There was long since," says Sir Thomas Phillips, **at Portrusha [Portrush], a fishing used by the Burtons [Bretons] in France, who came every season thither for deafish and rays, which, being well handled, are a very great commodity in Spain, especially in the Condado, for there they are sold by weight, and bought by them of Castellia la Vieza, Cordana, Salamanca, &C., who ordinarily every week load 3CX) or 400 machoes

    and moyles. The rays in the river of Nantes likewise sell well, for they are carried up the river Loyer [Loire], and serve many good towns upon that river, and the country next adjoining. It is requisite that they [the Ulster settlers] have a fort and storehouses at Kalbegg, which must be always furnished with a store of salt casks for the herring and cod fishing. The main salmon fishing of Lough Foyle and the Ban, the owners esteem worth 800/. or 1,000/. per annum, which by reason of vending it themselves into foreign countries by the undertakers will rise to a far greater sum." Phillips had lived much in France, and appears to have been familiar with this interesting subject of fish and fishing, even in that countr>'. He adds here, by way of encouragement, that **from the Derrie and Skerries- Portrushe, is but a cut over into the Isles of Scotland, where there are great fishings." The Islesmen now know, to their mpeat yearly profit, that '*it is but a cut over" to this northern coast, which they visit in great numbers during the fishing season. At this writing [May 30, 1876], no fewer than 164 Scottish smacks are anchored between Horn Head and Tory Island, herring fishing.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 298

27. 1628 arbitration: Bishop of Clogher ordered to compensate Wemyss widow

    near Clogher · town · Tyrone · 1628

    On 17 June 1628, arbitrators including Lord Adam Loftus and Lord Conway ruled that the Bishop of Clogher must pay Sir John Wemyss's widow £100 and grant her a fifty- or sixty-year lease of lands worth £50 per annum, or pay £600 in default. The decision arose because Wemyss had been slain by the bishop's servant, leaving his wife and three children destitute.

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    Drumconys, in the barony of Omey^ The said lease and reversion thereof doth of right belong unto the children of Sir John Weymes aforementioned." {^Inquisitions of Ulster, Tyrone, (2) Tempore Interregni). By the foregoing fragmentary paragraph nangs a curious story. Although the Galbraiths, —agents for the Bishop of Clogher, — were pardoned for the slaying of Sir John Wemyss, the sheriff of Fermanagh, in a riot commenced by the latter (see pp. 511, 512), yet the bishop himself did not escape scot free. Sir John Wemyss had left his wife and three children altogether without means ; but as the lady was a daughter of Lord Balfour, she was soon able to enlist the sympathies of several influential friends, who moved the King to interpose on her behalf. The arbitrators in this affair were Lord Dupline, the Scottish chancellor. Lord Adam Loflus, the Irish chancellor, and Lord Conway, the Secretary of State. Their decision was made on the 17th June, 1628, which decision was, in substance, "that the Bishop of Clogher, in whose cause and by whose servant the said Sir John Wemyss was slain, should pay unto the lady 100/., and make her a lease of fifty or sixty years, of lands to the clear value of 50/. per annum ; or in default of such a lease, by a certain time should pay her 600/." The bishop on being required to furnish the lady with a "list of such lands as were worth 50 pounds by the year, made her divers offers of lands both in the county of Monaghan and Fermanagh, but none of them would be accepted. At last, after eight week's attendance these lords onlered her to accept of some lands in the county of Tyrone offered her by the bishop, providing they were found in value worth 50/. per annum, for trjrafl whereof a commission was sent forth out of the High Court of Chancerie, and directed to Lord Cawfield, Sir Andrew Stewart, Sir Heniy Titchboume, who called the tenants of the lands before them at Agher, and examined them upon oath of the value of the lands, which they found to be better than 50/. yearly." After the matter was supposed to be settled, the bishop was obliged to surrender to Lady Wemyss two additional townlands, and to give a lease for 60 years, the whole lands being worth 70/. per annum, and soon afterwards let at upwards of 100/. yearly. But the lady was not done with the bishop even yet. "One Captain Mervin [a cousin of the second Earl of Castlehaven], carrousing with the Lord Bjdfonr, gave out that two of the townelands leased by the bishop of Clogher to his [Balfour's] daughter was his [Mervin'sJ heritage. Upon this report the lady ran to the Lord Chancellor, and had one other letter missive to the Bishop.** When the latter went to Dublin in obedience

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 447

28. Archbishop of Dublin's visitation reveals abuses in Cashel and Emly

    Cashel · town · Tipperary · 1607

    In 1607, the Archbishop of Dublin visited Magrath's four dioceses and reported flagrant abuses, especially in Cashel and Emly, where church livings had been leased to Magrath's children and allies. He entreated means to establish God's service in places that had scarcely known whether there was a God.

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    friar, is Archbishop of Cashell, Bishop of Waterford and Lismore, and Bishop of Killala." In Davys's wellknown account of Munster, May, 1606, he states that in Cashell there was then "found only one inhabitant that came to church, for even the Archbishop's own sons and sons-in-law, dwelling there, are obstinate recusants." The Archbishop of Dublin was appointed, in 1607, by the lord deputy, to visit Magrath's four dioceses of Cashel, Emly, Lismore, and Waterford, for the purpose of in(}uiring into flagrant abuses alleged to have been committed by this precious convert. "Die Archbishop of Dublin, in his report, "entreats for means to be prescribed for the establishment of God's service in those parts, which have scarcely known whether there be a God," and reconunends that several leases of church living should be revoked, " which have been passed by his [Magrath's] procurement, and confirmed by himself to the use of his children and allies, which it is meet should be reserved for sufficient incumbents. . . . They have discovered such abuses and enormities through the Archbishop's misjudgment (especially in those two dioceses of Cashel and Emly) as he never could have believed on the report of others, and he [Dublin] is indeed much grieved that a man of his profession, so much graced by her late Majesty, and so highly advanced in the church as to have the chaige of four several bishoprics^ should so far n^lect his pastoral charge, or rather quite pervert it" In November, 1607, Magrath complained to the King and council that his enemies in Ireland were endeavouring to imperil his reputation and even his life, because of some good services he had formerly rendered to the State; and the King, in reply, directs Chichester to take no proceedings against complainant without first informing him [the King]. In April, 1608, Chichester wrote to the council in London, inform* ing them that the Archbishop of Cashel had been tried and convicted on a charge of having said that " O'Neile was greatly wronged yShiea he was dispossessed of the

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 149

    As the companion tells it

    As you pass through Cashel, the town carries a story from 1607 about a church left to ruin. Magrath held four bishoprics at once. He was Archbishop of Cashel, Bishop of Waterford and Lismore, and Bishop of Killala. A report from May 1606 said that in Cashel only one inhabitant came to church, and even the Archbishop's own sons and sons-in-law, dwelling there, were "obstinate recusants." In 1607 the lord deputy appointed the Archbishop of Dublin to visit Magrath's four dioceses of Cashel, Emly, Lismore, and Waterford, to inquire into flagrant abuses. The Archbishop of Dublin found them, especially in Cashel and Emly. His report said he "entreats for means to be prescribed for the establishment of God's service in those parts, which have scarcely known whether there be a God." He recommended that several leases of church livings be revoked, "which have been passed by his procurement, and confirmed by himself to the use of his children and allies, which it is meet should be reserved for sufficient incumbents." The report said they had discovered such abuses and enormities through the Archbishop's misjudgment, especially in those two dioceses of Cashel and Emly, that Dublin never could have believed them on the report of others. He was grieved that a man so much graced by her late Majesty and so highly advanced in the church as to have charge of four several bishoprics should so far neglect his pastoral charge, or rather quite pervert it. In November 1607 Magrath complained to the King and council that his enemies in Ireland were endeavouring to imperil his reputation and even his life. The King directed Chichester to take no proceedings against him without first informing the King. In April 1608 Chichester wrote that the Archbishop of Cashel had been tried and convicted on a charge of having said that O'Neill was greatly wronged when he was dispossessed.

29. Bann fishery leases and crown grants, 1600–1608

    near River Bann · river · Derry · 1600–1608

    The entire River Bann from the Rock or Salmon-leap to the high sea was leased to Sir William Godolphin in 1600 for 21 years, then granted in fee simple to John Wakeman in 1605. Wakeman sold it to James Hamilton of Bangor, who contracted to convey it to the Earl of Tyrone for £200, though no formal conveyance was made before Tyrone's flight.

