Name: The life of James, first duke of Ormonde, 1610-1688; (vol. 1)
Author: Winifred Anne Henrietta Christina Herbert Gardner Burghclere, Baroness (1864–1933)

Discovery of the 1641 plot to seize Dublin Castle

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1641

Conspirators assembled in Dublin on October 22, 1641, to finalise plans for seizing Dublin Castle. Owen O'Conally, having learned the plot from Colonel Hugh Oge Macmahon over a cup of beer, escaped after scaling walls, was arrested by city constables as a drunk wanderer, and eventually warned the Lords Justices at Chichester House. Sir Francis Willoughby then fortified the Castle and slept on the council table for a fortnight, never lowering the drawbridge except in the presence of the full guard.

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on the Castle, threatening him with instant death should he give the authorities a hint of the project. The exercise of no little cunning on O'Conally's part was consequently required before he could escape from Macmahon's house. His flight, involving the scaling of a palisade and two walls, was, in fact, a real achievement, since, to obtain Macmahon's full confidence, O'Conally had been obliged to share his cups. Neither were the fugitive's trials over when he gained the town. The city constables, finding a drunken man wandering about the streets, promptly arrested O'Conally, and but for the fortunate intervention of Parsons' servants, who were on the watch for his return, would have lodged him in prison. Moreover, when he found himself at Chichester House in the presence of the two Lords Justices and some other councillors — whom, on reflection, Parsons had hurriedly summoned from their beds — O'Conally was at first unable to speak coherently. After a few hours' rest, however, he regained possession of his senses, and was able to inform the Governors of the fate prepared for them and the kingdom on the following day. Meanwhile, Sir John Borlase, thoroughly scared by the story Parsons had related, persuaded his colleagues to take precautions. The Mayor and Sheriff were warned to patrol the town, the guard of the Castle was reinforced, watch was set on the confederates, and though the majority escaped, Macmahon and Maguire were made prisoners. Happily for the city and its inhabitants, Sir Francis Willoughby, the Governor of Galway, happened to arrive in Dublin. He was an experienced soldier, and at his urgent request the Lords Justices removed to the Castle, which Sir Francis fortified to the best of his ability. Nevertheless, for a fortnight he considered the situation so perilous that the drawbridge was never lowered save in the presence of the entire guard, and Willoughby himself refused to go to bed, sleeping on the council table, ever on the alert for a surprise. The alarm was not confined to the Castle. A panic pervaded the town. The apprehension of attack rapidly developed into an announcement that the rebels, ten thousand strong, were marching

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

Dublin, 1641. On October 22, conspirators gathered in this city to finalise plans for seizing Dublin Castle. The plot might have succeeded but for Owen O'Conally, who had learned it from Colonel Hugh Oge Macmahon over a cup of beer. Macmahon threatened him with instant death if he gave the authorities any hint. O'Conally had to win Macmahon's full confidence, which meant sharing his cups, so his escape, involving the scaling of a palisade and two walls, was a real achievement. His trials were not over when he gained the town. The city constables, finding a drunken man wandering the streets, arrested him. If not for the fortunate intervention of Parsons' servants, who were on the watch for his return, they would have lodged him in prison. At Chichester House, in the presence of the two Lords Justices and other councillors whom Parsons had hurriedly summoned from their beds, O'Conally could not at first speak coherently. After a few hours' rest he regained his senses and told the Governors of the fate prepared for them and the kingdom on the following day. Sir John Borlase, scared by Parsons' story, persuaded his colleagues to take precautions. The Mayor and Sheriff were warned to patrol the town, the Castle guard was reinforced, watch was set on the confederates. Most escaped, but Macmahon and Maguire were made prisoners. Sir Francis Willoughby, Governor of Galway, happened to arrive in Dublin. He was an experienced soldier, and at his request the Lords Justices removed to the Castle. Willoughby fortified it, and for a fortnight he considered the situation so perilous that the drawbridge was never lowered save in the presence of the entire guard. He refused to go to bed, sleeping on the council table, ever on the alert for a surprise. The alarm spread beyond the Castle. A panic pervaded the town, and the apprehension of attack developed into an announcement that rebels, ten thousand strong, were marching.

Sir Charles Coote hangs Father Higgins in Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1642

Father Higgins, sent to Dublin under Ormonde's protection after his capture at Naas, was seized by Sir Charles Coote, Provost Marshal and Governor of Dublin, and hanged at dawn without formality. Higgins died invoking blessings on Ormonde for his attempted protection, provoking Ormonde's furious protest in the Council Chamber.

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His innocence was unavailing. The Lords Justices had decreed that no quarter should be given to Roman Catholic clergy found abetting the rebels ; and in the actual temper of the army it was hard to preserve a priest or friar from the rigours of the ordinance. Higgins therefore besought Ormonde to send him to Dublin, where he was ready and anxious to abide his trial. His petition was granted. Such, however, was the savage mood of the Puritan troopers that this simple act of justice provoked a mutiny, the officer in charge of the captive was assaulted, and Ormonde had to strain his authority to the uttermost to rescue the unfortunate father, and to despatch him to Dublin. As he carried a warm recommendation from Ormonde to the Lords Justices, Ormonde had every reason to believe that Higgins ran no further danger. Unhappily, Sir Charles Coote, encouraged and applauded by Parsons and Borlase, was Provost Marshal as well as Governor of Dublin. A few weeks later, after some English successes had stiffened the Justices in their uncompromising attitude, Coote saw his chance, and pounced on Ormonde's protege} He acted so promptly that the Earl had no inkling of his design. Without formality or delay, in the early dawn of a March morning, the priest was dragged from prison and hanged.^ He died, with his last breath invoking the blessings of heaven on Lord Ormonde for his zealous, if ineffectual, attempts to shield him from harm.
The barbarity and insolence of Coote's proceedings provoked one of Ormonde's rare outbursts of anger, and the Council Chamber rang with his indignant protests. He told the Justices,

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

As the companion tells it

In 1642, Dublin was where Father Higgins met his end. Captured at Naas, he begged Ormonde to send him there to face trial. The Lords Justices had decreed that no quarter be given to Roman Catholic clergy found abetting the rebels, and Higgins wanted his day in court. Ormonde granted the petition, but the Puritan troopers were in savage mood. The officer escorting the captive was assaulted in a mutiny, and Ormonde had to strain his authority to the uttermost to rescue Higgins and despatch him to Dublin. He carried a warm recommendation from Ormonde to the Lords Justices, and Ormonde had every reason to believe Higgins ran no further danger. Sir Charles Coote, encouraged by Parsons and Borlase, was Provost Marshal as well as Governor of Dublin. After some English successes stiffened the Justices in their uncompromising attitude, Coote saw his chance and pounced on Ormonde's man. He acted so promptly that the Earl had no inkling of his design. Without formality or delay, in the early dawn of a March morning, the priest was dragged from prison and hanged. He died with his last breath invoking the blessings of heaven on Lord Ormonde, for his zealous, if ineffectual, attempts to shield him from harm. The barbarity and insolence of Coote's proceedings provoked one of Ormonde's rare outbursts of anger, and the Council Chamber rang with his indignant protests.

Battle of Benburb: O'Neill's rout of the Scots

Benburb · townland · Tyrone · 1646

On 5 June 1646, Irish Confederate forces under Owen Roe O'Neill defeated Scottish forces under Sir George Munroe at Benburb on the Blackwater. After four hours of fighting, Irish pikes proved superior in hand-to-hand combat; approximately 3,000 Scots were killed against only 72 Irish losses, though many prisoners were also butchered in cold blood and the Irish plundered the baggage waggons.

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It was calculated that three thousand Scottish corpses strewed the battlefield, while O'Neill lost only seventytwo men. Had it not been for the plundering propensities of the Irish, the carnage would have been greater, but while they rifled the baggage waggons some of the Scots escaped. At last the Ulstermen's greed was satiated by the vast booty ; nor can it be denied that they were ingenious bandits, for they turned even the captured colours to practical account, by cutting them up into hatbands and garters.
An episode of that memorable day gives us one of the rare flashes of romance to be found in the chronicles of the Irish war. The sons of the rival generals, Owen Roe O'Neill and Hector Munroe, two young men remarkable for similarity of appearance and stature, had long desired to measure themselves in single combat. Their ambition was now gratified ; Scots and Irish standing

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 51

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Benburb, on 5 June 1646, Owen Roe O'Neill's Irish Confederate forces met the Scots under Sir George Munroe on the Blackwater. Four hours of fighting ended in a rout. Irish pikes proved superior in hand-to-hand combat, and 3,000 Scottish corpses strewed the battlefield. O'Neill lost only 72 men. Many prisoners were butchered in cold blood. Yet the carnage could have been greater. While the Irish rifled the baggage waggons, some of the Scots escaped. The Ulstermen's greed was satiated by vast booty. They turned even the captured colours to practical account, cutting them up into hatbands and garters. One episode gives a rare flash of romance. The sons of the rival generals, Owen Roe O'Neill and Hector Munroe, two young men remarkable for similarity of appearance and stature, had long desired single combat. Their ambition was now gratified, with Scots and Irish standing by.

Bishop Bedell buried at Kilmore cemetery with Irish lamentations

Kilmore · townland · Cavan · 1642

Bishop Bedell was buried in the cemetery of Kilmore amidst the lamentations of the Irish, who fired volleys over his grave and cried 'Requiescat in pace, Ultimus Anglorum.' A Catholic priest exclaimed his wish that his soul might be with William Bedell.

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adoption. He was buried in the cemetery of Kilmore, amidst the lamentations of the Irish, who fired volleys over his grave, crying, " Requiescat in pace, Ultimus Anglorum." Perhaps his noblest funeral oration was the exclamation of a Catholic priest : " Oh ! that my soul to-day were with William Bedell."
The saintly Bishop of Kilmore is the most attractive figure of the Anglican Church in Ireland. On a humbler scale, if with not less earnestness, George Crichton, the vicar of Lurgan, showed himself worthy of his calling. Thanks to his Scottish blood, Crichton escaped the first fury of the rebels.^ Later, when all respect for his nationality had vanished, he was spared partly on account of his personal popularity, for " noe man ever lost a penny by him in the Bishop's Court, and none ever paid him what he did owe," and partly for his knowledge of farriery, which enabled him to save some valuable cattle belonging to Lord Fingall. Crichton could have escaped at an early period had he deserted his charge ; but as he was not plundered, he determined to remain and assist the refugees who were fleeing south. He explained to his wife and family that " their lives were nothing so much worth, as were the lives of those who should, undoubtedly, perish if we should fly and seeke only to save our own lives," ^ and with real heroism and practical good sense he set himself to organise the work of relief. Apart from the jealousy of the Irish, this was no easy task. The first batch of four hundred and fifty people from Newtown had not a knife amongst them to cut their food, and in their eagerness they fought and struggled over the viands. But thereafter the methodical minister had all in readiness for the passage of the fugitives. The kine were milked at dawn, and the milk boiled for the children and sick folk. Hay was prepared for bedj and turf for firing; and, finally, the meat was chopped up for distribution. For the wounded, too, there was good store of salve. In fact, Crichton considered it a special dispensation of Providence that like the

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Kilmore, Bishop William Bedell was buried in the cemetery in 1642. The Irish lamented him, firing volleys over his grave and crying, "Requiescat in pace, Ultimus Anglorum." He was called the saintly Bishop of Kilmore, the most attractive figure of the Anglican Church in Ireland. Perhaps his noblest funeral oration was the exclamation of a Catholic priest: "Oh, that my soul to-day were with William Bedell." On a humbler scale, George Crichton, the vicar of Lurgan, showed himself worthy of his calling with no less earnestness. Thanks to his Scottish blood, Crichton escaped the first fury of the rebels. Later, when all respect for his nationality had vanished, he was spared partly on account of his personal popularity, for no man ever lost a penny by him in the Bishop's Court, and none ever paid him what he did owe. He was also spared for his knowledge of farriery, which enabled him to save valuable cattle belonging to Lord Fingall. Crichton could have escaped at an early period had he deserted his charge, but as he was not plundered, he determined to remain and assist the refugees fleeing south. He explained to his wife and family that their lives were nothing so much worth as the lives of those who would undoubtedly perish if they should fly and seek only to save their own lives. With real heroism and practical good sense he set himself to organise the work of relief. The first batch of 450 people from Newtown had not a knife amongst them to cut their food, and in their eagerness they fought and struggled over the viands. Thereafter the methodical minister had all in readiness for the fugitives. The kine were milked at dawn, and the milk boiled for the children and sick folk. Hay was prepared for beds and turf for firing, and the meat was chopped up for distribution. For the wounded there was good store of salve.

St Leger berates Munster gentry at Clonmel

Clonmel · town · Tipperary · 1641

Munster gentry sought out Sir William St Leger, Lord President, at Clonmel to protest his indiscriminate hanging of innocent people. St Leger instead rated the assembled lords and gentlemen like curs, vowing they were all rebels and he would hang the best of them, which decided Munster's defection to the insurgents.

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Truly admirable as was the energy of this veteran of three score years and ten, his methods of pacification were hardly calculated to promote loyalty in a country honeycombed with disaffection. The loss of his relative Mr Kingsmills's flocks and herds goaded him to madness ; and in his rage, he imprisoned and hanged innocent people quite promiscuously." Dignitaries of the Anglican Church were driven to protest that their friends were proving their greatest enemies ; while St Leger's Catholic neighbours were filled with anger and alarm. The Munster gentry, following the example of Ormonde's brother-in-law. Lord Muskerry, who had actually offered to mortgage his estates for the equipment of a regiment of volunteers, had hitherto shown themselves staunch loyalists. They were, however, determined not to allow such doings to pass unchallenged, and sought out the Lord President at Clonmel for the purpose. But Sir William was in no mood to heed remonstrance. He rated the assembly of lords and gentlemen like a pack of curs, vowing " that they were all rebels, and he would not trust one soul of them, but thought it more prudent to hang the best of them." ^ This unfortunate tirade decided the destinies of Munster. Lord Muskerry, Lord Mountgarret, who exercised great influence in the district, and Ormonde's brother, Richard Butler of Kilcash, joined the insurgents and were imitated
' Carte, vol. v. p. 272. William St Leger to Ormonde, Clonmel, ilth December 1641.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

As the companion tells it

Clonmel, in Tipperary, was where the Munster gentry came to face Sir William St Leger, Lord President, in 1641. He was a veteran of 70 years, and his energy was admirable, but his methods of pacification did nothing to promote loyalty. The loss of his relative Mr Kingsmills's flocks and herds had goaded him to madness. In his rage he imprisoned and hanged innocent people promiscuously. Dignitaries of the Anglican Church were driven to protest that their friends were proving their greatest enemies. His Catholic neighbours were filled with anger and alarm. The Munster gentry had hitherto shown themselves staunch loyalists. Lord Muskerry, Ormonde's brother-in-law, had even offered to mortgage his estates to equip a regiment of volunteers. But they were determined not to let such doings pass unchallenged, and sought out the Lord President at Clonmel. Sir William was in no mood to heed remonstrance. He rated the assembly of lords and gentlemen like a pack of curs, vowing that they were all rebels, and he would not trust one soul of them, but thought it more prudent to hang the best of them. This tirade decided the destinies of Munster. Lord Muskerry, Lord Mountgarret, who had great influence in the district, and Richard Butler of Kilcash, Ormonde's brother, joined the insurgents.

Woman warrior discovered at Ballintober

Ballintober · townland · Roscommon · 1642

At the fight of Ballintober, English soldiers were astonished to discover that their most gallant adversary, who single-handedly held five assailants at bay, was a woman whose cap concealed long flaxen tresses.

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In such a conflict it is vain to seek the romantic or chivalrous incidents, which have elsewhere lent glamour to warfare. At the battle of Benburb, indeed, we hear of a single combat waged between young Henry O'Neill and Munroe, while the rival hosts held their hands to watch the fortunes of their respective champions. Again, at the fight of Balintober, the rough English soldiery were startled to find that the cap of their most gallant adversary, who single-handed had held five assailants at bay, concealed the long flaxen tresses of a dead woman.'- But the dreary monotony of the bloodstained chronicle is seldom broken by episodes of this kind. They are, in fact, almost as rare as any token of skilful strategy or inspired generalship in campaigns, where the battles were magnified skirmishes, and no commander showed talents approaching the first rank. Those, however, who, in spite of these drawbacks, still desire detailed information respecting the Irish civil wars, will find all engagements, sieges, marches, and countermarches set forth at length in Carte's great work. But since those annals hold scant attraction either for the student of human nature, or military science, only that portion which concerns the career of James Butler will find a place in these pages.
' Gilbert, "Aphorismical Discovery," part i. p. 129. " Borlase, p. 82.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Ballintober, in 1642, a fight took place that left English soldiers reeling from what they found on the ground. The rough soldiery had been pressing their attack when they met a foe who held five assailants at bay single-handed. This adversary fought with such gallantry that the men were astonished when the cap was knocked aside and long flaxen tresses spilled out. The most courageous opponent they had faced was a woman. She was dead by the time they saw her hair. The record that preserves this scene says little else about her. We do not know her name, how she came to be there, or what cause drove her into the fighting. The chronicle notes that such episodes were rare in the Irish civil wars, where battles were magnified skirmishes and no commander showed talents approaching the first rank. The bloodstained annals seldom broke their dreary monotony with anything like this. At Benburb, there had been a single combat between young Henry O'Neill and Munroe while the rival hosts held their hands to watch. But the woman at Ballintober stands alone. The soldiers who found her had no more to say.

Bishop Bedell imprisoned in Cloughouter Castle on Lough Oughter

Lough Oughter · lake or lakes · Cavan · 1641–1642

Bishop Bedell was imprisoned in Cloughouter Castle, a dismantled rotting tower in Lough Oughter, where driving rain and snow swept through unglazed windows. He survived only thanks to a fellow prisoner who crafted wooden shutters, but contracted a low fever and died on 7 February 1642.

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As time went on, however, even Bedell no longer escaped persecution. He was imprisoned in Cloughouter Castle, a small fortress in the midst of Loughouter.^ The hardships he experienced in this dismantled, rotting tower, where the driving rain and snow swept through the unglazed windows might well have tried a stronger constitution, and he would probably have died outright but for the presence of another prisoner. This man, who had begun his career as a journeyman carpenter, had accumulated a large fortune by his industry and talents. He now put his old trade to good account ; and his fellow captives had cause to bless his handiwork in the solid wooden shutters, which shielded them from the icy blasts of Loughouter. But although Bedell's life was prolonged, he contracted a low fever from which he did not rally, and on February the 7th, 1642, he passed away. His death revived the affection he had inspired in the land of his
* Reid, "Presbyterian Church," vol. i. p. 335 note. Bedell's letter in Latin to Swiney, Roman Catholic Bishop of Kilmore, nth No%'ember 1641.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

Lough Oughter is the lake you are passing near, and in the middle of it stands Cloughouter Castle, where Bishop Bedell was imprisoned. The tower was already dismantled and rotting. Driving rain and snow swept through the unglazed windows. A stronger constitution might have broken under it, and Bedell would likely have died outright but for another prisoner. That man had begun life as a journeyman carpenter, then built a large fortune through his industry and talents. Now he put his old trade to use. His fellow captives had cause to bless the solid wooden shutters he made, shielding them from the icy blasts of the lake. Still, Bedell's life was only prolonged. He contracted a low fever and did not rally. On the 7th of February 1642 he passed away. His death, the record says, revived the affection he had inspired in the land of his exile.

Drogheda massacre and death of Sir Edmund Verney

Drogheda · town · Louth · 1649

The storming of Drogheda produced scenes Ormonde described as making 'as many several pictures of inhumanity, as are contained in the Book of Martyrs.' Ormonde's dear friend Sir Edmund Verney, having survived the siege, was granted quarter but then enticed away and run through the body with a tuck.

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The tragedy of Drogheda — perhaps the only episode of Irish history minutely known to the average reader — fortunately does not come within the scope of this book. Nor is this the place to discuss its effects on Cromwell's reputation. It has been truly said that his responsibility for the massacre is harder to forgive because therein he foreswore, not the standards of a generation brutalised by the frequency of similar scenes, but his own ideals which had hitherto been so immeasurably superior.^ Ormonde had been ludicrously beside the mark in speaking of Oliver as a "new John of Leyden," but he was justified in describing the events at Drogheda " as making as many several pictures of inhumanity, as are contained in the Book of Martyrs, or the Relation of Amboyna."^ The element of personal bereavement entered into Ormonde's grief. Not only did his best troops perish in the storming of the city, but his dear friend. Sir Edmund Verney, was one of the victims of the subsequent butchery. This gallant gentleman, after passing unscathed through the perils of the siege, had, strange to say, been granted quarter when he was enticed away from Cromwell's presence, and run through the body with "a tuck." * Verney was bound by singularly close ties to Ormonde. Only recently in Paris,
' Gilbert, " Cont. History of Affairs," vol. ii. part ii. p. 452. Ormonde to Sir A. Aston, Tecroghan, 28th August 1649.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 57

As the companion tells it

The town of Drogheda saw one of the darkest episodes of 1649. When Cromwell's forces stormed the city, the killing that followed was such that Ormonde described it as making as many several pictures of inhumanity as are contained in the Book of Martyrs, or the Relation of Amboyna. Ormonde's best troops perished in the storming. So did his dear friend, Sir Edmund Verney. Verney had passed unscathed through the perils of the siege. He was granted quarter. But then he was enticed away from Cromwell's presence, and run through the body with a tuck. The book notes that Cromwell's responsibility for the massacre is harder to forgive because he foreswore not the standards of a generation brutalised by the frequency of similar scenes, but his own ideals, which had hitherto been immeasurably superior. Ormonde had been wrong to call Oliver a new John of Leyden, but he was justified in what he said of Drogheda. The element of personal bereavement entered into Ormonde's grief. Verney was bound to him by singularly close ties.

Lady Offalia defies rebels at Geashill Castle

Geashill · town · Offaly · 1642

Lady Offalia refused to surrender her Castle of Geasell in King's County to the rebels, declaring she would live and die innocently and defend her own, leaving the issue to God. Her reply illustrated the courage inspired by Irish treachery during the conflict.

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combatants and peaceful citizens that followed the taking of the Newry,^ inaugurated a terrible series of reprisals. Not only were the Scots cruel " for no other reason," as one of their own officers remarks, "than because man's wicked nature leads him to be soe," but they thirsted to avenge their countrymen's wrongs. To these savage enthusiasts Papist Ireland was none other than the " daughter of Babylon," denounced by the Psalmist ; and his aspiration, " Blessed shall he be that taketh thy children and throweth them against the stones," literally expressed their own sentiments towards the unhappy natives of Ulster. If educated gentlemen, nurtured in traditions of humanity, were demoralised by the conditions of guerilla warfare, the conduct of semi-barbarian fanatics may be more easily realised than described. The Celtic convoys, entrusted with the protection of English prisoners, who had capitulated on articles of war, too often became the butchers of their charges. Irish treachery, in fact, defeated its own objects, for it inspired even women with the courage of despair. In reply to a summons to surrender her Castle of Geasell in King's County, Lady Offalia told the rebels plainly :
" I thank you for your offer of a Convoy, wherein I hold little safety ; and therefore my resolution is. That being free from offending His Majesty or doing any wrong to any of you I will live and die innocently, and will do my best to defend my own, leaving the issue to God."-

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

The road takes you through or near Geashill, a town in what was once King's County. In 1642, during the conflict that spread across Ireland, this place saw an act of defiance. Lady Offalia held the Castle of Geasell here, and the rebels sent word demanding she surrender it. They offered her a convoy for her safety. She would have none of it. Her reply to the rebels was this: "I thank you for your offer of a Convoy, wherein I hold little safety; and therefore my resolution is, That being free from offending His Majesty or doing any wrong to any of you I will live and die innocently, and will do my best to defend my own, leaving the issue to God." The wider war had seen terrible things. Celtic convoys, entrusted with the protection of English prisoners who had capitulated on articles of war, too often became the butchers of their charges. Irish treachery, in fact, defeated its own objects, for it inspired even women with the courage of despair. Lady Offalia's reply was one such answer.

Lady Ormonde's ordeal in Dublin: famine, pestilence, and defence

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1641–1647

During six years in Dublin, Lady Ormonde endured pestilence and famine, lost three infants, and personally toiled at the city's defences as wife of the Chief Governor. She never blenched in peril and consistently showed charity and pity.

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had both been born in the same room of the same house (Lady Fanshawe's father having hired Lord Dingwall's mansion for the occasion), Lady Fanshawe possessed peculiar claims on her affection. Nevertheless, we may be sure that Sir Richard Fanshawe's wife was not single in receiving turquoise and diamond bracelets, " and fasset and diamond rings " from Lady Ormonde. Nor, although she revelled in the bestowal of "keepsakes," and never failed to feed the hungry and clothe the naked, must it be imagined that the Marchioness of Ormonde was heedless of her own concerns, domestic and mundane. There was nothing of the ascetic or altruist in the excellent woman. Like the "dainty ankled Theugenis" of Theocritus, Elizabeth Ormonde very emphatically cared " for all the things that wise matrons love," which somewhat comprehensive catalogue, at this particular juncture, included a suitable coach. With her own hands, Lady Ormonde had toiled at the defences of Dublin. Such an example, she conceived, was due from the wife of the Chief Governor. Now, she was equally determined that not a jot or tittle of the decencies appertaining to their station, and compatible with their straitened fortunes, should be lacking to her lord and herself, when they took up their abode in London. The purchase of a coach ranked accordingly amongst the first preparations for their future existence which she made on leaving Ireland. Its choice she delegated to one Stephen Smith, who, it is clear, fully realised the serious nature of his responsibilities, although he found it no small problem to reconcile the scanty sum available, with his own and his patroness's standard of smartness. And he was mightily relieved when an old acquaintance, Phelps by name, formerly carriage builder to Lord Treasurer Weston and my Lord of Strafford, agreed to undertake the job and to allow "i^ioo for what he hath had from my Lord." Smith devoutly hoped that Phelps "would deal honestly in the business," but from the items — all of prime necessity — which he enumerates, the ordering of a nobleman's chariot in the year of grace 1647 was evidently no small business.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 54

As the companion tells it

Dublin, between 1641 and 1647, was a city under siege, and Lady Ormonde lived through all of it. Elizabeth, Marchioness of Ormonde, wife of the Chief Governor, spent six years here, and they were years of pestilence and famine. She lost three infants in that time. She never blenched in peril, and she never failed to feed the hungry and clothe the naked. With her own hands she toiled at the defences of Dublin. She believed the example was due from the wife of the Chief Governor, and she set it herself. She was no ascetic. She cared, as the book says, for all the things that wise matrons love. She gave keepsakes to those close to her, turquoise and diamond bracelets, fasset and diamond rings, to Lady Fanshawe among others. She was determined that not a jot or tittle of the decencies of their station should be lacking, compatible with their straitened fortunes. When the time came to leave Ireland for London in 1647, the purchase of a coach ranked among her first preparations. She delegated the choice to one Stephen Smith, who found it no small problem to reconcile the scanty sum available with his patroness's standard of smartness. He was mightily relieved when an old acquaintance, Phelps by name, formerly carriage builder to Lord Treasurer Weston and my Lord of Strafford, agreed to undertake the job. Smith devoutly hoped that Phelps would deal honestly in the business. The ordering of a nobleman's chariot in 1647 was evidently no small business.

Mob violence at Limerick against herald of Peace

Limerick · city · Limerick · 1646

At Limerick, influential merchants welcomed the herald, and the mayor and corporation supported proclaiming the Peace, but a mob incited by friar Dominick Fanning attacked the mayor, imprisoned him, and hunted the herald and his companions from room to room. The pursuivants were grievously wounded and detained in prison until the Nuncio permitted their release.

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The raging mob led by friars yelling, " Kill ! Kill ! Kill ! I will absolve ye ! " hunted the little band from room to room. Only by a strategem, did Ulster finally escape with his life. Like himself, his pursuivants were grievously wounded and were detained in prison until the Nuncio graciously permitted their release.
Rinuccini did not merely command the services of the clergy and the rabble. In Owen Roe O'Neill he had acquired a powerful auxiliary. The Nuncio's first step, on learning the declaration of Peace, had been to send the General ;^4,ooo ; and, although Ormonde strove to detach O'Neill from Rinuccini by promises of honours and emoluments, his efforts were fruitless. Preston returned ambiguous answers to both sides ; but, as he had proclaimed the Peace in his camp, and was closely related to the leading Ormondists, it seemed probable that he would keep faith with the Lord-Lieutenant.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

As the companion tells it

In 1646, Limerick became the scene of a violent assault on a herald of Peace. Influential merchants welcomed the herald, and the mayor and corporation supported proclaiming the Peace. But a mob incited by friar Dominick Fanning attacked the mayor and imprisoned him, then hunted the herald and his companions from room to room. The friars led the mob, yelling, "Kill! Kill! Kill! I will absolve ye!" Only by a stratagem did Ulster escape with his life. His pursuivants were grievously wounded and detained in prison until the Nuncio graciously permitted their release. Rinuccini had not merely commanded the clergy and the rabble. In Owen Roe O'Neill he had acquired a powerful auxiliary. On learning the declaration of Peace, the Nuncio sent the General. Ormonde strove to detach O'Neill from Rinuccini by promises of honours and emoluments, but his efforts were fruitless. Preston returned ambiguous answers to both sides.