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    (41). Third Jacobi — The year 1605. At the Inquisition held in Lymavaddy, 1609, there was no mention of Godolphin's lease, but Davys states that all the temporal lands in the county were found vested in the King "except the moiety of the fishing of the Bann, first granted by his Majesty to John Wakeman and his heirs in fee simple, who sold it to James Hamilton of Bangor, who, at the request and in the presence of the Lord Deputy that now is, made an absolute contract with the Earl of Tyrone, to convey to the said earl the said filing for 200/., which was afterwards payed by the earl ; but it doth not appear that any conveyance was made of the fishing by Hamilton to the earl before his departure [flight], but the earl took the profits thereof alter the contract ; and it was found by office [of inquisition], in August, 1608, that the earl at his departure was seized of the moiety of the fishing as of an estate in fee, and that the said estate was come to the Crown again by the attainder of the said earl." Chichester refers to this matter more in detail, when writing to the council in London, in Oct., 1609. "The said Tyrone," says he, " pretended title to the moiety of the fishing of the Bann, and he finding his title not good in law, and hearing that the whole river of the Bann was passed in fee by virtue of the King's letter to one W^akeman, who was in trust for the late Eiarl of Devonshire [Mountjoy], Tyrone desired him [Chichester] to be a means to the said earl that he might have one half of it for 200/., in regard he had some claim to it Wrote accordingly in his behalf to the Earl of Devonshire, who at that time, seemed to be willing, at his entreaty, that Tyrone should have it, but died before anything was efiected. After his death the said Wakeman (with consent of the Earl of Devonshire's executors) sold Uiat whole fishing, and the rest of Wakeman's grant, to James Hamilton, his Majesty's servant, with whom also at Tyrone's request he [Chichester] had speech about the same, and who was content that Tyrone should have it" This John Wakeman is described as "of Beckford, in the county of Gloucester, Esq.," and as receiving his grant of the Bann fishery " in consideration ofa sum of money paid by him at the King's command to an old and well-deserving subject in Scotland." His grant included the entire river of the Bann in Ulster from the Rock or Salmon-leap to the high sea ; and also the whole of the fishings, weares, soil, and bottom, within the banks of the said river, together with the Salmon-leape and all the fishings thereof."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 84

    As the companion tells it

    The River Bann runs through this country, and its fishery was once a prize fought over by some of the most powerful men in Ireland and England. In 1600, the entire river from the Rock or Salmon-leap to the high sea was leased to Sir William Godolphin for 21 years. By 1605, the crown had granted the same fishery in fee simple to John Wakeman, described as a gentleman of Beckford in Gloucestershire. His grant covered the entire river in Ulster, including all fishings, weirs, soil, and bottom within the banks, together with the Salmon-leap and all its fishings. Wakeman received this grant, the record says, "in consideration of a sum of money paid by him at the King's command to an old and well-deserving subject in Scotland." Wakeman, it emerged, was acting in trust for the late Earl of Devonshire, formerly Mountjoy. The Earl of Tyrone claimed title to half the fishery, but found his claim was not good in law. He asked the Lord Deputy, Chichester, to intercede with the Earl of Devonshire so he might have one half for £200. Chichester wrote on his behalf, and Devonshire seemed willing, but died before anything was settled. After Devonshire's death, Wakeman, with the consent of the earl's executors, sold the whole fishing to James Hamilton of Bangor, the King's servant. At Tyrone's request, Chichester spoke with Hamilton, who agreed that Tyrone should have it. Hamilton made an absolute contract to convey the fishery to the earl for £200, and the earl paid the money. But no formal conveyance was ever made before Tyrone's flight from Ireland. Tyrone did take the profits after the contract. In August 1608, an inquisition found that Tyrone at his departure was seized of the moiety of the fishing as an estate in fee, and that this estate had come back to the Crown by his attainder.

30. Birthplace of Columbkille at Gortin

    Gortin · townland · Donegal

    St. Columbkille (Columba) is described as having been born at a place called Gortin in Tirconnell, from where he rallied his kinsmen against King Dermod.

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    But Columbkille did not accept this just decision as a genuine saint should have done. He raged against the good king, not only because of this decision in the small affair of the manuscript, but because of the pimishment justly inflicted on the young Connacian, whilst under his (Columbkille's) protection. He rushed first among his immediate kinsmen and connexions in Tirconnell, (for he was bom at a place called Gortin, in that region), rousing them by such arguments as we may imagine a saint such as he could employ, on the subject, perhaps, of the profane attempt made by the monarch to restrict the circulation of scriptural knowledge, in the decision then recently made. Whatever may have been his utterances in Tirconnell, he succeeded in thoroughly stirring up the fighting population against the king. He next passed into Connaught, crossing the Dubh- Rothair, no doubt in the spirit of a crusader, and calling the Connacians to arms for the purpose of avenging the execution of their youthful prince. To check this movement, Dermod sent a laige force northward, consisting of more than two thousand njen, which was completely defeated at a place called Cul-Dreimhne, in the present coimty of Sligo. But, although victorious, the $aint thus drew down upon himself the wrath of other opponents more virulent than any that Dermod could command. These were his brother ecclesiastics, who imposed what was called a canonical penance upon Columbkille, for causing the bloodshed at Cul-Dreimhne, which canonical penance would have probably proved rather troublesome in Tirconnell ; so he beat a hasty retreat from his native hills and glens, crossing the north channel in company with twelve of his disciples, and landing in lona, since known as Icolmkille, where his efforts for the spread of the Gospel subsequently became so celebrated (16). It may be stated, however, that when peaceable relations were established between

    (16). So ceyfratcd, — Readers wishing to become ac-

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 16

31. Demolition of the ancient palace of Aileach

    near Grianan of Aileach · monument · Donegal

    Murtagh O'Brien, grandson of Brian Boru, demolished the ancient palace of Aileach. He carried off portions of its ruins as trophies to Munster.

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    Murtagh O'Brien, grandson of Brian Boiroimhe, demolished the ancient palace of Aileach, 16 ; carried off portions of its ruins as trophies to Munster, ib.

    Musgrave, John, a lessee on the lands of John Hamilton, in county Cavan, 454.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog

32. Dispute at Derry between Phillips and Bishop Montgomery over land

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1608–1610

    Sir Thomas Phillips and Bishop Montgomery had a violent row at Derry over a small scrap of land in the vicinity, witnessed by the London citizens accompanying the deputy's party.

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    from Limavaddy to Salisbury (see pp. 1 69^ 1 70), of the decapitation of a luckless surveyor by the people of Donegal, because they did not wish to have their * country discovered '^ but no such foolish stories were permitted to be told in the presence of the Londoners, who indeed, were to be scrupulously guarded against them. As they accompanied the deputy and his party, however, to the Derry, these peaceable citizens probably witnessed the violent row that took place there between their guide, Sir Thomas Phillips, and Bishop Montgomery, about a small scrap of land in that vicinity (see pp. 171, 172). If so, Sir Thomas no doubt explained the affair to them on their travels afterwards, in such a manner as at least to justify himself. The latter did not write to Salisbury until he had completed his peregrinations and returned to Coleraine, preparatory to the starting again of the four citizens for London, As Sir Thomas intended to accompany them, his letter contained few details, which, however, are of so interesting a nature as not to be overlooked. Coming from England, the citizens and himself reached Carrickfergus (which he writes Knockverges), on the 22nd of August. " From thence, Coulrayn," says he, " where they stayed two days ; from thence to Lemavadie, some twelve miles off, where they met the lord deputy, and continued in his company till he came to the Lyffar, where they remained four days ; and afterwards he brought them to the Derry, and so to Coleraine, in which travel he brought them several ways, to the end they might have a full view of the country. From thence through part of Tyrone and so to Toome, within which circuit he showed them good land, very fair woods, and rivers. At Toome caused some of the ore to be sent for, of which he caused a smith to make iron before their faces, and of the iron he made steel within less than one hour. Mr. Broad, one of the agents for the city, who has skill in such things, says, that this poor smith has better satisfied him than Jarmaynes [Germans], and others that presume much of their skill. Has sent a sample of each to his lordship. The ore is rich, for they judge by what they see wrought, that very near the sixth part will be iron. From Toome brought them by boat along the river of the Bann, where he showed them a goodly river, fair woods, and good land ; as likewise the eel fishing (23), which they saw experience of; so that in all things he finds them exceeding well satisfied, and can say no less but everything is answerable to what it pleased his lordship he should acquaint the citizens with ; and

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 303

33. Earl defeats O'Donnells and Maguires at Belleek

    near Belleek · parish · Fermanagh

    The Earl of Tyrone went forth with Bagenal to quell the beginnings of insurrection in Fermanagh and Donegal, inflicting a severe defeat on the O'Donnells and Maguires at Belleek. On his return he found his kinsmen in arms because of his vacillating conduct.

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    (50)* Ready to tear him, — This state of affairs in which the earl was literally placed between two fires, was brought on sooner than it might otherwise have occurred, by h^ own act of going forth with BagenaH to quell the b^nnings of the insurrection in Fermanagh and Donegal, (see p. 40). On his return from that campaign, in which he inflicted a severe defeat on his friends the O'Doimells and Maguires, at Beleek, he found all his immediate kinsmen not only in a white heat of rage, but literally in arms, because of his vacillating conduct His nephew Brian, son of his brother Art O'Neill, of Oneilan, in Armagh, had, in the meantime aroused nearly the whole province, and could have played the part of The (fNeill m a style superior to any* member of the clan then alive. The O'Donnells, O'Dogherljs, and MacSwynes, were already up in Donegal or Tircoimell ; Cormac O'Neill, the earl's brother ; Con, his ill^timate son ; Henry Oge O'Neill, his son-in-law ; Arthur and Cormac, the sons of Tirlagh Luineach; together with the O'Hagans, the Dormellys, and the O^uinns were all ready in Tyrone. The leading Macmahons stood to their arms in Monaghan ; whilst in .Armagh, the O'Neills of the Fews, headed by Tirlagh McHenry, the earl's half-brother ; the O'Neills, of Clanbrazill and Oneilan, the Macans of Clancann, and the O'Hanlons of Orior, were mustering their hosts for the war. The O'Reillys of Cavan, jealous of the Maguires, hung fire for a time, but soon exploded like their neighbours. The Macdonnells of the Route and Glynns were devoted to the earl, whilst any doubtful parties in Ulster had a visit from Brian MacArt, who soon brought them to the test. On this mission, he required to visit the O'NeiUs of Upper and Lower Clannaboy, the O'Neills in the Dufferin, the O'NeUIs of KUlultagh, and the Magennises of Kilwarlin ; where he dwelt for a time among the creaghts of the several districts, and soon convinced them of the necessity for going to war.

    44

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 39

    As the companion tells it

    The parish of Belleek saw the Earl of Tyrone turn against his own allies. He went out with Bagenal to put down the beginnings of insurrection in Fermanagh and Donegal, and at Belleek he inflicted a severe defeat on the O'Donnells and the Maguires, who were his friends. When he came back from that campaign, he found his immediate kinsmen not only in a white heat of rage but literally in arms, because of his vacillating conduct. His nephew Brian, son of his brother Art O'Neill of Oneilan in Armagh, had in the meantime aroused nearly the whole province. Brian, it was said, could have played the part of The O'Neill in a style superior to any member of the clan then alive. The O'Donnells, the O'Doghertys, and the MacSwynes were already up in Donegal. In Tyrone, Cormac O'Neill, the earl's brother, and Con, his illegitimate son, stood ready. Henry Oge O'Neill, his son-in-law, and Arthur and Cormac, the sons of Tirlagh Luineach, together with the O'Hagans, the O'Donnellys, and the O'Quinns were all ready in Tyrone. The leading MacMahons stood to their arms in Monaghan. In Armagh, the O'Neills of the Fews, headed by Tirlagh McHenry, the earl's half-brother, the O'Neills of Clanbrazill and Oneilan, the Macans of Clancann, and the O'Hanlons of Orior, were mustering their hosts for the war. The O'Reillys of Cavan, jealous of the Maguires, held back for a time but soon exploded like their neighbours. The MacDonnells of the Route and Glynns were devoted to the earl. Any doubtful parties in Ulster had a visit from Brian MacArt, who soon brought them to the test. He visited the O'Neills of Upper and Lower Clannaboy, the O'Neills in the Dufferin, the O'Neills of Killultagh, and the Magennises of Kilwarlin, dwelling among the creaghts of those districts until he convinced them of the necessity for going to war.

34. Eel fishery on the River Bann between Lough Neagh and the Cutts

    near River Bann · river · Derry · 1608–1814

    The River Bann was celebrated for its eels, with around 28 weirs between Lough Neagh and the Cutts near Coleraine. As many as 80,000 eels could be caught in a single night, and the fishery could yield about £400 per annum to the Marquis of Donegal.

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    (23). Eel fishing. — The river Bann is celebrated for the quantity and superior quality of its eels, as well as for its salmon. ''The eels spawn in the sea ; and the fry, when not more than from an eighth to one-fourth of an inch long, nor thicker than the hair of a horse's mane, make their way into the fresh waters in the summer months, and return to the sea full grown the following year, from whence it is conceived, they never come back. Eel fisheries, as a general rule, are more valuable than salmon fisheries. Between Lough Neagh and the Cutts, near Coleraine, there are generafiy about 28 weirs along the river for catching eds. In one of these eel-traps called weirs, the enormous quantity of 80,000 eels has been caught in a single night, worth £^ per thousand. (Sec Concise View of the Origin, &*c,, of the Irish Society y Appendix, p. clxxxviii). "When the young eels come up tne rivers from the sea, they are no larger than the finest packthread, but their numbers are incredible. During four months (from May till September) in which

    the eels fatten in the rivers and in Lough Neagh, they grow to the size of a human arm, sometimes even to that of a lee. In September they commence their return toward the sea, and then Ls the season for fishing. This is performed by intercepting the eels by means of pales and watling, constructed so as to converge, in following the direction of the current. Before these conveigiog pales approach altogether, a long net is attached at the narrower and lower opening, and in the strongest part of the stream ; the eels making their way into this net, are entangled in the meshes, whence they are not able to retreat The eel fishery may yield to the M&rquis of 'Don^;al, [on part of the Bannj, as I have been informed, about ^^400 per annum [1814]. The quantities taken must be very great. They are sold fresh in the markets around ; and are salted for winter use, in place of herrings." Szmy&OfDL % Memoir eji^lanatory of the Chart of the county of Londonderry^ pp. 242, 243.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 303

35. English won Donegal with Niall Garve O'Donnell's aid

    Donegal · town · Donegal

    Niall Garve O'Donnell aided the English in winning Donegal, with the promise of the chieftaincy in the event of their success. His sister, wife of Sir Donnell O'Cahan, was later left destitute while her brother was imprisoned in the Tower of London.

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    going 'Instructions' with a leaning towards the 'receivers/ notwithstanding his apparent sympathy in Dublin with 'the gentlemen of the north/ as they came up penniless, rather cow-less, to take out patents for their several proportions. Among the most melancholy cases afterwards brought before the commissioners were those of Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan and Sir Neill Garve O'Donnell, who being immured in the Tower, had no means of defending themselves against their dishonest tenants* The following letter, written in July, 1613, from the council in London to Chichester, will explain the nature of these cases : — " The wife and sister of Sir Neale O'Donell and Sir Donel O'Cahan [the wife of Sir Donnell O'Cahan and sister of Sir Neill O'Donnell] after long attendance here, are on their return to Ireland, and have asked of them for some means to carry them over, for they complain that, having given out all the means they had to certain tenants of theirs in the nature of ' commins,' according to the custom of the country, the same is now refused to be repaid unto them, as by the enclosed appears. He is, therefore, to see that what is due to them in this kind may be for the use and maintenance of these women, so that being supplied there with some small maintenance, whereof they are now altogether destitute, they may forbear to make any further repair hither to the disquieting the said knights, prisoners in the Tower, or be any further trouble to them " [the council in London]. What a lamentable story this heartless letter reveals I " These women — now altogether destitute" — ^were the daughters of Hugh O'Neill and Sir Conn O'Donnell, and thus belonged to families much older, and infinitely more distinguished than those to which these councillors belonged. One of " these women" was the sister of that Niall Garve O'Donnell by whose aid the English had won Donegal, and to whom they had promised the chieftaincy in the event of their success. The other of "these women" was the wife of that gallant and ill-starred simpleton, Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan, by whose timely surrender and assistance the English had become masters of Lough Foyle, promising him, for his services, the laiger part of his own family estates. Yet these ignoble English earls were only anxious that the women aforesaid should be prevented in futiure from troubling them, or " disquieting the said knights" in their gloomy prison repose — ^more terrible than death.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 184

36. Irish Society praises Moneymore as model plantation town

    Moneymore · townland · Derry · 1838

    In 1838 the Irish Society deputies reported enthusiastically on Moneymore, calling it 'quite an English town, most beautifully laid out and managed.' They noted the excellent inn, church, market-house, thriving plantations, and a second new town called Drapers' Town growing rapidly nearby.

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    Kroportion extends as far as Brackaghrely, Moybeg, and [oneyguigy; and southward to Cl(^hog, Killybeam, DnimuTlin, and Ballygonny. Other principal localities marked on the chart as situated throughout the central districts, are Moneymore, Feenan, Cararlarajjh, Crossnarea, Caltrim, Moneyha, Drimrot, Dunnybragy, Anahavil, Ballyloughan, Lismooney, Tullybuy, Drumard, Canese,Tumaface, Ballymully, Magherascullion, Moyasset, Calmore, Duntybryan, Granny, Tamneyaskey, TuUyrone, and Mormeal. Crown freeholds are marked at Calmore, Moyasset, and Killybearin. Bogs are marked at Ballyloughan. Dunnybragy, and other places. Much of this proportion adjoins the mountain of Slievegallan. The improvement appears to have progressed from the time a Mr. Rowley Miller was appointed to be the Drapers' agent. Although Sampson, in 18 14, saw nothing to praise in the district, the Irish Society, in 1838, spoke of It in rapturous terms. **We were very much pleased," the deputies say, '* in going through this proportion. The chief town, Moneymore, is quite an English town, most beautifully laid out and managed by Mr. Rowley Miller and his son ; he kindly showed us through the estate. The inn is one of the b«st we met with whust in Ireland. The company have lately established another town, called Drapers* Town, which is thriving rapidly. There are

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 497

37. Irish tenants on Dromore and Lurga lands

    Dromore · townland · Donegal · 1630

    Irish families including O'Brillagan, McCormack, McBryan, McGilbride, and O'Harkan occupied portions of land within Dromore, Lurga, Castletowrus, and Listellane, ploughing and pasturing without formal allowance. An inquisition found these Irish occupiers to be intruders, their holdings valued at £3–4 per year each.