Battle of Letterkenny and execution of Henry O'Neill

Letterkenny · town · Donegal · 1650

Emer M'Mahon and his troops were overthrown at Letterkenny, after which the Bishop, Henry O'Neill, and other officers were executed by Sir Charles Coote despite quarter having been granted. A prophecy predicting the ruin of the Gael near Letterkenny and a warning from a woman in white were both disregarded.

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June the 25th, and Carlow followed its example on the 24th of July. Incomparably the most calamitous event, however, that befell the Irish cause was the overthrow of Emer M'Mahon and his troops at Letterkenny. After this defeat, and the subsequent executions of the Bishop, Henry O'Neill, and other officers, the northern army degenerated into a mere guerilla rabble. The disaster fully justified Ormonde's mistrust of surpHced soldiers. M'Mahon's entire staff had besought him to refuse the unequal contest with Sir Charles Coote, but he was deaf alike to their experience and to all ghostly warnings. As was fitting, indeed, in that supreme tragedy of the Irish race, signs and wonders were not lacking. A prophecy once uttered by " a prime saint," predicting the ruin of the Gael near Letterkenny was recalled, only to be disregarded by the headstrong prelate.^ Nor did he give more heed to " a woman of uncommon stature, all in white," who foretold the swift death awaiting him and his people if they persisted in crossing the river.^ He treated soothsayers and military council with an equal disdain. To the latter, in fact, he used such " corrosive language " that they indignantly withdrew their opposition, paying with their lives for the churchman's recklessness.^
The execution, some days after the battle, of Henry O'Neill is not the least stain that rests on the memory of Sir Charles Coote. A short year before, young O'Neill had come to Coote's relief at Derry, and the two men had then interchanged more than the courtesies usual between honourable antagonists. In spite of quarter granted, Coote now condemned his former deliverer to death. It is said that the young man did not submit to the infamous sentence without a protest. He recalled to his judge, not only the invaluable help he had afforded him, but the demonstrations of affection of which Coote had so lately been prodigal. He reminded Sir Charles that at Derry he had been " his own sweet brother Harry,

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 58

As the companion tells it

Letterkenny in Donegal is a town the road passes through, and in 1650 it was the scene of one of the worst disasters the Irish cause suffered. Emer M'Mahon led his troops into battle here against Sir Charles Coote, and the result was their complete overthrow. After the defeat, the northern army collapsed into little more than a guerilla rabble. M'Mahon's entire staff had urged him to refuse the unequal contest, but he listened to no one. A prophecy once uttered by a prime saint, predicting the ruin of the Gael near Letterkenny, was recalled and disregarded. A woman of uncommon stature, all in white, foretold the swift death awaiting him and his people if they persisted in crossing the river. He gave her no more heed than he gave his officers. He used such corrosive language toward his own staff that they indignantly withdrew their opposition, and paid with their lives for the churchman's recklessness. Some days after the battle, the Bishop, Henry O'Neill, was executed by Sir Charles Coote. Quarter had been granted, but Coote condemned his former deliverer to death. A short year before, young O'Neill had come to Coote's relief at Derry, and the two men had exchanged more than the courtesies usual between honourable antagonists. O'Neill did not submit without a protest. He recalled the invaluable help he had afforded Coote and the demonstrations of affection Coote had so lately been prodigal of. He reminded Sir Charles that at Derry he had been, in his own words, "his own sweet brother Harry."

Archbishop of Tuam killed outside Sligo, treaty discovered

Sligo · town · Sligo · 1645

On 17 October 1645 the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam was killed in a skirmish outside Sligo. The Scots who slew him rifled his pockets and discovered a copy of Glamorgan's secret treaty with the Supreme Council, a revelation that eventually reached Dublin and triggered accusations of high treason.

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It was Christmas Eve when Glamorgan arrived in the capital. But he was not destined to pass the festive season in an atmosphere of peace and goodwill. On the 17th of October the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam had met his death in a skirmish outside Sligo ; and the Scots, who killed him, in rifling his pockets, discovered a copy of Glamorgan's Treaty with the Supreme Council, It is strange that the Covenanters did not make their sensational revelation earlier. Not until December the 22nd did a copy of the document reach Digby. He was aghast. On the 26th of December the Privy Council was called together, and Digby, honestly convinced that Glamorgan's commission was an impudent forgery, accused the Earl of high treason,^
The scene that ensued must have been singularly dramatic, for Glamorgan instantly retorted " that he had done nothing without the privity of the Lord-Lieutenant." When we remember the composition of the Irish Council, and the suspicions many extreme Protestants had long harboured against him, it will be seen that had Ormonde not borne a character for unblemished veracity his position would have been intolerable. His admirable self-control also stood him in good stead.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 48

As the companion tells it

The town of Sligo was the scene of a discovery that shook Dublin. On 17 October 1645, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam met his death in a skirmish outside the town. The Scots who killed him rifled his pockets and found a copy of Glamorgan's secret treaty with the Supreme Council. It is strange that the Covenanters did not make their revelation earlier. Not until 22 December did a copy of the document reach Digby. He was aghast. On 26 December the Privy Council was called together, and Digby, honestly convinced that Glamorgan's commission was an impudent forgery, accused the Earl of high treason. The scene that ensued must have been dramatic, for Glamorgan instantly retorted, in the words of the source, "that he had done nothing without the privity of the Lord-Lieutenant." Had Ormonde not borne a character for unblemished veracity his position would have been intolerable. His self-control also stood him in good stead.

Bishop Bedell's house at Kilmore as sanctuary for English refugees

Kilmore · townland · Cavan · 1641

During the 1641 rebellion, Bishop Bedell's dwelling at Kilmore became a refuge for fugitive English settlers suffering from cold and hunger. He spent his remaining substance relieving them, and the community sustained itself with Scripture reading, daily prayers, and psalm singing.

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Mad with aquavitae, blood, and pillage, the native Irish yet never wholly unlearnt their reverence for Bishop Bedell. Alone of all his race, the good man was, at first, permitted to inhabit his own house, where he spent himself and the remnant of his substance in relieving the poor English.^ Indeed, his dwelling was a true sanctuary, the Bishop " standing in the breach between the living and the dead." After the torments of cold and hunger they had endured, the fugitives regarded a bed of clean straw in an outhouse, and a portion of the boiled wheat, which had escaped the rebels' rapacity, as a return to ease and plenty. Bedell's saintly conversation and magnetic courage proving scarcely less precious and sustaining. A letter of
^ Sir J. Temple, " History of the Irish Rebellion," p. 59. ^ Borlase, appendix p. 133. Dr Maxwell's Deposition. 3 "Bishop Bedell's Life," p. 176.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Kilmore, in 1641, Bishop Bedell's house became a refuge. The native Irish, mad with drink, blood, and pillage, still held Bedell in reverence. He alone was allowed to remain in his own home. There he spent all he had left relieving the poor English fugitives who came to him suffering from cold and hunger. His dwelling was a true sanctuary. He stood, as the record says, "in the breach between the living and the dead." After what the fugitives had endured, a bed of clean straw in an outhouse and a portion of boiled wheat that had escaped the rebels' plunder felt like ease and plenty. Bedell's saintly conversation and his courage sustained them scarcely less than the food and shelter.

Coote's punitive raid on Wicklow

Wicklow · townland · Wicklow · 1641

Sir Charles Coote marched to relieve Wicklow Castle at the head of a regiment of stripped settlers. The rebels fled to the mountains, but the townsfolk were massacred without distinction of sex or innocence, with Coote reportedly approving of atrocities against infants.

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Amongst the chief losers by the Irish rising was Sir Charles Coote. Originally a soldier of fortune, he had turned to good account the wardships and grants of property, which had fallen to his lot in Connaught and Queen's County. At Mountrath, he had iron works where he employed over six hundred workmen. On every ton of metal he shipped down the river in the rude " cots " or coracles of the country, he made a profit of £6 to £"]? The outbreak of the rebellion was a deathblow to this lucrative industry. Naturally of a sour, rough temper, he needed no incentive to severity ; and now, in his fury, he was disposed to hold every Irishman responsible for the destruction of his estate."* Sir Charles was an able officer, but he had served his apprenticeship to arms in the campaigns of Tyrone and Mountjoy, and had unlearnt none of the evil maxims of that merciless war. Indeed, if we are to credit half the stories told of his delight in carnage, he fully earned his nickname of the " Raven." * Such was the man to whom, at this critical juncture, Parsons entrusted the command of a punitive expedition. At the head of a regiment, recruited from the " poor stripped settlers," all burning to avenge their sufferings, Coote marched to the relief of Wicklow Castle. He executed his task. The rebels fled to the mountains ; and the wretched townsfolk, without distinction of sex, and, as the Irish averred, without distinction of innocence or
^ " Aphorismical Discovery," vol. i. p. 24. ^ Carte, vol. ii. p. 90.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

As the companion tells it

Somewhere around here, in 1641, Sir Charles Coote led a punitive expedition to relieve Wicklow Castle. Coote was one of the chief losers in the Irish rising. A soldier of fortune, he had turned to good account the wardships and grants of property that fell to him in Connaught and Queen's County. At Mountrath, his iron works employed over 600 workmen, and every ton of metal he shipped down the river in the rude cots or coracles of the country earned him a profit of £6. The rebellion was a deathblow to that lucrative industry. He was a man of sour, rough temper, and now, in his fury, he held every Irishman responsible for the destruction of his estate. He was an able officer, trained in the campaigns of Tyrone and Mountjoy, and he had unlearnt none of the evil maxims of that merciless war. If half the stories told of his delight in carnage are credited, he earned his nickname of the Raven. Parsons entrusted him with the command of this punitive expedition. At the head of a regiment recruited from the poor stripped settlers, all burning to avenge their sufferings, Coote marched to relieve Wicklow Castle. He executed his task. The rebels fled to the mountains. The wretched townsfolk were massacred without distinction of sex, and, as the Irish averred, without distinction of innocence. Coote reportedly approved of atrocities against infants.

Cromwell's siege and assault on Kilkenny

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1650

Cromwell personally assisted at the siege of Kilkenny in March 1650. The New Model troopers were twice driven back at the breach near Ormonde's stables, and only the treachery of the townsmen forced Sir Walter Butler to accept generous terms. Cromwell told the garrison he had lost more men there than at Drogheda.

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If Cromwell suffered a check before Kilkenny, elsewhere his arms were uniformly victorious. During the next two months, almost every stronghold south, east, and north fell to himself or his lieutenants. In that part of Tipperary, where the Commander-in-Chief directed operations, only Clonmel and Kilkenny still defied his efforts. And on March the 28th Kilkenny hauled down the royal flag, although, not before the garrison and its commander, Sir Walter Butler, had given a glorious account of their trust. Cromwell assisted in person at the siege of Kilkenny. On the 23rd of March he summoned the place. On the following day, only to be repulsed with loss, he attacked the " Irish town," that iron-grey mass of spires, cabins, houses, and convents huddled around the old Butler stronghold. By daybreak on the 25th, Ormonde's stables, situated between the gate and rampart, were riddled by the English artillery, and at midday the breach was wide enough for an assault. But in the gap, to-day a lawn and the haunt of cooing pigeons, who sun and preen themselves in the security of an apparently immemorial peace, the New Model troopers were confronted by soldiers every whit their match. Twice was the tide of the godly driven backwards. When the trumpets sounded the third time, the assailants refused to answer to the call. Cromwell would then and there have raised the siege, but the mayor and population had nothing of Butler's heroic spirit, and, betrayed by his own people. Sir Walter was forced to accept the generous terms offered by Cromwell.^ When the garrison marched out, Oliver told them,
" that they were gallant fellows ; that he had lost more men at that place than he had in the storming of

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 58

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny is the city you are passing through or near. In March 1650, Cromwell came here himself to besiege it. Only Clonmel and Kilkenny still defied him in that part of Tipperary where the commander-in-chief directed operations. On the 23rd of March he summoned the place. The next day he attacked what was called the Irish town, that iron-grey mass of spires, cabins, houses, and convents huddled around the old Butler stronghold, only to be repulsed with loss. By daybreak on the 25th, Ormonde's stables, situated between the gate and rampart, were riddled by the English artillery, and at midday the breach was wide enough for an assault. But the New Model troopers were confronted by soldiers every whit their match. Twice the tide of the godly was driven backwards. When the trumpets sounded the third time, the assailants refused to answer the call. Cromwell would then and there have raised the siege, but the mayor and population had nothing of the heroic spirit of the garrison's commander, Sir Walter Butler. Betrayed by his own people, Sir Walter was forced to accept the generous terms Cromwell offered. The royal flag came down on the 28th of March. When the garrison marched out, Oliver told them they were gallant fellows, and that he had lost more men at that place than he had in the storming of Drogheda.

Gentry of Meath meet at Tara to defy Lords Justices

Tara · parish · Meath · 1641

On 22 December 1641, the Catholic gentry of Meath gathered at Tara to compose their final answer to the Lords Justices, refusing to trust themselves within the Governor of Dublin's reach and offering to treat at a safe location. This defiance effectively flung down the gage of battle and led to the formation of the Catholic Confederation.

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It was at Tara on December the 22nd that the gentry of Meath indited their final answer to the Lords Justices.^ They declined to trust themselves within the Governor of Dublin's sphere, since he manifestly " preferred the execution of his own designs before the public faith." But they offered to treat with any commissioners the Lords Justices might send to a place beyond the reach of his attacks. The gage of battle was now definitely flung down. Parsons and Borlase were not slow to raise it. Without any reference to the Home Government, they peremptorily refused to lower the dignity of the State by negotiating with rebels ; and thus the Catholic Confederation came into being.
The alliance of the Anglo-Irish gentry and the Ulster Celts led to a more methodical system of waging war on the British Government. Lord Gormanstone was appointed General-in-Chief, Lord Fingall, Commander of the Horse. A regular blockade of Dublin was instituted ; and each considerable district was assigned to a gentleman who, through his inferior officers, organised the levy of men and provisions.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

As the companion tells it

The parish of Tara saw a decisive act of defiance on 22 December 1641. The Catholic gentry of Meath gathered here and drew up their final answer to the Lords Justices. They refused to trust themselves within the Governor of Dublin's reach, because he, in their words, "preferred the execution of his own designs before the public faith." But they offered to treat with any commissioners the Lords Justices might send to a place beyond his attacks. The gage of battle was flung down. Parsons and Borlase were not slow to raise it. Without reference to the Home Government, they refused to lower the dignity of the State by negotiating with rebels. And so the Catholic Confederation came into being. The Anglo-Irish gentry and the Ulster Celts formed an alliance. Lord Gormanstone was appointed General-in-Chief, Lord Fingall Commander of the Horse. A regular blockade of Dublin was instituted, and each considerable district was assigned to a gentleman who, through his inferior officers, organised the levy of men and provisions.

Lady Ormonde rebuilds Dublin fortifications (1646)

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1646

As a Confederate army gathered to besiege Dublin, the city's magazines were bare and trenches had fallen into disrepair. Lady Ormonde led a band of noble ladies in carrying baskets of earth to rebuild the fortifications, shaming idle townsfolk into joining the work. The scarcity of all provisions in Dublin, however, made the city's eventual fall seem certain.