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    Trisiran Emerey, — none of whom had taken the oath of supremacy. Sir Maurice also let lands to the Irish tenants undernamed, viz., Farrell McHugh O'Gallogher, Dowalta McOwyn O'Gallagher, Turlagh boy O Gallogher, Owyn McOwyn McAdegana O Gallagher and Turlagh mergagh, O'Gallogher. Afterwards other Irish tenants were introduced in the time of Robert Harrington (see above) but it appears by inquisition that the % of the property had been already occupied by natives, and that Harrington had acted illegally in bringing in others. The Irish thus regarded by the law as superabundant, or rather as intruders, are noticed, as follows : — "The half quarter of land called Amekillcn, lyinge within the proportion of Dromore and Lurga, or one of them, is possessed by Dowaltagh O'Brillagan and others, beinge all meere Irishmen, whoe doe plowe, pasture, and grase, and the same is worthe 4/. sterl. by the yeare. That part of the tr}'an of land called Clancame, parcell of the quarter of Castletowrus, is possessed by Phelomy McCormack and his tenants, beinge meere Irishmen, whoe plowe, pasture, and grase the same, without the allowance of the said Robert Harrington ; the same is worthe by the year 3/. sterl. More than half 2 balliboes of the Quarter of Lurga is possessed by Ncal McBryan and Morris McGilbride, beinge meere Irishmen, whoe plowe, pasture, and grase ; and the same is worth by the yeare 3/. sterl. Two balliboes of the quarter of Listellane were heretofore granted by Sir Ralph Bingley, Knt., deceased, to Lieutenant Edward Cartwright for a tearme whereof certain years are yet to come ; and the same are possessed by Donnell O'Harkan and others, beinge meere Irishmen, whoe hold the same by lease for four years ; the same are worthe 3/. sterling." {InquisUions of Ulster ^ Donegal, (14) Car. I. ; see also (17) Car.~ I.) The

    Q 2

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 432

38. John Rowley dismissed as City agent but remained Mayor of Derry

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1609–1610

    John Rowley was dismissed as the City of London's agent in Ireland for dealing unfaithfully, yet he continued as the first Mayor of Derry under the new charter. He had secured his position by purchasing an estate from Bishop Babington and by granting lands at Loughinsholin near the fort of Desert-Linn to influential northern servitors at the Londoners' expense.

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    (see p. 405), one of the City's agents in Ireland, hath divers ways dealt very incorrectly and unfaithfully with the City in sundry matters committed to his trust in Ireland, in and about the said plantation and business there ; it is therefore with a general voice ordered, enacted, and agreed by the authority aforesaid, that the said John Rowley shall with all expedition, be dismissed from being the City's agent ; and he, the said John Rowley, by the authority of this present act of Common Council, is absolutely dismissed ; and it is further enacted that he shall not henceforth receive or intermeddle with the receiving of any of the treasure or rents ; and further that advertisements shall be forthwith sent unto Mr. Matthias Springham, who remaineth still in Ireland, to. call the said Rowley to an account, and to receive from him the same account." This act of dismissal on the part of the City must have been a curious, if not very awkward affair altogether, for Smithes and Springham had actually carried with them, when coming to Ulster, the new charter of Londonderry, containing the appointment of Rowley as the first Mayor of Derry ! His dismissal, as aforesaid, so soon aftenvards, does not appear to have affected his position as the highest civic functionary of the new city. Rowley had evidently made unto himself friends, if not * of the mammon of unrighteousness,* at least of several influential northern servitors, whom he had greatly gratified by his liberality at the Londoners' expense, in the surrender of certain lands in Loughinsholin adjoining the new fort of Desert-Linn. He had also fortified himself thoroughly against the Londoners' assaults by purchasing for himself, instead of for them, a fine estate from Bishop Babington, and by so secure a method that neither the church nor the *City' could disturb him !

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 347

39. MacMahon chiefs cite war-wasted Monaghan in peace terms

    Monaghan · town · Monaghan

    Brian MacHugh Oge and Ever MacCollo MacMahon sought pardon and agreed to pay 100 beeves yearly, but cited the waste of their country by reason of wars to request one year without rent. They also demanded liberty of conscience and freedom from rule by seneschals, sheriffs, or garrisons.

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    Brian APHugh Oge and Ever M^Colio Macmahon protest that their disloyalty proceeded through their hard usages, and their conditions of surrender and peace are — " i. Pardon for themselves, their people, and goods, with all lands spiritual and temporal within MacMahon's country. They will yearly pay 100 good beoves, or in lieu of every beofe 20X. sterling, and rising out as formerly. 2. In respect of the waste of the country by reason of wars, they crave one year without rent ; and liberty of conscience for themselves and the inhabitants of their countrys. 3. They desire they may be no longer chaiged or governed by seneschals, sheriffs, or garrisons, until their fear be lessened, but that commissioners may be appointed for all controversies (69)." See Calendar of Carew MSS.y third series, pp. 125, 151-158.

    (69). Controversies. — The foUowing was Captain Lee's the county of Monaghan, called Macmahon*s coantry, opinion as to what should be done in Monaghan : — *' For in respect of the great dislike which the Irishry have to

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 50

    As the companion tells it

    This is Monaghan, called MacMahon's country. Brian MacHugh Oge and Ever MacCollo MacMahon sought pardon and peace. They protested that their disloyalty had proceeded through their hard usages. Their conditions of surrender were these. Pardon for themselves, their people, and goods, with all lands spiritual and temporal within MacMahon's country. They would yearly pay 100 good beeves, or in lieu of every beast, 20 shillings sterling, and rising out as formerly. In respect of the waste of the country by reason of wars, they craved one year without rent, and liberty of conscience for themselves and the inhabitants of their country. They desired they may be no longer charged or governed by seneschals, sheriffs, or garrisons, until their fear be lessened, but that commissioners may be appointed for all controversies. The record of these terms comes from the Calendar of Carew Manuscripts, third series.

40. McSwyne Fanaght sits as justice at Lifford

    Lifford · townland · Donegal · 1609

    Sir Robert Jacob, the solicitor-general, reported in a letter to Salisbury that McSwyne Fanaght sat as a justice of peace at Lifford, though he came in an uncivil manner in his mantle. This reflected the uneasy integration of native Irish chiefs into the English administrative system in Donegal.

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    (238). McSwyne Fawnett, — For a notice of the district of Fanad, or Faynett, see pp. 102, 203. This Donnell was the representative or chief of the sept or family of McSwynes there seated. The principal residence of the chiefs of this branch was the ancient castle of Rathmullan, on Lough Swilly, which the Four Masters describe as the strongest fortress in Ulster. Donnell, however, was unable to keep Sir Henry Docwra from over-running his 'country,' and destroying his 'people,' so he made his peace through Niall Garve O'Donnell. He was eventually fain to accept such quantity of land, and in such distnct as the Government pleased to appoint. Sir Robert Jacob, the solicitor-general, states, in a letter to Salisbury, April 15, 1609, that "McSwyny Fanaght sate with them as a justice of peace [at Lifford], though he came in an uncivil manner in his mantle."

    (239). Manus McNeale McSwyne, — This Manus was the son of an incorrigible rebel called Neal McSwyne, who was nephew to Sir Niall Garve 0*Donnell, and

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 268

41. O'Cahan's warlike clansmen deterred settlement

    near Coleraine · town · Derry

    Undertakers feared Sir Donnell O'Cahan would return to reclaim his lands between the Foyle and the Bann. His clansmen, described as the most warlike in Ulster, were expected to be hostile to any new settlers, making the territory impractical for colonisation.

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    The foregoing extract puts on record a curious and significant fact, to wit, that O'Cahan's country was offered to the city of London because of its being * deserted,* or rather shunned, * by other planters.' The question is here at once suggested — Why was the county of Coleraine thus avoided by English and Scottish undertakers ? Not certainly because it was more barren, or barbarous, than other districts. On the contrar)', it was admittedly amongst the most fertile and attractive in Ulster. This refusal, therefore, to be concerned with O'Cahan's country, on the part of sharpwitted undertakers, both English and Scotch, must have arisen from a fear that Sir Donnell might return to claim his own ; and that even should he not, his clansmen, confessedly the most warlike in Ulster, could hardly be expected to become pleasant, or even practicable neighbours. This state of affairs had evidently led the King and his council to the conclusion that, since undertakers singly, or even in consorts, could not be induced to sit down anywhere between the Foyle and the Bann, the land must be occupied by a powerful party, such as the London corporation could easily throw across the channel The citizens were much flattered by this favourable opinion of their greatness, as entertained, and even loudly expressed in high quarters, the first public move in the business being made by the King himself, who directed a printed copy of the * Orders and Conditions' to be forwarded to the lord mayor, and to be accompanied with an intimation that the Sovereign would graciously accept assistance from the cit}-, in the great project which he had really so much at heart

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 295

42. O'Donnell submits to Mountjoy at Athlone

    Athlone · town · Westmeath · 1602

    Paul Goore (Gore) was sent by Lord Mountjoy in November 1602 with the Queen's protection to Rory O'Donnell, who had petitioned to be admitted to mercy. On 14 December, Gore brought O'Donnell to Athlone, where, with O'Connor Sligo, he made his humble submission.