Read the passage

was in no condition to stand a siege.^ The magazines were bare of stores, and owing to the citizens' neglect the very trenches had fallen into disrepair. But gangs of townsfolk were now organised. And the idle were put to shame by Lady Ormonde, who, at the head of a band of noble ladies, herself carried baskets of earth to rebuild the fortifications. It was more difficult to remedy the want of munitions in Dublin. Ormonde devoted a couple of thousand pounds which he had collected from his tenants during his last stay in Kilkenny, to the work of defence, but the sum was inadequate. Indeed, although it was possible that the new earthworks might temporarily arrest O'Neill, the scarcity of all provisions in Dublin made his eventual triumph certain. In these circumstances, Ormonde determined to surrender the capital to the English Parliament, rather than to the Nuncio. He saw no other means of preserving the lives and liberties of his fellow Protestants, the English laws, and the supremacy of England. Since he himself had contrived to hold Dublin against fearful odds, it was only too probable that when it was adequately manned and victualled, the town would become virtually impregnable. Then, in the Elizabethan phrase, it might well prove a convenient " back door" for the invasion of England. To us, such an alarm may appear wholly visionary. But to understand the fears that haunted our forefathers we should remember that although the bubble of Spain's military greatness was pricked at Rocroy, the world did not at once realise the change, and that neither Rome nor Spain had recanted their maxims and methods regarding national conversions. Ormonde saw that Diego della Tolle, the Spanish agent, was the Nuncio's closest ally and his most generous banker. By acting in concert, the churchman and diplomatist would experience little difficulty in discovering some prince who would at once be Ireland's titular protector, the mouthpiece of the Vatican, and the tool of Spain. For all his royalist sympathies, the cavalier Marquis preferred the rule of the Roundhead to that of Rinuccini.
1 Carte, vol. iii. p. 268.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

As the companion tells it

Dublin in 1646 was in no condition to stand a siege. The magazines were bare of stores, and through the citizens' own neglect the very trenches had fallen into disrepair. A Confederate army was gathering to besiege the city, and the defences had to be rebuilt in a hurry. Gangs of townsfolk were organised for the work, but the idle among them were put to shame by Lady Ormonde. At the head of a band of noble ladies, she herself carried baskets of earth to rebuild the fortifications. Whatever shame those idle townsfolk felt, it was harder to remedy the want of munitions. Ormonde devoted a couple of thousand pounds he had collected from his tenants during his last stay in Kilkenny to the work of defence, but the sum was inadequate. The new earthworks might temporarily arrest O'Neill, but the scarcity of all provisions in Dublin made his eventual triumph certain. In these circumstances Ormonde determined to surrender the capital to the English Parliament rather than to the Nuncio. He saw no other means of preserving the lives and liberties of his fellow Protestants, the English laws, and the supremacy of England. He had contrived to hold Dublin against fearful odds himself, and it was only too probable that when the town was adequately manned and victualled it would become virtually impregnable. In the Elizabethan phrase, it might prove a convenient back door for the invasion of England. Ormonde saw that Diego della Tolle, the Spanish agent, was the Nuncio's closest ally and his most generous banker. For all his royalist sympathies, the Marquis preferred the rule of the Roundhead to that of Rinuccini.

Lord Kildare burns Cashel Church with Archbishop inside

Cashel · town · Tipperary · 1485–1509

Lord Kildare was accused of burning Cashel Church during the reign of Henry VII. When challenged, he swore he would never have done it had he not been told the Archbishop was within, an admission that amused the King since the Archbishop was one of his busiest accusers present.

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- "By Jesus" quoth he, " I would never have done it, had it not beene told mee that the Archbishop was within ! And, because the Archbishop was one of his busiest accusers there present, merrily laughed the King at the plaineness of the man to see him alleadge that intent for excuse, which most of all did aggravate his fault." — Campion, " History of Ireland," p. 158.
^ "Die irische Kirche war ferner eine Klosterkirche. Eine zentralistisch organisierte Kirche war bei Stammesverfassung kaum denkbar ; die IStammeskirchemuste beinahe eine Klosterkirche Sein." — " Die Englische Kolonisation in Irland," von D, Moritz Julius Bonn, vol. i. p. 33.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 20

As the companion tells it

Cashel, in Tipperary, is the town. In the time of Henry VII, Lord Kildare was accused of burning the church here. When he was challenged for it, he gave his answer plainly. He said, "By Jesus, I would never have done it had it not been told me that the Archbishop was within." The Archbishop was one of Kildare's busiest accusers, standing there present at the time. The King laughed at the plainness of the man, to see him offer as excuse the very thing that most aggravated his fault. It is a small story, but it tells you something of the men and the church in that Ireland.

Massacre and burning of St Patrick's shrine at Armagh

near Armagh · town · Armagh · 1641

Despite a formal capitulation at Armagh, Phelim O'Neill slew a hundred persons in cold blood and wasted and burnt St Patrick's hallowed shrine on the same occasion. This act occurred after Lord Caulfield was taken prisoner on 22 October 1641.

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where three hundred Engh'sh were massacred by the Maguires, httle or no blood was shed, and the Scots were not molested. At the end of a week, however, mere thieving became poor sport. Nor did the Scots enjoy a long immunity. The once proud aliens, now a huddled, helpless flock of sheep awaiting the butcher, were so visibly at the insurgents' mercy that the provocation to acts of nameless brutality was irresistible. In some districts, such as County Cavan, where the O'Reillys displayed unusual humanity, there were fewer outrages. But wherever Phelim O'Neill or the O'Farrells — who had suffered greatly from the plantation — held sway, the unhappy settlers experienced the tender mercies of the wicked.^ After a reverse, Sir Phelim's behaviour was rather that of a raving lunatic than a rational human being. Lord Caulfield, whom he made prisoner on the 22nd of October, while enjoying the old peer's hospitality at a " gossipping feast," was probably not murdered by his express orders ; but at Armagh, in spite of a formal capitulation, The O'Neill — as he now styled himself — slew a hundred persons in cold blood ; while on the same occasion, this singular champion of Catholicism wasted and burnt St Patrick's hallowed shrine.2 Happy, however, were those who fell by the sword, or perished in the swift, clean waters of the Bann or Blackwater. Their agony was mercifully brief compared to that of the captives roasted,^ stoned, buried alive, or prodded to death with sharp wooden lathes by Irish hags and Irish children.* Religious and agrarian revolutions — and the Ulster rising was both one and the other — are always fruitful of dark deeds. But that women and children should have been the most pitiless persecutors of their sex and kind is one of those mysteries that makes a * goblin of the sun."
It was not only on human beings that the Irish

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

The town of Armagh saw one of the darkest acts of the 1641 rising. Phelim O'Neill, who had begun to style himself The O'Neill, took Lord Caulfield prisoner on 22 October 1641, while he was enjoying the old peer's hospitality at what the source calls a gossipping feast. Caulfield was probably not murdered by O'Neill's express orders. But at Armagh, in spite of a formal capitulation, O'Neill slew a hundred persons in cold blood. On the same occasion, this man, called in the source a singular champion of Catholicism, wasted and burnt St Patrick's hallowed shrine. The rising in Ulster was both a religious and an agrarian revolution. In some districts, such as County Cavan, the O'Reillys displayed unusual humanity and there were fewer outrages. But wherever Phelim O'Neill or the O'Farrells held sway, the unhappy settlers experienced what the source calls the tender mercies of the wicked. After a reverse in battle, Sir Phelim's behaviour was rather that of a raving lunatic than a rational human being. Elsewhere, three hundred English were massacred by the Maguires. The Scots were not molested at first, but their immunity did not last. The settlers, described as a huddled, helpless flock of sheep awaiting the butcher, were visibly at the insurgents' mercy. Those who fell by the sword, or perished in the swift, clean waters of the Bann or Blackwater, were fortunate. Their agony was brief compared to that of captives roasted, stoned, buried alive, or prodded to death with sharp wooden lathes. The source records that women and children were the most pitiless persecutors of their own sex and kind, which it calls one of those mysteries that makes a goblin of the sun.

Ormonde captured near Kilkenny by Owny O'More

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1600

In April 1600, Ormonde rode to a trysting place within a few miles of Kilkenny to negotiate with Owny MacRory O'More, one of Tyrone's auxiliaries in Tipperary. The parley was a trap; Ormonde's companions escaped on faster horses, but the Earl, mounted on a weak hackney, was overpowered and taken prisoner.

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In April 1600, Ormonde's anxiety to come to terms with one of Tyrone's chief auxiliaries in Tipperary, Owny MacRory O'More involved him in serious trouble. The trysting place was within a few miles of Kilkenny, and thither the Earl betook himself in the company of Sir Thomas Carew and Lord Thomond. The chieftain's pacific propositions were, however, merely put forward to lure Black Thomas into the trap. When Owny's treachery was disclosed, Ormonde's companions, thanks to the greater speed of their horses, effected their escape. But the Earl, mounted on a " lytle weak hackney," was easily overpowered, dragged from the saddle, and made prisoner. But though his person was threatened — in the first moments of triumph his hat, George, and dagger being snatched from him, and one of the Irish being wounded in his defence — he did not receive any bodily hurt. Indeed, Owny and his adviser, the Jesuit, Father Archer were too intelligent not to appreciate the value of a prisoner such as Ormonde. And if there were some who advocated immediate vengeance on Elizabeth's Lieutenant-General, saner counsels prevailed ; the Earl was placed on horseback, and hurried off to the Castle of Gortnacleugh in Leix. Here, though his life was safe — unless, as he warned Lady Ormonde, a rescue was attempted — he suffered no little hardship. In fact, Carew ^ declared that until Ormonde's cook was allowed to go to him with provisions from Kilkenny, the Earl " wanted bread, dranke nothing but water, and, but for one egg, could gett nothing to eate." Since " the villains themselves were ready to starve for want," they could,
1 Journal R. Soc. of Ant., vol. iii. p. 393; Rev. James Graves, "The Taking of Ormonde," Carew to Mountjoy.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 70

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny in April 1600 was the setting for a capture that nearly cost Elizabeth's Lieutenant-General his freedom and his life. Ormonde, anxious to come to terms with Owny MacRory O'More, one of Tyrone's chief auxiliaries in Tipperary, rode out to a trysting place within a few miles of the city. He went in the company of Sir Thomas Carew and Lord Thomond. The chieftain's peaceful propositions were a trap laid to lure Black Thomas, as Ormonde was called. When Owny's treachery was disclosed, Ormonde's companions escaped thanks to the greater speed of their horses. But the Earl, mounted on a little weak hackney, was easily overpowered, dragged from the saddle, and made prisoner. In the first moments of triumph his hat, George, and dagger were snatched from him. One of the Irish was wounded in his defence. Yet Ormonde received no bodily hurt. Owny and his adviser, the Jesuit Father Archer, knew the value of such a prisoner. Some advocated immediate vengeance, but saner counsels prevailed. The Earl was placed on horseback and hurried off to the Castle of Gortnacleugh in Leix. There his life was safe, unless a rescue was attempted, as he warned Lady Ormonde, but he suffered no little hardship. Carew declared that until Ormonde's cook was allowed to go to him with provisions from Kilkenny, the Earl, in Carew's words, "wanted bread, dranke nothing but water, and, but for one egg, could gett nothing to eate." The villains themselves were ready to starve for want.

Single combat at the Battle of Benburb

Benburb · townland · Tyrone · 1642

At the battle of Benburb, a rare chivalrous episode occurred when young Henry O'Neill fought a single combat with Munroe while both armies paused to watch. Such romantic incidents were exceedingly uncommon in the Irish civil wars.

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In such a conflict it is vain to seek the romantic or chivalrous incidents, which have elsewhere lent glamour to warfare. At the battle of Benburb, indeed, we hear of a single combat waged between young Henry O'Neill and Munroe, while the rival hosts held their hands to watch the fortunes of their respective champions. Again, at the fight of Balintober, the rough English soldiery were startled to find that the cap of their most gallant adversary, who single-handed had held five assailants at bay, concealed the long flaxen tresses of a dead woman.'- But the dreary monotony of the bloodstained chronicle is seldom broken by episodes of this kind. They are, in fact, almost as rare as any token of skilful strategy or inspired generalship in campaigns, where the battles were magnified skirmishes, and no commander showed talents approaching the first rank. Those, however, who, in spite of these drawbacks, still desire detailed information respecting the Irish civil wars, will find all engagements, sieges, marches, and countermarches set forth at length in Carte's great work. But since those annals hold scant attraction either for the student of human nature, or military science, only that portion which concerns the career of James Butler will find a place in these pages.
' Gilbert, "Aphorismical Discovery," part i. p. 129. " Borlase, p. 82.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to Benburb, in 1642, a battle was fought that produced one of the rarest moments of chivalry in the Irish civil wars. The armies had gathered, but before the fighting began in earnest, the rival hosts held their hands and watched. A young man named Henry O'Neill stepped forward to fight a single combat against a man called Munroe. Each side paused to see which champion would prevail. The author of the source notes that it is vain to seek romantic or chivalrous incidents in such conflicts, for they seldom appear in what he calls the dreary monotony of the bloodstained chronicle. These campaigns, he writes, were battles magnified into little more than skirmishes, and no commander showed talents approaching the first rank. The single combat between Henry O'Neill and Munroe at Benburb stands as an exception, a moment when both armies stopped to watch two men settle a private quarrel before the slaughter resumed. Such episodes, the record tells us, were almost as rare as any token of skilful strategy or inspired generalship in those wars.

Sir Charles Coote killed before Trim

Trim · town · Meath · 1642

An Irish surprise party of three thousand nearly stormed Trim at night before a sentry raised the alarm. Sir Charles Coote charged out with seventeen men and sent the rebels flying, but was killed in the darkness by a shot from an unknown hand. The Irish ascribed his death to divine judgment after he chopped a venerated panel-picture of the Blessed Virgin for firewood.

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of importance save the death of Sir Charles Coote, which took place on the 7th of May, before Trim. Under cover of night, an Irish surprise party, three thousand strong, had almost succeeded in storming the town before the sentry gave the alarm ; ^ when Coote, hastily mustering a handful of men — seventeen all told — sprang to horse and charged through the gate with a vigour that sent the rebels flying. It was, however, his last triumph, for in the darkness and confusion a shot — whether fired by friend or foe was never known — brought his career to an abrupt end. His tomb bore the inscription : —
" England's honour, Scotland's wonder, Ireland's terror here lies under.""

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 38

As the companion tells it

In May 1642, Trim was nearly stormed at night by an Irish surprise party three thousand strong. A sentry gave the alarm. Sir Charles Coote hastily mustered seventeen men, sprang to horse, and charged through the gate with a vigour that sent the rebels flying. But in the darkness and confusion a shot, whether fired by friend or foe was never known, brought his career to an abrupt end. His tomb bore the inscription: "England's honour, Scotland's wonder, Ireland's terror here lies under."