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    (252). Goore. — This undertaker, whose surname is now generally written Gore, was the eldest son of Gerard Gore, a merchant-tailor and alderman of London. He came to Ireland as commander of a troop of horsey immediately after the defeat of the English on the Black* water, by the Earl of Tyrone, in 1598. Gore was sent by Lord Mountjoy, in November, 1602, with the Queen^ protection to Rory O'Donnell, who had petitioned to be admitted to mercy, with directions to bring him ta Mountjoy, then i .1 Connaught, On the 14th of December, Gore brought O'Donnell to Athlone, where, with O'Connor Sligo, he made his humble submission. For this and other distinguished services. Gore was knighted, and, as alleged, got a grant "from the Queen ol the barony of Boylagh and Bannagh, of which he was in actual possession for some years until King James I. gnmted these lands to the Earl of Annandale, and in lieu thereof gave Sir Paul, 3rd January, 1610, a much inferior estate upon the plantation of Ulster, viz., 1,348 acres of escheated

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    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 275

43. Opposing O'Neill septs in baronies of Tyrone

    near Strabane · town · Tyrone · 1608

    John Leigh, sheriff of Tyrone in 1608, recorded that distinct septs of O'Neills in the baronies of Strabane, Omagh, and Clogher had always opposed the Earl of Tyrone and his sept. These internal divisions among the O'Neills, O'Quinns, and O'Hagans explain why certain native jurors cooperated with the English administration.

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    septs of the Neales [O'Neills], in divers parts of Tyrone, which ever did, and still do, as much as in them lieth, oppose both against Tyrone and all those of his proper sept and party, namely, in the barony of Strabane, Tyrloghe Oge O Neale, son to Sir Arthur O'Neale, and all his followers and dependents, as well of the Neales as of the Quinnes, and likewise of divers other septs on that [the Strabane] -side of Slewsheese. Also, in the barony of O'Meaghe [Omagh] all that sept of the Neales, called the Sleughte Artes, do deadly hate Tyrone's sept. And likewise in the barony of Clougher, are two other distinct septs of the' Neales who hate Tyrone and his septs ; one of which septs are the sons of Shan O'Neale and their followers." (See Calendar of the Carew AfSS., sixth series, p. 30.) On the forq^oing jury" list, we find the first name was that of Shane O'NeilPs eldest son, and the second name that of Sir Arthur O'Neill's eldest son, the other natives jurors being no doubt the followers of these two leaders, and, therefore, friendly to the interests of the English party.

    1 62 THE PLANTATION IN ULSTER.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 129

    As the companion tells it

    Strabane, in Tyrone. In 1608, John Leigh, sheriff of Tyrone, recorded that distinct septs of the O'Neills had always opposed the Earl of Tyrone and his own sept and party. In the barony of Strabane, there was Tyrloghe Oge O'Neale, son to Sir Arthur O'Neale, and all his followers and dependents, as well of the O'Neills as of the O'Quinns, and likewise of divers other septs on the Strabane side of Slewsheese. In the barony of Omagh, the sept of the O'Neills called the Sleughte Artes "did deadly hate" Tyrone's sept. In the barony of Clogher, two other distinct septs of the O'Neills hated Tyrone and his septs; one of these were the sons of Shane O'Neale and their followers. On the jury list, the first name was Shane O'Neill's eldest son, and the second was Sir Arthur O'Neill's eldest son. The other native jurors were no doubt the followers of these two leaders, and therefore friendly to the interests of the English party.

44. Phillips' ride from Coleraine to Dungannon after the Flight of the Earls

    near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1607

    On hearing of O'Neill's flight in September 1607, Sir Thomas Phillips rode from Coleraine through the wooded ways of Loughinshollin to Dungannon. He found the people amazed and ready to forsake their houses, but noted they were growing rich in cattle and had great plenty of corn that year.

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    . (67). Assites and sessions, — These 0*Quins and O'Hagans had been steady adherents of the £^1 of Tyrone, and could not, so easily as some others, bring themselves to accept the new order of things then introduced. They had followed their creaghting, though not tp the neglect of their crops ; and consulted their Brehons without much exciting the jealousies of sheriffs in Tyrone and Armagh, From the time of O'Neiirs surrender in t6o2, untU his flight, with O'Donnell, in 1607, these septs had evidently been among the leading cultivators of the soil, especially in Tyrone. At the latter crisis thev ajppear to have beien bewildered for a time by the '* flight, but continued their agricultural pursuits. Sir Thomas Phillips, on first hearing of that event, made an excursion from Coleraine, along the wooded ways of LougbinshoUin, as £u: as Dungannon. In a letter to Salisbury, dated Sept. 22* 1607, he refers to this journey, and expresses his surprise on witnessing the improved condition of that district even during the short interval above-mentioned. * 'Thought good," says he, '*for securing of the people to go from Coleraine as far as Dungannon, and going through the country the people met him, and were all amazed and ready to forsake their houses. Gave them the best counsel he could, which they promised to take, but there is no trust in them. The Lord Deputy has since sent them a proclamation which could not but satisfy them, if they were good subjects ; they now begin to grow rich, so that for the most part during peace they increase veiy fast in

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 181

45. Report of killing of Sheriff John Vaughan in Donegal

    Donegal · town · Donegal · 1610

    In May 1610, a Mr. Fox wrote from Dublin to Salisbury mentioning a report of the killing of Captain John Vaughan, Sheriff of Donegal, by a Scotchman in a sudden quarrel. Many Scotchmen were crowding into the region at the time, but Vaughan survived and went on to greater honours.

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    (224). Vauffhan. — A Mr. Fox, writing from Dublin to Salisbury, in May, x6io, mentions a report then in circulation "of the killing of Captain John Vaughan, the Sheriff of the county of Dunnagall, by a Scotchman, upon a sudden falling out between them." There were many Scotchmen crowding into that region at the date referred to, who would have made short work with English sheriffs, had circumstances required the practical use of the dirk ; but whatever happened in the case talked of, Vaughan survived, and was destined to enjoy still greater wealth and more distinguished honours than he had then' attained. He was afterwards created a knight, admitted a member of the Privy Council, and appointed governor of the city of Londonderry. His daughter and heir, Sydney Vaughan, married Sir Frederick Hamilton, youngest son of I>ord Paisley, who followed his brothers to Ulster in the year 1620, and whose representatives became the Viscounts Boyne. See IjfAgt^ Peerage^ edited by Archdall, vol. v., p. 174.

    324

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 265

46. Royal fishery of the Bann granted to Chichester

    near River Bann · river · Derry · 1608

    The inquisition at Limavady found the whole fishing of the river Bann above the Salmon Leap belonged to the King, who had granted it by patent to James Hamilton, who then assigned it to Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy of Ireland.

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    The results, therefore^ of this Inquisition were as satisfactory as those arising from the similar investigations at Armagh and Dungannon, and quite as much so as the King and his commissioners could have expected ; for the whole county of Coleraine, excepting the lands belonging to a few religious houses and the fishings of the river Bann, from Lough Neagh to the Salmon-Leap, were found for the King. Davys states in his Abstract that " there is no part of the temporal lands lying within this county granted to any person, but all remaineth in his Majesty's hands to be disposed of to undertakers, except the moiety of the royal fishing of the Ban." Of the abbey lands there were four balliboes, that had belonged to the abbey of Anagh, granted to Sir Toby Caulfield ; but this small quantity could be easily restored to the Church. The jurors at Limavaddie did, in conclusion, " finde and present, uppon their oathes, that all castles, manors, lands, tenements, and hereditaments whatsoever (the rents and dueties belonginge to the said archbushoppricke of Armagh, and all and singular abbaies, monasteries, priories, and religious houses, and the lands above mentioned to belonge thereunto, only excepted), are nowe, or lately came to the actual and reall possession of his Majesty by the said Act of attainder of Shane O'Neale and others, made in the eleventh yeare of the late Queen Elizabeth ; and lastlie, the said jurors doe, uppon their oathes, finde and present that the said King's Majesty that nowe is being seised in his demesne, as of fee, of and in the whole fishinge of the river of the Banne, above the salmon leape, did, by his letters patents, under the Great Seal of Irelande, give and grant the said fishinge unto James Hamilton, assignee of Thomas Ireland, who by deed assigned and conveyed the said fishinge unto the right honourable Sir Arthure Chichester, Knight, lord deputie generally of the realme of Irelande, and by the said conveyance Sir Arthure Chichester is nowe thereof seised in his demesne as of fee."