Munroe ravages Westmeath and massacres peasantry

Westmeath · county · Westmeath · 1644

Munroe collected the largest army yet seen in the field and conscientiously ravaged Westmeath, massacring the wretched peasantry. The Confederates, relying on the Cessation, had insufficient forces to oppose the combined Scottish and English army.

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During these months, although Munroe had himself embraced the Covenant, he played a neutral part. He was not considered actually inimical to the King, and less optimistic persons than Antrim hoped to win him over to Charles. But in April these fond schemes were definitely shattered. Parliament bestowed on Munroe the chief command of all English and Scottish troops in Ulster, and thereafter no more was heard of his loyalist sympathies. Indeed, while Ormonde's Scottish and English officers were engaged at Belfast in discussing the attitude they should adopt towards Munroe, he treacherously possessed himself of the town and its artillery. He would have done the same at Dundalk and the Newry, but, there, garrisons and officers were on the alert, and thanks to ;^300 worth of stores provided by Ormonde's private purse, they were able to resist the Scots' summons. Although, however, individual commanders refused to admit Munroe within their walls, hunger ultimately forced the English regiments to accept a compromise, and in return for supplies and various other concessions, they agreed to assist Munroe in prosecuting the War against the Irish. And they further qualified their adhesion to the General by stipulating that the alliance should be forthwith dissolved, if the King saw fit to issue orders to that effect. Thanks to this agreement, Munroe collected the largest army hitherto seen in the field, with which he conscientiously ravaged Westmeath and Longford, and massacred the wretched peasantry. The Confederates, relying on the Cessation, had not sufficient forces to oppose the combined force, and when Castlehaven and Owen Roe O'Neill achieved a junction of their troops, they were obliged to remain on the defensive, merely barring the Scots' southward march. Before long their self-restraint was rewarded. For want of rations Munroe was forced to return to his quarters, but the alarm which he had excited did
1644] ORMONDE'S DILEMMA 239

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 43

As the companion tells it

As you travel through Westmeath, you are moving through ground that saw one of the grimmest episodes of the 1640s. In 1644, a Scottish commander named Munroe brought the largest army yet seen in the field into this country. He had spent months playing a neutral part. Though he had embraced the Covenant, he was not thought openly hostile to the King, and men more optimistic than Lord Antrim hoped to win him over to Charles. Those hopes died in April, when Parliament gave Munroe the chief command of all English and Scottish troops in Ulster. No more was heard of his loyalist sympathies. While Ormonde's officers were still discussing what attitude to take toward him at Belfast, Munroe treacherously seized the town and its artillery. He would have done the same at Dundalk and the Newry, but there the garrisons were on the alert. They held out, helped by 300 pounds worth of stores from Ormonde's own purse. Hunger, though, eventually forced the English regiments to accept a compromise. In return for supplies and other concessions, they agreed to assist Munroe in prosecuting the war against the Irish, stipulating only that the alliance should dissolve at once if the King so ordered. With this combined force, Munroe conscientiously ravaged Westmeath and Longford, and massacred the wretched peasantry. The Confederates, relying on the Cessation, had not sufficient forces to oppose him. When Castlehaven and Owen Roe O'Neill joined their troops, they could only stay on the defensive, barring the Scots' southward march. Their restraint was rewarded. For want of rations, Munroe was eventually forced to return to his quarters, though the alarm he had caused did not soon fade.

Ormonde kidnapped near Kilkenny by Owny MacRory O'More

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1600

In April 1600, Ormonde met Owny MacRory O'More at a spot not far from Kilkenny, hoping for accommodation. The conference proved a trap and Ormonde was held prisoner for three months, dragged through bogs and forests.

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Ormonde took as active a share in repressing Tyrone's as Desmond's rebellion ; during the hostilities with the former, encountering an adventure that well-nigh cost him his life. In April 1600, the hope of an accommodation induced him to meet one of the chief ringleaders, Owny MacRory O'More, at a spot not many miles from Kilkenny. The conference proved a trap, and Ormonde was made prisoner, remaining in the hands of Owny and his politicospiritual director, the Jesuit, Father Archer, for three months. To these bandits, with the prospect of the Butlers being let loose on them to avenge their chief, Ormonde alive was infinitely more valuable than Ormonde dead, though the treatment to which he was subjected during that time, well-nigh proved his death.^ To avoid a rescue, this old man of sixty-eight was dragged through bogs and forests, from one hiding-place to another, for weeks never suffered to rest in any place longer than three hours. At any moment, he could have purchased his liberty by assenting to the terms which Archer was perpetually urging on his
of the service and happy ende thereof, by this beror, the principal traitor, Desmond's heade as the best token of the same, and profe of my faithful service. " — " Soc. of Ant.," N.S., 1858-9, vol. ii. p. i6i. Thomas, Earl of Ormonde, to Walsingham, 28th November 1583.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 11

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny is the city you are passing. In April 1600, Ormonde met Owny MacRory O'More at a spot not many miles from here, hoping for an accommodation. The conference proved a trap, and Ormonde was made prisoner. He remained in the hands of Owny and the Jesuit Father Archer for three months. To these men, Ormonde alive was infinitely more valuable than Ormonde dead, with the prospect of the Butlers being let loose to avenge their chief. But the treatment he was subjected to well-nigh proved his death. This old man of sixty-eight was dragged through bogs and forests, from one hiding-place to another, never suffered to rest in any place longer than three hours. All to avoid a rescue. At any moment he could have purchased his liberty by assenting to the terms which Archer was perpetually urging on him. He did not. Ormonde had taken as active a share in repressing Tyrone's rebellion as Desmond's, and this adventure well-nigh cost him his life.

Ormonde refused entry to plague-stricken Limerick

Limerick · city · Limerick · 1650

Ormonde sought to enter Limerick to organize its defence but was rebuffed by the citizens, led by Dominick Fanning. The city was infected with the plague, unfortified, and unprovisioned; Fanning and Friar Wolfe plundered Ormonde's corn stores and introduced Ulstermen into the town.

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" There is not this day," he cried, " anything left me to hope or desire with any possibility of obteyning it, but to be admitted into a Towne infected with the Plague, unfortifyed and unprovided, there to give some testimony that I have been more unfortunate in the Treacherys, cowardice and unrealyable irregularitys of others then faulty in myself ; and this admittance I protest to God (I desire) with more passion then I can any happyness without a possibility of such a vindication, which to be denied with soe much undeserved spite and scorne is that that touches mee more nearly than all that ever befell me, and that will put mee to as unreconcilable a distance with the contrivers as I can bee with any creatures of God's making." 1
Ormonde was not to be given the " possibility of vindicating" his reputation at Limerick. The mere suggestion of his entering the city with his little bodyguard, who, it must be remembered, were all Roman Catholics, led to a riot. Fanning and his coadjutor, one Friar Wolfe, made it, moreover, a pretext for introducing into the town those Ulstermen of whose support they were assured. And together they plundered the magazines of the corn which, at his own expense, Ormonde had stored there for future emergencies. Again, Ormonde was forced to recognise that it was vain to kick against the pricks. He withdrew, and appointed Hugh O'Neill to the governorship of the city. Limerick was more fortunate in her new commander than she deserved. His heroic, though unsuccessful, defence of Clonmel against Cromwell should have endeared him to all patriotic Irishmen, but he was too little of a fanatic to find favour with the populace of Limerick. The citizens barely tolerated their Governor, while he complained that he was treated as a cypher.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 58

As the companion tells it

Limerick is a city the road passes through, and in 1650 it was a place that turned away a man who wanted only to defend it. James Ormonde, the Duke of Ormonde, sought to enter the city to organize its defence against the threat of Cromwell. But the citizens would not have him. The town was infected with the plague, unfortified, and unprovisioned. Ormonde cried out that there was nothing left for him to hope for but admission to such a place, there to give testimony that he had been more unfortunate in the treachery and cowardice of others than faulty in himself. He said he desired this admittance with more passion than any happiness, and that to be denied with such spite and scorn touched him more nearly than anything that had ever befallen him. The mere suggestion of Ormonde entering with his little bodyguard, who were all Roman Catholics, led to a riot. Dominick Fanning and his coadjutor, one Friar Wolfe, made it a pretext for introducing Ulstermen into the town, men whose support they were assured of. Together they plundered the magazines of corn which Ormonde had stored there at his own expense for future emergencies. Ormonde was forced to recognise it was vain to kick against the pricks. He withdrew and appointed Hugh O'Neill to the governorship of the city. O'Neill had defended Clonmel against Cromwell, heroic though unsuccessful, which should have endeared him to Irishmen. But he was too little of a fanatic for the populace of Limerick. The citizens barely tolerated him, and he complained he was treated as a cypher.

Ormonde's triumphal entry into Kilkenny with closed churches

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1646

Ormonde returned to Kilkenny as Chief Governor and was welcomed with arches and laudatory memorials. However, by Bishop Roth's edict the churches of Kilkenny remained rigorously closed, which Ormonde found near-ludicrous given the Irish had fought for religious liberty.

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then apprentice to the arts of War and Government. He returned, titular Chief Governor, having earned a reputation second to none in Ireland. Kilkenny welcomed him with every demonstration of respectful enthusiasm, while Ormonde showed his confidence in the citizens by quartering his troops at a distance. Escorted only by eight picked troopers of his guard, he made a triumphal entry into the familiar little grey town, which in his honour had made itself gay with arches and laudatory memorials of his own and his ancestors' brave deeds. He v/as soon to discover the worth of this pompous reception. The Butlers, it is true, rallied to their chieftain's side, but, in obedience to the edict launched by Bishop Roth against the blacksliding capital of the Confederates, the churches of Kilkenny remained rigorously closed. The strange spectacle seems to have impressed Ormonde as bordering on the ludicrous. He marvelled, he said, " that the Irish having fought for the exercise, as they pretended, of their religion in churches, should now shut themselves out of them," when they had obtained liberty of worship. Yet greater surprises were, however, in store for the Lord-Lieutenant.
Bent alike on conciliation, and on reassuring his troubled supporters, Ormonde earnestly pursued negotiations with the Waterford congregation. On the loth of September, having arranged a meeting with some members of the nobility at Cashel, he was on his way thither, when he was met by a message from the mayor begging him to turn back, since Owen Roe O'Neill had threatened the town with destruction if it admitted the Lord-Lieutenant.^ At the same time, Ormonde received intelligence from two different sources that the Ulster General was marching from Birr with a large force, to surprise either Dublin or Kilkenny.^ Owen himself had preserved his usual reticence about his plans. But the priests were already crowing over the anticipated capture of the Lord-Lieutenant and his subjection— should he prove intractable — to nameless outrage.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

As the companion tells it

In 1646, Kilkenny put on a show for a returning son. Ormonde came back to the city as titular Chief Governor, his reputation in Ireland second to none. The familiar little grey town made itself gay with arches and laudatory memorials of his own and his ancestors' brave deeds. He showed confidence in the citizens by quartering his troops at a distance, and entered escorted only by eight picked troopers of his guard. The Butlers rallied to their chieftain's side. But the worth of that pompous reception was soon plain. Bishop Roth had launched an edict against the city as the backsliding capital of the Confederates, and the churches remained rigorously closed. Ormonde marvelled at the strange spectacle, finding it bordering on the ludicrous. "The Irish, having fought for the exercise of their religion in churches, should now shut themselves out of them," he said, when they had obtained liberty of worship. Greater surprises were in store. Ormonde pursued negotiations with the Waterford congregation, bent on conciliation. On the 10th of September, he arranged a meeting with members of the nobility at Cashel and was on his way there when the mayor sent a message begging him to turn back. Owen Roe O'Neill had threatened the town with destruction if it admitted the Lord-Lieutenant. At the same time, Ormonde received intelligence from two sources that the Ulster General was marching from Birr with a large force, to surprise either Dublin or the city. The priests were already crowing over the anticipated capture of the Lord-Lieutenant, and his subjection, should he prove intractable, to nameless outrage.

Ormonde surrenders Dublin Castle and departs for England

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1647

On 16 July 1647 Ormonde delivered up the castle where he still lived, and on 28 July he embarked for Bristol from the waterside, accompanied by the prayers and blessings of those who had been kept from perishing by his bounty. The tale is told that he hoped to return in force to efface the shame of leaving Ireland a beggar.

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The Lord-Lieutenant had arranged to give up the regalia on July the 28th, by which time he hoped to receive permission from Parliament to transport a large number of Irishmen to France. The permission was eventually refused ; and the delay between the surrender of Dublin and the Marquis's departure for England was not marked by courtesy on the part of the Commissioners. With almost indecent haste, on the very day the treaty was signed, they prohibited the use of the Book of Common Prayer in the churches. Contrary to their engagements, they placed guards on some of Ormonde's officers, and apprehended others.^ On the i6th of July Ormonde thought it well to disarm their jealousy by delivering up the castle where he still lived ; and on July the 28th, accompanied to the waterside by the prayers and blessings of those who had been kept from perishing by his bounty, he embarked for Bristol. It is said that, like Hannibal, when recalled to Carthage, as he gazed on the lovely country he was leaving, he expressed the "hope that he was destined to return in such force as to efface the shame of leaving it a beggar." - The tale bears traces of the malignity of its source. A banished and a well-nigh ruined man, Ormonde's heart may well have been hot within him, not only for the wreck of his own fortunes, but for his native land, his own people, and his father's house. He had striven to save them from their fate. He had failed ; but in his failure there was no place for shame or for repentance.
^ Carte, vol. iii. p. 309.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 53

As the companion tells it

Dublin in 1647 saw the end of Ormonde's time in Ireland. He had arranged to give up the regalia by the 28th of July, hoping by then to receive permission from Parliament to transport a large number of Irishmen to France. That permission was refused. The delay between the surrender of Dublin and his departure for England was not marked by courtesy from the Commissioners. On the very day the treaty was signed, they prohibited the use of the Book of Common Prayer in the churches. Contrary to their engagements, they placed guards on some of Ormonde's officers and apprehended others. On the 16th of July, Ormonde thought it well to disarm their jealousy by delivering up the castle where he still lived. On the 28th of July, accompanied to the waterside by the prayers and blessings of those who had been kept from perishing by his bounty, he embarked for Bristol. It is said that, like Hannibal recalled to Carthage, as he gazed on the country he was leaving, he expressed the hope that he was destined to return in such force as to efface the shame of leaving it a beggar. The tale bears traces of the malignity of its source. A banished and well-nigh ruined man, his heart may well have been hot within him, not only for the wreck of his own fortunes, but for his native land, his own people, and his father's house. He had striven to save them. He had failed, but in his failure there was no place for shame or for repentance.

Owen Roe O'Neill relieves English prisoners at Dundalk

Dundalk · town · Louth · 1642

Upon arriving in Ireland in July 1642, Owen Roe O'Neill was appalled at the sufferings of English prisoners who had survived Sir Phelim O'Neill's brutal treatment. He fed and clothed these survivors and sent them back to Dundalk, while protesting against Phelim's methods of waging war on women.