    IV.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 136

    As the companion tells it

    The River Bann runs through this country, and in 1608 its fishing rights became the subject of an inquisition at Limavady. The jurors there found that the whole county of Coleraine belonged to the King, with a few exceptions: lands belonging to religious houses, and the fishings of the river Bann from Lough Neagh to the Salmon Leap. Davys, in his Abstract, noted that no temporal lands within the county had been granted to any person. All remained in the King's hands, to be disposed of to undertakers, except what he called the moiety of the royal fishing of the Bann. The jurors presented on their oaths that all castles, manors, lands and hereditaments had come to the actual and real possession of his Majesty through the Act of attainder of Shane O'Neale and others, made in the eleventh year of the late Queen Elizabeth. They excepted only the rents and duties belonging to the archbishopric of Armagh, and all abbeys, monasteries, priories and religious houses. A small parcel of abbey land, four balliboes that had belonged to the abbey of Anagh, had been granted to Sir Toby Caulfield. But this, the record notes, could be easily restored to the Church. The jurors then found that the King, being seized of the whole fishing of the river Bann above the Salmon Leap, had by letters patent under the Great Seal of Ireland granted that fishing to James Hamilton, assignee of Thomas Ireland. Hamilton, by deed, assigned and conveyed the fishing to Sir Arthur Chichester, Knight, Lord Deputy of the realm of Ireland. By that conveyance, Chichester was now seized of it in his demesne, as of fee.

47. Sir Henry Sydney describes Donegal friary, 1566

    Donegal · town · Donegal · 1566

    During his 1566 journey to the north, Sir Henry Sydney noted the Observant Friars' house at Donegal as unspoiled, easily fortifiable at small cost, and well accommodated with nearby water, fair groves, orchards, and gardens.

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    destruction far more appalling." Tlie noble fouAder of this monastery, the lady Nuala, daughter of an 0*Conner, prince of Offaly, (and wife of that Hugh O'Donnell, whom the Four Masters assert niay " have been justly styled the Augustus of the North- West of Europe"), diea before its completion, and was interred in a vault constructed under th« grand altar (see p. 24). In 1 566, Sir Henry Sydney visited me north, and among his reflections and suggestions, afterwards recorded of that journey, is the following :— ** We left behind us a house of Observant Friars [Don^^al] unspoiled or hurt, and with small cost fortifiable, much accommodated with the nearness of the water, and with fair groves, orchards, and gardens, which are aboiit the same.'' In the library of this monastery was the famous Ubet Hp/iftorum^ which is believed to be over a thousand years old, and is a lasting monument, indeed,, of the exquisite penmanship, and especially of the philological attainments of an Irish monk [Camin], who " more than .eleven centuries ago in the little island of Iniscaltra on Lough Derg, was able to collate the vulgate with the Hebrew text, and enrich his work [copy] with a lucid interpretation of obscure words and passages." See Median's Franciscan MtmasterUs^ pp. 5, 255.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 89

    As the companion tells it

    In 1566, Sir Henry Sydney travelled through the north and left behind a note about Donegal. He found a house of Observant Friars there, "unspoiled or hurt, and with small cost fortifiable, much accommodated with the nearness of the water, and with fair groves, orchards, and gardens." The monastery had been founded by the lady Nuala, daughter of an O'Conner, prince of Offaly, and wife of Hugh O'Donnell, whom the Four Masters say may "have been justly styled the Augustus of the North-West of Europe." Nuala died before the monastery was finished and was buried in a vault under the grand altar. In the library of this monastery was a famous book, believed to be over a thousand years old, a lasting monument to the penmanship and philological attainments of an Irish monk named Camin. More than eleven centuries ago, on the little island of Iniscaltra on Lough Derg, Camin collated the vulgate with the Hebrew text and enriched his work with a lucid interpretation of obscure words and passages.

48. Sir Paul Gore's house from O'Boyle's castle ruins

    near Inishmore · island or archipelago · Fermanagh · 1611

    Sir Paul Gore built a house from the ruins of O'Boyle's old castle but was obliged to surrender it to George Murray Laird Broughton. He also owned additional 1,000 acres beyond his manor of Inismore or Carrick, and a residence called Machrebeg.

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    Gore, Paul, grant to, 335, 336 ; notice of, id. ; his two sons, Ralph and Arthur, founders of two noble houses, 492; Carew's account of in 161 1, 514; had built a house from the ruins of O'Boyle's old castle, which house he was obliged to surrender to Geoige Murray Laird Broughton, id,; owned 1,000 acres in addition to his manor of Inismore or Carrick, 525 ; Pynnar*s account of these additional lands does not record their names, id. ; his residence of Machrebeg, id*

    , Ralph, son of Sir Paul, died in 1642, 525.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog

49. Spanish Armada survivors captured at Lough Foyle

    near Lough Foyle · estuary · Derry · 1588

    Richard or Henry Hovenden captured several Spaniards from a vessel of the Spanish Armada wrecked in Lough Foyle. This event tied the Hovenden family to the O'Neill household through subsequent marriage and political alliances.

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    (96). Hovenden. — This 'fugitive* is styled 'gentleman' in the list of persons indicated after the * flight,' and was one of those exiles who afterwards returned to Ulster. He was no doubt son of either the Richard or Henry Hovenden, mentioned at p. 32, as having captured sevend Spaniards belonging to a vessel of the Armada wrecked in Lough Foyle, and there is as little doubt that he was the gentleman of this name married to the widow of Tirl^h, son of Sir Henry Oge O'Neill, of Kinard Castle. Henry Hovenden was thus step-father to tiie Sir Felim Roe O'Neill, who headed the outbreak in Ulster of 1641. His self-imposed exile with the Earl of Tyrone in 1607 soon appears to have become irksome. An agent of the English Government at Brussels^ named Sir Tnomas Edmonds, wrote to Salisbury in the November of 1607 — not more than two months after Hovenden's flight — that the latter had been surprised into that movement, " having had no manner of knowledge of Tyrone's resolution till the night before his departure," and that "he would be glad to return, if he hoped he might recover his means, and the favour of the State." On the joth of December, Edmonds reported that Hovenden had asstired him "there are many other gentlemen as innocent as himself of partaking in any of Tyrone's counsels, who have the like desire to return.'^ This appeal did not prevent the confiscation of Hovenden's property, although it probably led to his pardon and return to Ulster.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 198

50. St. Columba's church and grove at Derry

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1520

    O'Donnell, a prince of Tirconnell, wrote a life of St. Columba around 1520 describing the ruins of the saint's church at Derry and the nearby dense oak wood which Columba wished to be left standing. No vestige of these structures remains.

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    (51), Relighus houses, — The island of the Derry was occupied in early times by buildings exclusively of an ecclesiastical character, but of these structures not a vestige now remains. The most venerated among them was the church of St. Columba, the original position and form of which are described by O'Donnell, a prince of Tirconnell, who, in his days of seclusion, wrote a life of the saint, about the year 1520, when his church, although then in ruins, was still to be seen at Derry. Referring to the locality of this ancient building, O'Donnell says : — ** Many other signs and miracles were wrought by this servant of Christ [St. Columba] in the same place, in which he himself dwelt for a long time, and which he loved above every other ; and particularly that beautiful grove \Poiret '*the dense oak wood*] very near the monasteiy of Derry, which [the grove] he wished should be always left standing." Next to St. Columbus church in importance was that other adjoining it, and known as Temple More^ or the Cathedral Church, erected in 1164. The Annals of Ulster inform us that Temple More was 90 feet in length, and that the principal front and comer stones employed in its erection were prepared in forty days. *' These two churches, with the accompanying buildings, were situated adjacent to each other outside the present city wall, on the ground occupied by the Roman Catholic cnapel and cemetery ; but with the exception of the round-tower belfry, were partly destroyed by an explosion of gunpowder in 1568, and Anally by Docwra in 1600, for the purpose of employing their materials in the new works he was erecting. This tower survived till after the siege [1690], being marked on the maps or plans of that time as the ' Long Tower or Temple More ;' its site is still indicated by a lane called the Long Tower. In the charter of Derry it is called Colum-kille's Tower." Next came the Nunnety, which must have been built much earlier than the sixteenth century, — the date generally supposed, — ^as the building is mentioned at the year 1 1 34 by the Four Masters, who record the death of Bebinn, the daughter of MacConchaille, female erenach

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 324

51. Tullagha precinct: servitors get good land, natives get moor

    Tullyhunco · barony · Cavan · 1608–1620

    The precinct of Tullagha was allotted to servitors and natives. The south-eastern districts are picturesque with good land wholly appropriated by servitors, while the central and north-western districts given to natives consist of mountainous and moorish tracts retaining a wild and dismal appearance.

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    (73). Tullagha, — The south-eastern districts of this barony are picturesaue and attractive, containing generally very good land, which was wholly appropriated by the servitors ; but the central and north-western dbtricts, which fell to the lot of the natives, consist generally of mountainous and moorish tracts, which even now retain their wild and dismal appearance.