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O'Neill was at once elected Commander-in-Chief of Ulster in Sir Phelim O'Neill's stead. Owen's advent proved an unexpected mercy to those English prisoners of both sexes who had survived Phelim's brutal treatment. Aghast at the sufferings they had endured, the new general fed and clothed these unhappy beings and sent them back to Dundalk. He protested vigorously also against Phelim's methods of waging war on women, telling him he deserved to be treated in the same fashion as his victims. As a warning adapted to their understanding, he burnt some of the chief murderers' houses at Kinerd, declaring he would rather join the English than spare such miscreants. It is not difficult to believe that, apart from their rival claims to the headship of the sept, Owen and Phelim O'Neill's relations were subsequently less than cordial.
As Fate smiled on the Irish, so the English cause grew every day more desperate. A sum of ;^i 1,500, which reached the Dublin Treasury in June, was chiefly valuable as an earnest of future supplies. Moreover, on August the 22nd, the King unfurled his standard at Nottingham, and thenceforward, save for two inconsiderable doles, Parliament applied the proceeds of the Adventurers' Loan to defray the expenses of its own army in England. Danger should, at least, have fostered the spirit of unity in Irish counsels, but Leicester, still lingering across the Channel, was anxious rather to assert his own dignity than to aid the sole Irishman who had shown himself resolved to carry on the King's government at the cost of any personal sacrifice. The Lord-Lieutenant's sympathies were engaged to the Parliament, while Ormonde's were wholly with the Sovereign. Each, doubtless, was swayed in the

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 38

As the companion tells it

Dundalk is the town where Owen Roe O'Neill showed mercy in 1642. He had just arrived in Ireland, and was at once elected Commander-in-Chief of Ulster in Sir Phelim O'Neill's stead. His arrival proved an unexpected mercy to the English prisoners of both sexes who had survived Phelim's brutal treatment. Aghast at the sufferings they had endured, the new general fed and clothed these unhappy beings and sent them back to Dundalk. He protested vigorously against Phelim's methods of waging war on women, telling him he deserved to be treated in the same fashion as his victims. As a warning, he burnt some of the chief murderers' houses at Kinerd, declaring he would rather join the English than spare such miscreants. It is not difficult to believe that, apart from their rival claims to the headship of the sept, Owen and Phelim O'Neill's relations were subsequently less than cordial. The English cause was growing more desperate every day. A sum of 1,500 reached the Dublin Treasury in June, chiefly valuable as a sign of future supplies. On the 22nd of August, the King unfurled his standard at Nottingham, and Parliament applied the proceeds of the Adventurers' Loan to its own army in England. Danger should have fostered unity in Irish counsels, but Leicester, still across the Channel, was anxious to assert his own dignity rather than aid the sole Irishman who had shown himself resolved to carry on the King's government.

Roger O'More restrains soldiery at the siege of Drogheda

Drogheda · town · Louth · 1641

At the siege of Drogheda during the 1641 rising, Roger O'More nearly lost his life attempting to restrain his bloodthirsty soldiery from committing atrocities against the besieged. This was one of the few instances of an Irish leader actively opposing the violence.

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It is true that here and there Irish men and women actively withstood such abominations. At the siege of Drogheda, Roger O'More nearly lost his life in attempting to restrain his bloodthirsty soldiery. Sir Phelim O'Neill's mother, also, was noted for her kindness and charity to the starving English. Indeed, they had no better friend than this lady, who was wont to say "she had never offended the English, except in being mother to Sir Phelim." Again, there is a story in the minister of Lurgan, George Crichton's narrative,^ which shows that, in the very hour of triumph, some of the Irish leaders were not unvisited by remorse. One winter's afternoon, as Crichton watched the procession of houseless fugitives stumbling along "weary and faint" in the rain, he called Colonel Richard Plunkett " to come to the door and look upon the fruits of war."^ Plunkett obeyed, and the piteous sight, says Crichton, moved the Irishman to tearful protestations that he had never contemplated such means to victory. Phelim and his kind were, however, wiser in their generation than the children of light. It was no exalted patriotism, but
^ Hickson, vol. ii. p. 8. Deposition of Walter Bourke. '■* Borlase, " History of the Execrable Irish Rebellion," appendix p. 134. ^ " Cont. History of Affairs," part ii. p. 527. Deposition of Rev. George Crichton.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

Drogheda was a town under siege in 1641, during the rising that spread across Ireland. The besieged feared what might come, and with reason. Yet here and there, Irish men and women actively withstood the worst of what was done. At this siege, Roger O'More nearly lost his own life trying to restrain his bloodthirsty soldiery from committing atrocities against the people trapped inside. It was a rare thing, an Irish leader standing against the violence of his own side, and it nearly cost him everything. Sir Phelim O'Neill's mother was another who showed mercy. She was noted for her kindness and charity to starving English fugitives. They had no better friend than this lady, who used to say she had never offended the English, except in being mother to Sir Phelim. George Crichton, the minister of Lurgan, tells another story from that time. One winter's afternoon, he watched a procession of houseless people stumbling along, weary and faint in the rain. He called Colonel Richard Plunkett to come to the door and look upon the fruits of war. Plunkett came, and the sight moved him to tearful protestations that he had never contemplated such means to victory.

Surrendered gentlemen imprisoned and tortured in Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1642

Gentlemen who surrendered to Ormonde, including Lord Dunsany who had sheltered English fugitives, were sent to Dublin and instantly thrown into prison. The rack was freely invoked to supplement defective evidence, with councillors threatening witnesses.

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This was no vain rhetoric, for the only part Dunsany had taken in the troubles was to shelter and assist English fugitives. His fidelity to the State stood him, however, in no better stead than that of his companions. On their arrival, they were instantly thrown into prison, and steps were taken to indict them of high treason. Moreover, the rack was freely invoked to supplement defective evidence. And the unhappy witness was only too conscious that when a councillor threatened "to turn the bolts from his heels to his head," he was using no empty threat.^
In truth, the Lords Justices were bent on proving that, from the first, the whole of the Pale had been involved in Maguire's conspiracy. Could they establish this contention, they foresaw no obstacle to a sweeping measure of confiscation. In their own words, the Sovereign would then be committed "to perfect the great work which his father had begun, and make the like settlement and reformation all over the kingdom as King James

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

Dublin, in 1642, held men who had surrendered in trust and found none. Lord Dunsany and other gentlemen who gave themselves up to Ormonde were sent here and instantly thrown into prison. Steps were taken to indict them of high treason. Dunsany's only part in the troubles had been to shelter and assist English fugitives. His fidelity to the State stood him in no better stead than his companions. The rack was freely invoked to supplement defective evidence. A councillor threatened a witness "to turn the bolts from his heels to his head," and the unhappy witness knew it was no empty threat. The Lords Justices were bent on proving that the whole of the Pale had been involved in Maguire's conspiracy. Could they establish this, they foresaw no obstacle to a sweeping measure of confiscation. In their own words, the Sovereign would be committed "to perfect the great work which his father had begun."

Battle of Kilrush: Ormonde routs Lord Mountgarret's superior rebel force

Kilrush · town · Clare · 1642

On 15 April 1642, Ormonde found himself confronted by a vastly superior Irish rebel force under Lord Mountgarret at Kilrush, about 20 miles from Dublin. Despite being encumbered with baggage waggons and sick soldiers, Ormonde resolved to fight, routing the enemy and killing seven hundred against his own losses of about sixty.

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The passing of the Adventurers' Act, and the treatment accorded to Irish Catholics by the Lords Justices gave a fresh stimulus to the rebellion. In the beginning of April, Ormonde was again obliged to make an expedition for the relief of various fortresses invested by the Irish. This time he marched to Maryborough, detaching portions of his army, as he went, to the succour of the endangered castles. Having succeeded in his design, he then retraced his steps with a much diminished force. But on April the 15th, at a place called Kilrush, about 20 miles from Dublin, he found himself confronted by a vastly superior body of the enemy under the command of his greatuncle. Lord Mountgarret. Encumbered as Ormonde was with the empty baggage waggons, which had carried supplies to the outposts, and the sick soldiers he had withdrawn thence, he would gladly have avoided an engagement. The English were in possession of the high road. The Irish had the advantage of thick woods and a bog to cover their flank.^ For some miles the rival armies marched alongside within view of one another, with drums beating and colours flying, but it soon became evident that as the Irish moved more easily than their foes they would intercept the latter at a narrow pass, through which the English had to make their way. Ormonde, therefore, called a council of war under a thorn hedge to decide on the course of action.- The prospect was not altogether encouraging for the young general. Men and horses were alike wearied by forced marches, and against the spring verdure of the countryside, the great bog stood out black and menacing with the sombrely clad Irish horde. Ormonde, however, feeling that an honourable retreat was no longer possible, clenched the question by saying " that he was resolved to fight the enemy, though all the rebels in Ireland were there together," ^ and forthwith ordered Sir Thomas Lucas to advance and secure the pass. Lucas successfully performed the task, and was shortly rejoined by Ormonde at the head of a corps of gentlemen volunteers, and the main body of the miniature army. The English

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

The town of Kilrush saw a battle on the 15th of April, 1642. Ormonde had been marching back from Maryborough, where he had relieved several fortresses, his force much reduced. He found himself confronted here by a vastly superior Irish rebel army under the command of his own great-uncle, Lord Mountgarret. Ormonde was encumbered with empty baggage waggons that had carried supplies to outposts, and with sick soldiers withdrawn from those posts. The English held the high road. The Irish had thick woods and a bog to cover their flank. For some miles the two armies marched alongside one another within view, drums beating and colours flying. But it became clear that the Irish, moving more easily, would intercept the English at a narrow pass they had to make their way through. Ormonde called a council of war under a thorn hedge. His men and horses were alike worn out by forced marches. The bog stood out black and menacing against the green countryside, the Irish horde sombrely clad upon it. An honourable retreat was no longer possible. Ormonde told his council that he was resolved to fight the enemy, though all the rebels in Ireland were there together. He ordered Sir Thomas Lucas to advance and secure the pass. Lucas did so, and Ormonde rejoined him at the head of a corps of gentlemen volunteers and the main body of his small army. The enemy was routed. Seven hundred were killed against Ormonde's losses of about sixty.

Drogheda siege: Aston's garrison and Lady Wilmot's plot

Drogheda · town · Louth · 1649

Ormonde strained every nerve to supply Sir Arthur Aston's garrison at Drogheda with men, ammunition, and stores, leaving two thousand foot and three hundred horse. Before the investment was completed, Aston discovered a plot by ladies—including his own grandmother, Lady Wilmot—to betray the town to Cromwell.

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Meanwhile, the fate of Ireland had already been decided. On August the 15th Cromwell and his army disembarked at Dublin ; and by the 2nd of September Oliver had opened his batteries on Drogheda. Hard pressed, but with his usual tireless patience, Ormonde struggled to stem the course of the inevitable. The Lord-Lieutenant could not shut himself up in a beleaguered town ; but he strained every nerve to provide its commander, Sir Arthur Aston, with men, ammunition, and stores ; and the two thousand foot and three hundred horse he left at Drogheda were the pick of his little army. After he had retired on Trim, Ormonde, likewise, remained in correspondence with Aston, so that almost up to the final catastrophe we are enabled to realise the hopes and fears of the devoted garrison. Aston's difficulties, it seems, were not confined to strategic problems. Before the investment was completed, he was much perturbed to discover a ladies' plot for betraying the town to Cromwell. Nor was the Commander's wrath appeased when the arch-conspirator proved to be his own grandmother, Lady Wilmot. He openly regretted that her young son, the messenger she employed, was " too small to be hanged." But he assured Ormonde, that Lady Wilmot's relationship to himself should avail her naught.
" I beseech your Excellency's express command," wrote the angry grandson, " to turn her and her malignant family out of the towne, for though she be me grandmother I shall make pouther of her, else if she play me sutch foul play."^

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 57

As the companion tells it

In 1649, Drogheda became the site of a siege whose details are strange and bitter. On August 15th Cromwell and his army disembarked at Dublin, and by September 2nd he had opened his batteries on the town. Ormonde strained every nerve to supply its commander, Sir Arthur Aston, with men, ammunition, and stores. The two thousand foot and three hundred horse he left there were the pick of his little army. After retiring on Trim, Ormonde stayed in correspondence with Aston, so that the hopes and fears of the garrison are recorded almost to the end. Aston's troubles were not only strategic. Before the investment was completed, he discovered a plot by ladies to betray the town to Cromwell. His wrath was not appeased when the arch-conspirator proved to be his own grandmother, Lady Wilmot. She had employed her young son as her messenger, and Aston openly regretted the boy was "too small to be hanged." He assured Ormonde that her relationship to him would avail her nothing. He wrote, "I beseech your Excellency's express command to turn her and her malignant family out of the towne, for though she be me grandmother I shall make pouther of her, else if she play me sutch foul play."

Duncannon sought as security for Lorraine's loan

Duncannon · town · Wexford · 1650

In May 1650, the Duke of Lorraine sent Colonel Oliver Synott to Ormonde with offers of £10,000, conditional on receiving a port — Duncannon for choice — as security for the loan. Ormonde declined to entertain the propositions because Synott arrived without credentials, having destroyed his despatches during the voyage.