    (74). Balleconnel, — See p. 338. This proportion is called Becdlaconnell in an inquisition — (29) Car. I. — ^and is mentioned as having been let by Walter Talbott, on the 1st of September, 10 12, to John Tialbott of Agher, in the county of Meath, and Walter Brett of Dublin. Walter Talbott died on the 26th of June, 1625, and was succeeded by his son and heir, James Talbott, then only 10 years of age.

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 384

52. Norse settlements on Lough Foyle plundered

    near Lough Foyle · estuary · Derry

    Aedh Finiuliath, an Ulster Hy-Niall prince chosen monarch of Ireland, defeated the Norsemen in several battles and plundered and dispersed their settlements on Loch Faebhaill, now known as Lough Foyle.

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    Aedh Finiiliath, an Ulster Hy-Niall prince chosen monarch of Ireland, 14 ; defeated the Norsemen in several battles, ib. ; plundered and dispersed their settlements on Loch Faebhaill, now Lough Foyle, 14, 15.

    Aghagalla, the proportion and manor so called, 271, 272 ; Pynnar's account of, 515, 516; conjointly with the

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 500

53. Abbey of Clones restored to Irish proprietor MacMahon

    Clones · town · Monaghan

    After being let to Sir Francis Rush, the Abbey of Clones was ultimately restored to its Irish proprietor, Sir Brian McHugh Oge MacMahon. This reversal marked a rare instance of an Irish chief regaining a ecclesiastical property from Crown hands.

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    Sir Geoige in that service to send Sir Heniy Duke as sheriff of that country, to be placed in the abbey of Clones (which is your Majesty's, and himself your farmer there) iVith his own company of light foot, and a band of 100 foot more to be there in garrison." The abbey of Clones was afterwards let to Sir Francis Rush, but ultimately restored to the Irish proprietor, Sir Brian McHugh Oge Macmahon.

    ULSTER BEFORE THE PLANTATION. 57

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54. Agents view Derry and Lough Foyle for plantation

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1609

    The London agents viewed Derry, the river of Lough Foyle, and the Lifford, praising the sites, adjoining lands, and potential commodities. They assured Chichester that London would undertake the plantation on their report, valuing the fishings, lands, and woods at not less than £2,000 per year.

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    We have a more ample reference to their movements, however,in a letter of Chichester to Salisbury, written from "The Camp in Fermanagh, near Enishkeelyn, 18 September, 1609." His account of the four London traders is neither so graphic nor facetious as that of 1 )a^•^ s, but it is very much more interesting. " Sir Thomas Phillips," says Chichester, " with the four agents of London, came unto him likewise in the county of Coleraine. They landed at Knockfergus, and in their way from thence [to Limavaddy] they beheld Coleraine and the river of Banne Ijeneath the Leape ; they have now seen the Deny, the river of Loughfoyle, the Lyffer, and sundry jiarts adjoining ; and they like so well of the scites, the lands adjoining the rivers, and the commodities they think to raise by their purse and good husbandry, that they assure him the city of T/^ndon will really undertake the plantation upon the report they are to make, and that with cxi>cdition. If they should not, as he has often told them, they will be enemies to themselves ; for the fishings, lands, and woods, with toleration of custom and other privileges, which his Majesty has graciously proffered to them, are worth not less than 2,000/. a year as they now arc, and tlieir purse and industry will, within two or three years, improve them to double that vcduc. They came in a convenient time, when the people in each county made their appearance, declaring their obedience and submission to the law in a far better fashion than within these three years he ever expected to hav^ seen within this province, and if his good usage, and that of the council with him, could aid

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 301

55. Baron of Dungannon petitions for earldom of Tyrone

    near Dungannon · town · Tyrone · 1585

    In 1585, the Baron of Dungannon presented a supplication in Parliament to be recognized as Earl of Tyrone and to recover his grandfather's estates in Ulster. Queen Elizabeth I conceded the title but referred the land claims to the Deputy, asking for an inquisition to partition the territory between the Crown, the Baron, and rival O'Neill claimants.

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    The baron, evidently an ambitious gentleman, was determined that the earldom conferred on Con O'Neill by Henry VIII. should not lie much longer in abeyance, and also that the dismemberment of which " his peculiar and particular" followers complained should be healed as soon as possible. In the following year he memorialed to be admitted to the title and rank of earl of Tyrone, and to be restored to the estates of his ancestors in virtue of the grant made to his grandfather Con, in 1542. The title and rank of earl were conceded to the baron at once, and without hesitation ; but, as the estates had been vested in the crown by the act known as the nth of Elizabeth, the Queen required to be consulted before any grant of the entire family property could be made, or even promised to the petitioner. There were other important matters also to be considered, as the Queen herself explains in a letter to the deputy. Sir John Perrot, the substance of which is as follows: — "We understand by your letters of 30 June [15^5] that the baron of Dungannon presented in Parliament a supplication for his place of earl of Tyrone, and a petition for the lands of his grandfather in Ulster ; and that you did yield him the place of the earldom by virtue of letters patents, and referred him to us respecting his lands and superiority in Ulster, by reason of the act whereby Shane O'NeAle was attainted, and the whole territories of Ulster were invested in us. He [the baron] has since offered new articles for keeping a peace between him and his kinsmen. Cause inquisition to be made of the said lands, and thereupon devise : I., what parts of them should, for their strength, be kept in our possession ; II., what portions are meet for him to have ; and III., what portions may be kept by us limited in some special state tail for the sons of Tirlough Lenough, and the sons of Shane O'Neale, and of Henry M*Shane, and such others as have any colour of competitorship to the signority of the title of O'Neale ; the whole to be held of us in capite. He is to bear 200 soldiers. As he has had two wives, and children by them both, if the limitation be made to exclude his first children, as he desires, some controversy may hereafter

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 28

    As the companion tells it

    In 1585, Dungannon was where the Baron of Dungannon made his move. He was an ambitious man, determined to claim the earldom of Tyrone that Henry VIII had once conferred on Con O'Neill, his grandfather. He also wanted back the ancestral estates granted to Con in 1542, lands his followers complained had been dismembered. He brought a supplication to Parliament, asking to be admitted as Earl of Tyrone and restored to those estates. The title came easily. Sir John Perrot, the Deputy, yielded him the earldom by letters patent without hesitation. But the lands were another matter. They had been vested in the Crown by act of Parliament after Shane O'Neill was attainted, and the whole of Ulster's territories invested in the Queen. Elizabeth would not hand over the family property without careful thought. She wrote to Perrot, explaining what had to be done. An inquisition was to be made of the lands, and from it, three partitions devised. First, what parts should be kept by the Crown for their strength. Second, what portions were meet for the baron to have. Third, what portions might be held for the sons of Tirlough Lenough, the sons of Shane O'Neill, and of Henry M'Shane, and others with any claim to the O'Neill title. All was to be held of the Queen in capite. The baron was to bear 200 soldiers. There was a further complication. The baron had two wives, and children by both. He wanted the limitation made to exclude his first children. The Queen noted that some controversy might hereafter arise from that.

56. Bishop of Clogher boasts of church dilapidations to Wentworth

    near Clogher · town · Tyrone · 1630–1636

    When Deputy Wentworth informed the Bishop of Clogher that evil reports had reached Dublin about church dilapidations throughout the see of Clogher, the bishop answered that he knew it himself and gloried in it, accusing Erskine, Balfour, and others of oppression and hatred toward him for his zeal for the church and free schools.

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    though his son had married the bishop's daughter. When the Deputy Wentworth, on one occi^on, informed the bishop that evil reports had reached Dublin respecting churcn dilapidations throughout the see of Clogher, that meek prelate "answered that he knew so much himself, and was not ashamed of it, yea, that he gloried in it, male audire ex malts. He acknowledged that he was hated of divers of his countrymen, and namely, of the Lord Balfour and Sir James Areskine, and divers other of his countiymenhad sold themselves to work all wickedness, and were great oppressors of their neighbours, that for his zeal to the church and free schools, and his relief to his power of them that was wronged, was therefore hated of them, and for this cause they had stirred up some ambitious men, such as .were greedie of prefer* ment [among others Heniy Leslie, Dean of Down, afterwards Bishop of Down and Connor, and eventuaUy transferred to Meath], to detract him, and if they could, find cause to invade his estate ; but now he rejoiced that his Majesty had set such a governor [Wentworth] over them all, who would ere long know himself [the Bishop of Clogher] better, and his adversaries too, and what everie one was in their place. Soon after this the Lord Balfour was complained of by most of his neighbours, and there came so ja^ny and so dangerous complaints against him, that he shunned hU try^ and got

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57. Canning returns to Aghadowey amid plantation disorder

    Aghadowey · townland · Derry · 1615

    On George Canning's return to Aghadowey during the 1615 partial insurrection, the wretchedly disorganised state of the country immediately attracted his attention. The Londoners' lands throughout the county were being overrun by guerrilla bands who levied blackmail on English settlers.