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availed him nothing. In Ireland's needs, he thought he saw his opportunity ; and, like a knight of old, he proposed to purchase absolution by organising and financing a Catholic Crusade. Already, in May 1650, he had sent Colonel Oliver Synott to Ormonde with offers of ;^io,ooo, conditionally on receiving some port — Duncannon for choice — as security for the loan. But Synott, who declared that he had destroyed his despatches on the voyage for fear of capture, arrived unprovided with credentials ; and Ormonde declined to entertain propositions so important on his single word. The interference of a foreign prince with the internal affairs of the kingdom was eminently distasteful to Ormonde. Yet, in the forlorn state of the royal fortunes, he could not dismiss any tender of aid without investigation. He thought it well, therefore, to depute Lord Taafe to obtain the King's commands. When, however,- Taafe disembarked in France, he found that Charles had left for Scotland. He was reduced to seeking the Queen Mother's instructions, and by her advice, in November, he travelled on to Brussels, there to negotiate with Lorraine himself.
Taafe could not complain of his welcome. The Duke, ever more ready to pledge his word than his ducats, abounded in protestations of amity and service for Charles II. His politeness was not thrown away upon his hearer. Eager to credit assurances that tallied with his wishes, Taafe hastily assented to terms far exceeding those authorised by the Queen. Henrietta Maria was not generally over-gifted with caution, but she had limited the transactions to the raising of a loan secured on various Irish strongholds. In his enthusiasm, Taafe went much further. He propounded a marriage between Lorraine's illegitimate daughter, who had attained the ripe age of three, and James of York. Lorraine clutched at the suggestion. He promised to endow the bridegroom — who, it must be remembered, was heir presumptive to the Crown of England — with a fleet, an army, and supplies to retrieve the kingdom of his fathers. And he offered either to command the armament in person, or to place

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 59

As the companion tells it

Duncannon, here in Wexford, was a port someone once wanted as security for a loan. In May 1650, the Duke of Lorraine sent Colonel Oliver Synott to Ormonde with an offer of 10,000 pounds, on the condition that he receive some port in return. Duncannon was his choice. But Synott had destroyed his despatches during the voyage, he said, for fear of capture, and arrived with no credentials. Ormonde would not entertain propositions so important on a single man's word. The interference of a foreign prince in the kingdom's affairs was distasteful to him, yet in the forlorn state of the royal fortunes he could not dismiss any offer of aid without investigation. He deputed Lord Taafe to obtain the King's commands. When Taafe disembarked in France, he found that Charles had left for Scotland. He was reduced to seeking the Queen Mother's instructions, and by her advice, in November, he travelled on to Brussels to negotiate with Lorraine himself. Taafe could not complain of his welcome. The Duke was ever more ready to pledge his word than his ducats, and abounded in protestations of amity and service for Charles the Second. Eager to credit assurances that tallied with his wishes, Taafe hastily assented to terms far exceeding those authorised by the Queen. Henrietta Maria had limited the transactions to raising a loan secured on various Irish strongholds. In his enthusiasm, Taafe went much further. He proposed a marriage between Lorraine's illegitimate daughter, aged three, and James of York. Lorraine seized on the suggestion. He promised to endow the bridegroom with a fleet, an army, and supplies, and offered either to command the armament in person or to place it in another's hands.

Glamorgan accused of high treason before Dublin Privy Council

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1645

Glamorgan arrived in Dublin on Christmas Eve 1645, but on 26 December the Privy Council was convened and Lord Digby accused him of high treason, believing his commission a forgery. Glamorgan retorted that he had acted with the Lord-Lieutenant's privity, putting Ormonde in a delicate position.

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It was Christmas Eve when Glamorgan arrived in the capital. But he was not destined to pass the festive season in an atmosphere of peace and goodwill. On the 17th of October the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam had met his death in a skirmish outside Sligo ; and the Scots, who killed him, in rifling his pockets, discovered a copy of Glamorgan's Treaty with the Supreme Council, It is strange that the Covenanters did not make their sensational revelation earlier. Not until December the 22nd did a copy of the document reach Digby. He was aghast. On the 26th of December the Privy Council was called together, and Digby, honestly convinced that Glamorgan's commission was an impudent forgery, accused the Earl of high treason,^
The scene that ensued must have been singularly dramatic, for Glamorgan instantly retorted " that he had done nothing without the privity of the Lord-Lieutenant." When we remember the composition of the Irish Council, and the suspicions many extreme Protestants had long harboured against him, it will be seen that had Ormonde not borne a character for unblemished veracity his position would have been intolerable. His admirable self-control also stood him in good stead.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 48

As the companion tells it

Dublin, 1645. Glamorgan arrived in the city on Christmas Eve, but the season brought him no peace. Two months earlier, in October, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam had been killed in a skirmish outside Sligo. The Scots who killed him searched his pockets and found a copy of Glamorgan's treaty with the Supreme Council. Why the Covenanters waited so long to reveal what they had found is unclear. Not until the 22nd of December did a copy of the document reach Lord Digby. He was aghast. Four days later, on the 26th of December, the Privy Council was called together, and Digby, honestly convinced that Glamorgan's commission was an impudent forgery, accused the Earl of high treason. Glamorgan instantly retorted, in words recorded at the time, that he had done nothing without the privity of the Lord-Lieutenant. This put Ormonde in a perilous position. Many extreme Protestants on the Irish Council had long harboured suspicions against him. Had Ormonde not borne a character for unblemished veracity, his position would have been intolerable. His self-control also stood him in good stead.

Kilkenny Corporation tears down triumphal arches in fear

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1646

The Corporation of Kilkenny, fearing O'Neill's northern army, pulled down the triumphal arches they had erected for Ormonde. Knowing he could count only on 1,500 foot and 500 horse, their one desire was to be quit of so compromising a guest.

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Ormonde was not easily scared. And he was loth to leave Kilkenny at a juncture when his presence there might further an understanding with the clericals. Yet, as he himself said, he could not endure the thought that his " credulity " should have led his friends into danger.^ He knew that O'Neill did not hold himself bound by the Supreme Council's treaty, while Preston's attitude was not calculated to inspire confidence. Indeed, as Lord Castlehaven pointed out, the fact of O'Neill's uninterrupted march was proof of Preston's connivance with the northern commanders. Should Ormonde linger in Tipperary, and the two generals act in concert, he must inevitably be caught between their armies. As messenger after messenger confirmed Castlehaven's forebodings, Ormonde resolved to beat a retreat, leaving Lord Digby in charge of the negotiations at Kilkenny ; though so reluctant was he to turn tail, that from the embattled abbey of Kells, his first halting place after a night spent in the saddle, he sent word to the mayor and aldermen of Kilkenny that if they desired it and would abide by the Peace, he would remain and conduct the defence of the town. The Corporation were, however, now pulling down the triumphal arches with even greater fervour than they had lately shown in their erection. The fear of the northern army was upon them ; they knew that Ormonde could only count on his escort of 1,500 foot and 500 horse, and their one desire was to be quit of so compromising a guest.
Ormonde's force was not only small, but was also weakened by its dispersal. The foot was stationed at Gowran, under Sir Francis Willoughby, the horse nearer Kilkenny. It was evident that not an hour should be lost in crossing the Barrow and the Liffey, if the little band meant to see Dublin again, and it was well that Willoughby understood his business. On the receipt of Ormonde's summons, he acted with extraordinary promptitude, requisitioning every cart-horse in the neighbourhood for

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny, in 1646, was a city that wanted rid of its guest. Ormonde had been there, hoping his presence might further an understanding with the clericals, but he was not easily scared and loth to leave. He told himself he could not endure the thought that his, as he said, "credulity" should have led his friends into danger. O'Neill did not hold himself bound by the Supreme Council's treaty, and Preston's attitude was not calculated to inspire confidence. Lord Castlehaven pointed out that O'Neill's uninterrupted march was proof of Preston's connivance with the northern commanders. Should Ormonde linger in Tipperary and the two generals act in concert, he must inevitably be caught between their armies. As messenger after messenger confirmed Castlehaven's forebodings, Ormonde resolved to beat a retreat, leaving Lord Digby in charge of the negotiations at Kilkenny. So reluctant was he to turn tail that from the embattled abbey of Kells, his first halting place after a night spent in the saddle, he sent word to the mayor and aldermen of Kilkenny that if they desired it and would abide by the Peace, he would remain and conduct the defence of the town. The Corporation were already pulling down the triumphal arches with even greater fervour than they had shown in their erection. The fear of the northern army was upon them. They knew Ormonde could count only on 1,500 foot and 500 horse, and their one desire was to be quit of so compromising a guest.

Lady Moore's plot to betray Drogheda to Munroe

Drogheda · town · Louth · 1645

Alice, Lady Moore, widow of one of Ormonde's lieutenants, conspired to betray Drogheda to Munroe by superintending the forging of false keys. The plot was discovered at the eleventh hour and defeated.

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This was not the only check the Puritans received during the winter and early spring of 1645. A conspiracy fomented by Alice, Lady Moore, the widow of one of Ormonde's bravest lieutenants, and the mother of the actual governor of Dundalk, well-nigh brought about the betrayal of both that place and Drogheda to Munroe in January. It was not alone by a vast expenditure of pious cajolery that Lady Moore endeavoured to gain the adhesion of the various commanding officers. This redoubtable matron herself superintended the forging of false keys to admit Munroe into Drogheda, but, despite the masterly character of the design, at the eleventh hour, the plots were discovered and defeated, and Lady Moore was sent under guard to Dublin. Happily for her, she had to deal with a singularly gallant viceroy. Moreover, the discovery that his old friend Sir Patrick Wemyss, though cognisant of the intrigue, had kept silence for fear of injuring his wards, the children of Lady Moore, may have made that lady's sins appear almost venial in comparison. Sir Patrick had done much to bring about Ormonde's marriage, and, in return, the Lord - Lieutenant had admitted him to the closest intimacy. In fact, he had chosen Sir Patrick as guardian to the son and heir who already filled so large a place in all his ambitions, and he had frequently employed the Scotsman to carry confidential messages to the King. In the course of these missions Wemyss must have ingratiated himself with Charles, for the King and Lord-Lieutenant had vied with one another in showing Wemyss favours and good offices. Ormonde felt that Sir Patrick's concealment of the conspiracy was consequently " lesse pardonable, than the contrivance and action of others lesse obleeged." ^ But though he could not condone the knight's backslidings he did not fail to plead for him in the proper quarter.
^ Carte, vol. vi. p. 23 1. Ormonde to Clanricarde, Dublin Castle, i6th January 1644-5.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 45

As the companion tells it

Drogheda was nearly lost to a woman's plot in January 1645. Alice, Lady Moore, widow of one of Ormonde's bravest lieutenants and mother of the governor of Dundalk, conspired to betray both Dundalk and Drogheda to Munroe. She did not rely on persuasion alone. The book calls her a redoubtable matron who herself superintended the forging of false keys, keys meant to admit Munroe's forces into Drogheda. The plan came close to succeeding. At the eleventh hour it was discovered and defeated, and Lady Moore was sent under guard to Dublin. The aftermath was tangled. Sir Patrick Wemyss, a close friend of Ormonde, had known of the intrigue but stayed silent, fearing that exposure would harm Lady Moore's children, who were his wards. Sir Patrick had done much to bring about Ormonde's marriage, and Ormonde had trusted him deeply, choosing him as guardian to his son and heir and employing him to carry confidential messages to the King. Ormonde felt that Sir Patrick's concealment of the conspiracy was, in his own words, "lesse pardonable, than the contrivance and action of others lesse obleeged." Yet though he could not condone what Sir Patrick had done, Ormonde still pleaded for him in the proper quarter. The viceroy's gallantry, it seems, extended even to those who had failed him.

New Ross capitulates under Taafe

New Ross · townland · Wexford · 1649

The fortress at Ross, though capable of prolonged resistance and amply provisioned by Ormonde, capitulated after only two days because its Governor, Sir Lucas Taafe, had apparently lost his nerve.

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Ormonde's difficulties did not centre solely in the Anglo- Protestant Party. The jealousy of the Commissioners of Trust, now greatly intensified by the desertion of their Protestant allies, wrought havoc in his best laid schemes. The Commissioners would only sanction the appointment of their own officers to positions of importance, and, whenever a vacancy had to be filled, a set battle between interest and efficiency invariably ensued. As Ormonde could not afford to set his pay-masters at defiance, the evil effects of this divided authority were soon apparent. That the personality of its commander forms the very essence of a stronghold's defence, was proved at Ross, a place susceptible of lengthened resistance, and amply provisioned by Ormonde. Its Governor, Sir Lucas Taafe, had apparently lost his nerve, and the fortress capitulated at the end of two days. Greater fortitude was not expected at Duncannon ; but from the hour that Ormonde, disregarding Irish murmurs, superseded Colonel Roche in favour of the gallant and adventurous Colonel Wogan, matters assumed a different complexion. Duncannon was the first place where Cromwell suffered a reverse. After a bold sally of Wogan's, he struck his camp and marched away.
Oliver's rebuff before Duncannon was, however, almost discounted by the general trend of affairs in Munster. Lord Broghill's presence in the English army was worth another division to Cromwell. Family influence, a persuasive tongue, local knowledge, and a brilliant intellect were all secured to Oliver's service in the person of his new and distinguished recruit. The English settlers, who still worshipped the memory of the great Earl of Cork, readily swore allegiance to a cause identified with his ablest son ; and Youghal speedily gave in its adhesion to the Commonwealth. The strict discipline maintained in the English army did much also to reconcile the county folk. Cromwell permitted no pillaging, and his camp was an excellent market for the peasants' wares. Like Wellington, Oliver appreciated the fatal effects of living on the country ; while, unlike O'Neill and the

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 57

As the companion tells it

Somewhere close to New Ross, a fortress stood in 1649 that should have held out far longer than it did. Ormonde had made sure it was amply provisioned, and the place was susceptible of lengthened resistance. But its governor, Sir Lucas Taafe, had apparently lost his nerve, and the fortress capitulated at the end of two days. The fall of Ross was bound up in Ormonde's wider troubles. He was beset not only by the Anglo-Protestant Party but by the Commissioners of Trust, whose jealousy had grown worse after the desertion of their Protestant allies. The Commissioners would only sanction the appointment of their own officers to positions of importance. Whenever a vacancy had to be filled, a battle between interest and efficiency invariably ensued. Ormonde could not afford to set his pay-masters at defiance, and the evil effects of this divided authority were soon apparent. Ross was the proof: a place that could have resisted, provisioned and ready, brought down in two days because the man appointed to hold it lost his nerve. Greater fortitude was not expected at Duncannon, but there Ormonde disregarded Irish murmurs and superseded Colonel Roche in favour of the gallant and adventurous Colonel Wogan, and matters assumed a different complexion. After a bold sally of Wogan's, Cromwell struck his camp and marched away. Duncannon was the first place where Cromwell suffered a reverse.

Ormonde spares Naas from burning, captures Father Higgins

Naas · town · Kildare · 1642

In January 1642, Ormonde refused to burn Naas, headquarters of the rebel army, and merely gave up the empty houses to plunder after the rebels had fled. Father Higgins, who had saved Englishmen's lives and trusted in his innocence, was captured there by Ormonde's soldiers.