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    If the Londoners were loudly and truly enough accused of keeping all the natives on their lands simply for their own selfish ends of procuring high rents and cheap labour, they suffered rather severely during the excitement produced by the partial insurrection of 16 15. Their lands, in fact, throughout the whole county, both before and after the discovery of the combination in that year, were overrun by guerilla bands, who levied black mail on all English settlers, and in some cases, perhaps, when resisted, did not scruple to commit even greater crimes. On Canning's return to Aghadowey, the wretchedly disorganised state of the country was the first question to attract his attention. Writing from *Ahgiave' [now Agivey], on the Bann, May 13, 16 15, he says: — " The newes here is nothing bui the contynuall troubles in theis partes, both by sea and land. Sir Thomas Phillips is now going from Colraine to sea with 3 or 4 smale Barkes after the pirates ; God speede him well (86V There were never sithence I came hither soe many kernes out in the

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 356

58. Captain Bowen's deception wastes Tyrconnell

    Tyrconnell · locality · Donegal · 1584

    Sir John Perrott sent Captain Bowen with 150 soldiers into Tyrconnell under pretext of helping O'Donnell maintain order. Bowen took ransom for pledges, surrendered four towns to an enemy of O'Donnell, and left Tyrconnell in uproar and utterly wasted.

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    " 2. In the rebellion of the late Earl of Desmond, Sir Turlaghe Lenaghe, the late O'Neale, sought by bribery to induce O'Donnell to join with him against her Majesty, and take part with the earl [of Desmond] that he might not be banished, which O'Donnell refused to do (52) ; though the reward that O'Donnell had for these and many other services was that Sir John Perrott, in the time of his government, sent Captain Boyne [Bowen] with 150 soldiers into Tireconnell under colour to help O'Donnell to set the country in good civility, to whom O'Donnell gave divers pledges, and four of the best towns for relief of his forces ; but he [Bowen] not only took ransom for the pledges and sent some of them to Dublin, but also surrendered the same towns to a supposed base son of Callough [Calvagh] 0*Donnell, named Hugh, the son of the dean of Galchoule [O'Gallagher], an utter enemy of O'DonnelL By this indirect dealing Tyrconnell grew then in uproar against O'Donnell, and was utterly wasted (53).

    " 3. The said Ldrd Deputy Perrott, desiring to suppress the same O'Donnell, did countenance the said Dean 0'Galcoule*s [O'Gallagher's] son against O'Donnell, and sent his letters of special favour with him to her Majesty, from whom he obtained a yearly pension. By O'DonnelFs

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 40

    As the companion tells it

    The road passes through Tyrconnell, in Donegal. O'Donnell had refused to join with Sir Turlaghe Lenaghe, the late O'Neale, who sought by bribery to induce him to take part with the late Earl of Desmond against her Majesty, that he might not be banished. The reward O'Donnell had for these and many other services was that in 1584, Sir John Perrott, in the time of his government, sent Captain Bowen with 150 soldiers into Tyrconnell under colour of helping O'Donnell set the country in good civility. O'Donnell gave Bowen pledges and four of the best towns for relief of his forces. But Bowen took ransom for the pledges and sent some of them to Dublin. He also surrendered the same towns to a supposed base son of Calvagh O'Donnell, named Hugh, the son of the dean of O'Gallagher, an utter enemy of O'Donnell. By this indirect dealing, Tyrconnell grew in uproar against O'Donnell and was utterly wasted. Lord Deputy Perrott, desiring to suppress the same O'Donnell, countenanced O'Gallagher's son against him and sent his letters of special favour with him to her Majesty, from whom he obtained a yearly pension.

59. Chichester's fortification priorities for key Ulster and Leinster towns

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1609

    From Armagh, Chichester drew up Briefs of Remembrance warning that key fortified towns in Ulster and Leinster were left very weak and needed special funding. He named Derry, Liffer, Ballyshannon, and Dungannon in Ulster, and Philipstown and Maryborough in Leinster, as places of principal import for keeping and governing the country.

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    In this document are the following sentences relating to efforts still to be made in Ulster, and expressive, at the same time, of hopelessness on the subject of plantation, unless more energy and greater self-sacrifice could be found for the work : — "Tyrone's return is lately bruited and by many expected, which has given fresh hopes to the discontented. If there be foreknowledge thereof, they must be enabled to encounter him upon his first arrival, otherwise he will soon grow great as well in force as in opinion. Confesses the King's charge here [in Ireland] is very great, and would feign [fain] abate it, but until the North be planted, and men's minds touching the point of Tyrone's coming better settled, it is neither safe nor convenient to advise it [retrenchment]. Care has been taken and some allowance made for fortifying and repairing some of the forts in Munster and that in Galway [against invasion by the fugitive earl]. The like will be had for others in Leinster and Ulster, according to a note lately sent over by him. If all be not presently granted, yet Phiiliptowne and Maryborough in Leinster, the Deny, Liffer, Balleshanon, and Dungannon, in Ulster, would specially be cared for. Something is done to the rest, but these being places of principal import for keeping and governing the country, are left very weak ; for these they want money to do them effectually. To patch them up were to small purpose. How well soever we wish the plantation of Ulster, according to the project laid down, yet he despairs to see it effectually ])erformed upon private men's undertaking ; for such an act must be the work of a commonwealth, and upon the common charge, towards which a subsidy or two were well given; and that (if he. be not deceived), will save many a subsidy in 40 years. If that be not liked of, let every parish in England contribute towards the planting of a man, two, or three, according to their circuit and abilities ; the men to be sons, or natives of the parish, but such especially to be chosen as are now in employment here, and next unto them old soldiers that have served. By this course towns will be fortified, houses built, men of valour and understanding enabled to plant there, who will defend their own, and make good what they have undertaken ; and the Irish will be put out of hope to weary or overmaster them [the planters], and towards so good a work he thinks every well-affected subject will contribute willingly."

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 130

    As the companion tells it

    In 1609, from Armagh, Lord Deputy Chichester drew up Briefs of Remembrance for the King. The news reaching him was that Tyrone's return was bruited and by many expected, which had given fresh hopes to the discontented. If there were foreknowledge of his coming, they must be enabled to encounter him upon his first arrival, otherwise he would soon grow great in force as in opinion. Chichester confessed the King's charge in Ireland was very great and he would fain abate it, but until the North was planted and men's minds touching Tyrone's coming better settled, retrenchment was neither safe nor convenient. Some care had been taken for fortifying and repairing forts in Munster and that in Galway. The like, he said, would be had for others in Leinster and Ulster. Philipstown and Maryborough in Leinster, and Derry, Liffer, Ballyshannon, and Dungannon in Ulster, would specially be cared for. These were places of principal import for keeping and governing the country, yet they were left very weak, and for these they wanted money to do them effectually. To patch them up, he said, were to small purpose. He despaired of seeing the plantation of Ulster effectually performed upon private men's undertaking, for such an act must be the work of a commonwealth and upon the common charge, towards which a subsidy or two were well given, and would save many a subsidy in 40 years. If that were not liked, he proposed every parish in England contribute towards planting a man, two, or three, according to their circuit and abilities, the men to be sons or natives of the parish, especially those now in employment in Ireland, and next to them old soldiers that had served.

60. Commissioners establish survey base at Dundalk, 1609

    Dundalk · town · Louth · 1609

    The plantation commissioners, accompanied by a military force, moved from Dublin to Dundalk on 31 July 1609 and remained there two days arranging their procedure. They planned to summon assizes in every county, swear grand juries, and select men from every barony to survey and map ecclesiastical and royal lands parish by parish.

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    |E have already mentioned the move of the commissioners, with their attendant military force, from Dublin to Dundalk, on the 31st of July, 1609, and also the preparations that had been previously made for their comfort on the northern journey (see p. 1 24), One of themselves, (i) fortunately, took the trouble of noting down the dates of their moving from place to place, and some other incidents connected with that memorable sojourn in Ulster. The heading of his notes is too pretentious, however, and calculated to excite higher hopes than readers are likely to realise. His paper is styled A Relation of the Proceedings of the Lord Deputy and the rest in Ireland^ front Z^ J^y ^^ 3^ September^ when the camp was discharged This title implies very much more than the scribe has performed ; but we are grateful in a case of this kind even for small mercies, and his notes, although meagre, will be interesting by the way.

    The commissioners, according to this ' Relation,' remained two days in Dundalk, and during that time were employed, principally, in arranging their subsequent course of procedure. ** In every county," we are told, " they were to summon the assizes, wereunto all people of any worth used to resort ; of whom they were to swear some for the grand jury \ others chosen of every barony for a jury of survey or inquiry what ecclesiastical lands, tenements, or hereditaments the clergy had in every parish within each county, and by what title ; what lands and tenements belonged to the King's Majesty ; and other articles prescribed from his Majesty. And, also, they agreed to select out of every barony men that were able to nominate, meere, and bound every parish, balliboe, or ballybetagh ; and these were to attend Sir Josias Bodley (2) and the surveyor (3), who were to make card [chart or map] of every country." Thus, in addition to the regular

    Internet Archive anhistoricalacc04hillgoog, Chapter 122