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It was impossible that so wholesale a defection of his kith and kin should not affect Ormonde's position. He resisted all entreaties to join the insurgents, and remained the nominal commander of the State army ; though his difficulties were increased tenfold by the suspicions to which his relationship with the Munster leaders gave rise. Humane by temperament and conviction, he was loth to execute the blood and slaughter the Justices now breathed forth openly against the inhabitants of the Pale. Unlike his superiors, he foresaw the fatal consequences, to Dublin and its citizens, of laying waste the country from which the capital drew its supplies. He was too much of a soldier to disobey express orders ; but whenever he saw an opportunity to mitigate the severity of his instructions, he spared the cabins and castles a shortsighted policy had condemned to the flames.^ Thus, in January 1642, he refused to burn the town of Naas, the headquarters of the rebel army — which had, however, fled before him — and merely gave up the empty houses to plunder.
During a revolution, moderation is notoriously out of favour with the multitude. Calumny was soon busy with Ormonde's name. The Puritans accused him of temporising with traitors. The Roman Catholic nobles denounced him in unmeasured terms for carrying out the Justices' behests. It was his good deeds which brought him most blame from both factions. On his expedition to the Naas, a certain Father Higgins had been made prisoner by Ormonde's soldiers.^ Trusting in his blameless, and, indeed, honourable record, for he had saved the lives of various Englishmen, the priest had not attempted to escape when the insurgents abandoned the town.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

As the companion tells it

Naas was the headquarters of the rebel army in January 1642. Ormonde refused to burn the town. The rebels had already fled before him, and he gave up only the empty houses to plunder. He was humane by temperament and conviction, and he foresaw that laying waste the country would have fatal consequences for Dublin, which drew its supplies from the land around. He was too much of a soldier to disobey express orders, but whenever he could mitigate the severity of his instructions, he spared the cabins and castles a short-sighted policy had condemned to the flames. His difficulties were already severe. A wholesale defection of his kith and kin had shaken his position. He resisted all entreaties to join the insurgents and remained the nominal commander of the State army, though suspicions grew because of his relationship with the Munster leaders. The Justices in Dublin breathed openly of blood and slaughter against the inhabitants of the Pale, and Ormonde was loth to execute it. Moderation was out of favour with both factions. The Puritans accused him of temporising with traitors. The Roman Catholic nobles denounced him for carrying out the Justices' behests. His good deeds brought him the most blame. On the expedition to Naas, Father Higgins was made prisoner by Ormonde's soldiers. The priest had saved the lives of various Englishmen, and trusting in his honourable record, he had not attempted to escape when the insurgents abandoned the town.

Portumna jury defies Wentworth's plantation scheme

Portumna · town · Galway

A De Burgh jury at Portumna refused to find a title for the Crown, breaking from the submissiveness shown in Roscommon and Ormonde. Wentworth fined the sheriff £1,000 for miscarriage of justice and haled the jurymen before the Castle Chamber.

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Stout as had been Lord Cork's defence, the opposition of the Galway jury to Wentworth's plantation scheme was equally determined and equally ineffectual. Through stormy times, the Earl of St Albans and Clanricarde had kept his tribesmen obedient to the British Government. His fidelity might have pleaded in his favour. But when the De Burgh jury at Portumna, instead of copying the submissiveness shown in Roscommon and Ormonde, refused to find a title for the Crown, their past merits stood them in little stead. Wentworth indignantly fined the sheriff in ;^i,ooo for miscarriage of justice, whilst the jurymen were haled before the Castle Chamber to answer for their misdemeanour. Indifferent as the English public was to Irish affairs, Lord St Albans' personality and his many friends at Court, drew attention to the Deputy's high-handed action. It is, however, safe to say that nothing caused so great a stir as the case of Lord Mountnorris. Whether considered as Scots or as Puritans, the Ulster farmers had few friends at Whitehall, and a new plantation in Ireland offered possibilities of wealth to needy courtiers. Neither were the tribulations of the opulent, like Lord Cork, an unmixed sorrow to their poorer neighbours. But that in a time of profound peace, a nobleman and high official should be summarily condemned to death for a few hasty words spoken months previously, and probably misrepresented, outraged the courtiers' consciences as none of Wentworth's other proceedings had done.
In an ever-widening circle the alarm spread, till in Pym's words every citizen began to fear " that he lived rather in Turkey, than in Christendom."

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 32

As the companion tells it

Portumna is a town the road passes through. In the time of Wentworth's plantation schemes, a De Burgh jury here did something other Irish juries had not. The Earl of St Albans, also known as Clanricarde, had kept his tribesmen obedient to the British Government through stormy times, and his fidelity might have pleaded in his favour. But when the De Burgh jury at Portumna refused to find a title for the Crown, instead of copying the submissiveness shown in Roscommon and Ormonde, their past merits stood them in little stead. Wentworth fined the sheriff 1,000 pounds for miscarriage of justice, and the jurymen were haled before the Castle Chamber to answer for their misdemeanour. The English public was indifferent to Irish affairs, but Lord St Albans' personality and his many friends at Court drew attention to the Deputy's high-handed action. Still, nothing caused so great a stir as the case of Lord Mountnorris, a nobleman and high official summarily condemned to death for a few hasty words spoken months previously and probably misrepresented. In an ever-widening circle the alarm spread, till in Pym's words every citizen began to fear that he lived, in the source's words, "rather in Turkey, than in Christendom."

Rinuccini makes triumphal entry into Kilkenny

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1646

On 18 September 1646, the Papal Nuncio Rinuccini made his public entry into Kilkenny as a conqueror, accompanied by Preston, while O'Neill with an army 12,000 strong lay encamped outside the town. Rinuccini promptly imprisoned most of the Supreme Council.

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On September the i8th, Rinuccini made his public entry into Kilkenny. It was the advent of a conqueror, for he was accompanied by Preston, while O'Neill with an army 12,000 strong lay encamped outside the town. The usual sequel to an antique triumph was not wanting. Rinuccini flung almost every member of the Supreme Council into prison, and, on the 26th of September, he inaugurated a new council, of which he himself was the president. Its spirit, despite the fact that it included laymen, was purely clerical. And the world enjoyed the novel spectacle of two armies receiving their orders from a body of churchmen.
In this remodelling of the Irish administration, Glamorgan was not forgotten. Lord Muskerry being amongst the Nuncio's prisoners, the Earl was given that nobleman's command. Moreover, as an incentive to drive Ormonde out of Dublin, Rinuccini dangled the post of

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

As the companion tells it

Kilkenny saw a conqueror's arrival on 18 September 1646. The Papal Nuncio Rinuccini made his public entry into the city accompanied by Preston, while O'Neill with an army 12,000 strong lay encamped outside the town. The usual sequel to an antique triumph followed. Rinuccini flung almost every member of the Supreme Council into prison. On the 26th of September he inaugurated a new council, of which he himself was president. Its spirit, despite the fact that it included laymen, was purely clerical. The world enjoyed the novel spectacle of two armies receiving their orders from a body of churchmen. In this remodelling of the Irish administration, Glamorgan was not forgotten. Lord Muskerry being amongst the Nuncio's prisoners, the Earl was given that nobleman's command. As an incentive to drive Ormonde out of Dublin, Rinuccini dangled the post of

Starving refugees crawl into Dublin on hands and knees

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1641–1642

Thousands of starving, naked settlers fled through the winter wilderness to Dublin as refugees from the 1641 Ulster rising. Many arrived crawling on their hands and knees, then lay in crowded churches or open streets, where the Administration purchased burial grounds for those who died.

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hands and knees.^ With that supreme effort, however, the vital energy of the more delicate was exhausted. When the desired bourne was at last attained, they lay where they fell, in the crowded churches or in the open streets, wherever room could be found for their emaciated bodies. There were those who even refused to fetch their dole of food or to put on the clothes proffered by the charitable. Others, destitute of friends and too proud to beg, crept away and "wasted silently and so died." Small wonder, that one of the first cares of the Administration, after the advent of the wanderers, was the purchase of two large pieces of ground for burying places.
It is difficult to feel that the resentment which induced such horrors was entirely unprovoked. The second generation reaped as the first had sown. But in the midst of their calamities, the Protestants showed a spirit that cannot be too much admired. One of the most heroic and pathetic figures of that noble army was Hugh Echlin, a boy of twelve.^ He saw his father die for the truth, and was then offered his own life on condition of going to mass ; but with a happy terseness of expression, he replied that " he saw nothing in the religion of his tempters for which he would change his own," and so died.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 35

As the companion tells it

Dublin in the winter of 1641 and 1642 became the refuge for thousands of starving, naked settlers fleeing the Ulster rising. Many reached the city crawling on their hands and knees. When they arrived, they lay where they fell, in crowded churches or in the open streets, wherever room could be found for their emaciated bodies. Some refused to fetch their dole of food or to put on the clothes proffered by the charitable. Others, destitute of friends and too proud to beg, crept away and, in the words of the source, wasted silently and so died. One of the first cares of the Administration after the advent of the wanderers was the purchase of two large pieces of ground for burying places. The book notes that the resentment which induced such horrors was not entirely unprovoked, that the second generation reaped as the first had sown. Among the Protestants in the midst of calamity was Hugh Echlin, a boy of twelve. He saw his father die for the truth and was offered his own life on condition of going to mass. He replied that he saw nothing in the religion of his tempters for which he would change his own, and so died.

Temple's famine profiteering on wheat in Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1643

Among the charges investigated by the Lords Justices in Dublin was that Temple had profited disgracefully on wheat during a period of famine, alongside accusations of peculation and treasonable correspondence against Parsons, Loftus, and Meredith.

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correspondence of Parsons, and his chief confidants, Temple, Loftus, and Meredith. One and all stood accused of aiding and abetting the Parliamentary Commissioners in their endeavours to seduce the army from its allegiance.^ The paymaster, Loftus, was likewise charged with gross peculation ; and Temple's profits on wheat during a period of famine were hardly less disgraceful. To more serious crimes. Parsons had added the imprudence of openly commending the Parliament, and vilifying the King. Ormonde was one of the Commissioners empowered to report on the indictment. Already, three months previously, at the Council Board, a motion had been made for the seizure of the person and goods of the ex-Lord Justice, but, owing, as Carte believes, to Ormonde's " good nature," the culprit had escaped the penalty of his misdoings.^ On this occasion, he was not so lucky, for he was committed a close prisoner to the Castle, whither he had sent so many hapless and innocent gentlemen. In his case, at least, the mills of justice ground both slowly and ineffectively, for the suit against him broke down, and one of the chief begetters of the Irish Rebellion and its incalculable evils was soon set free to enjoy his ill-earned gains.
The alliance of the Scottish Covenanters and English Parliamentarians had intensified Charles's desire to arrange a cessation with the Irish, but the obstacles to its conclusion were not removed by the arrival in July of Pietro Scarampi, the Pope's envoy. Scarampi brought stores, money, and a Papal Bull authorising a General Jubilee, and granting absolution to all, whatever their crimes, concerned in the Rebellion. His outfit, military and spiritual was much appreciated at Kilkenny. His advent was an undoubted gain to the clerical party, who consequently assailed the proposed truce with unprecedented bitterness. As yet, however, the Ultramontanes were not the dominant force in the Assembly. Clanricarde, Taafe, and Castlehaven still carried great weight. Their arguments eventually prevailed, and in August the conference was ^ Carte, vol. ii. p. 504. 2 j^gm^ p. 503.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 40

As the companion tells it

Dublin in 1643 was the stage for a reckoning that reached into the highest offices of the kingdom. Parsons and his chief confidants Temple, Loftus, and Meredith stood accused of aiding and abetting the Parliamentary Commissioners in their endeavours to seduce the army from its allegiance. Loftus, the paymaster, was likewise charged with gross peculation. And Temple's profits on wheat during a period of famine were hardly less disgraceful. To these crimes Parsons had added the imprudence of openly commending the Parliament and vilifying the King. Ormonde was one of the Commissioners empowered to report on the indictment. Three months before, at the Council Board, a motion had been made for the seizure of the person and goods of the ex-Lord Justice. But, as Carte believes, owing to Ormonde's good nature, the culprit had escaped the penalty of his misdoings. On this occasion he was not so lucky. He was committed a close prisoner to the Castle, whither he had sent so many hapless and innocent gentlemen. In his case the mills of justice ground both slowly and ineffectually. The suit against him broke down, and one of the chief begetters of the Irish Rebellion and its incalculable evils was soon set free to enjoy his ill-earned gains. The alliance of the Scottish Covenanters and the English Parliamentarians had intensified King Charles's desire to arrange a cessation with the Irish. But the obstacles to its conclusion were not removed by the arrival in July of Pietro Scarampi, the Pope's envoy. Scarampi brought stores, money, and a Papal Bull authorising a General Jubilee, granting absolution to all concerned in the Rebellion, whatever their crimes. His advent was an undoubted gain to the clerical party, who assailed the proposed truce with unprecedented bitterness.

Tyrone rides into Dublin to submit, 1603

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1603

On March 30th, 1603, Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, rode into Dublin and formally made his submission to Lord Mountjoy, ending the long war. This marked the end of the Tudor conquest and the beginning of nearly forty years of enforced peace.

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Lord Mountjoy, the Deputy to whom fell the honours of the long deferred conquest, gained no facile victory, for his opponent Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, was no mean antagonist. One of the keenest intellects of Elizabeth's court, the champion of Rome, the ally of Spain, the tanist O'Neill was supported by the fanatical desperation of the septs fighting for their last stronghold. It has been truly said, that O'Neill was finally beaten as much by the spade as by the sword. Wherever Mountjoy gained a pass or important strategical position, he built a strong fort, well provisioned and garrisoned.^ The process was leisurely, but it was sure. Inexorably the iron circle narrowed, crushing the last atom of defiance. Resistance was outworn ; with the overthrow of the Spanish forces at Kinsale in 1601, vanished Tyrone's hopes of foreign succour. On March the 30th 1603, the great Earl rode into Dublin and made his submission. The perennial strife was ended. Henceforward, during well-nigh forty years, the land had peace. But the price was a heavy one, and the enforced calm akin to the stupor of exhaustion.
The Irish, Sir John Davies says, " were beat as it were in a mortar with the sword, famine and pestilence."^ Next to the spade, hunger had been Mountjoy's most effectual instrument. The horrors of that protracted warfare are hard to describe or realise ; and to appreciate the suffering inflicted we should remember that in normal conditions the wants of the native, at any rate, in Ulster were pathetically few.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 17

As the companion tells it

Dublin is where Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, came to submit. Lord Mountjoy was the Deputy who gained the honours of the long deferred conquest, and his victory was not easy. Tyrone was no mean antagonist, one of the keenest intellects of Elizabeth's court, champion of Rome, ally of Spain, the tanist O'Neill, supported by the septs fighting for their last stronghold. He was beaten as much by the spade as by the sword. Wherever Mountjoy gained a pass or important position, he built a strong fort, well provisioned and garrisoned. The process was leisurely but sure, and inexorably the iron circle narrowed. When the Spanish forces were overthrown at Kinsale in 1601, Tyrone's hopes of foreign succour vanished. On March the 30th 1603, the great Earl rode into Dublin and made his submission. The perennial strife was ended, and for well-nigh forty years the land had peace. But the price was heavy, and the enforced calm was akin to the stupor of exhaustion. Sir John Davies says the Irish "were beat as it were in a mortar with the sword, famine and pestilence." Next to the spade, hunger had been Mountjoy's most effectual instrument. The horrors of that protracted warfare are hard to describe. To appreciate the suffering, we should remember that in normal conditions the wants of the native, at any rate in Ulster, were pathetically few.

Waterford authorities block Ormonde from rescuing Ferrall near Passage

Waterford · city · Waterford · 1649

After Cromwell's retreat, Ferrall attempted to surprise the English garrison at Passage but was discovered and faced destruction. Ormonde had troops across the river Suir to help, but Waterford's municipal authorities refused to let them march through the city, preferring Ferrall's annihilation to Ormonde's passage.

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Waterford. No sooner was Cromwell out of sight than they relapsed into their chronic condition of hysterical jealousy. Indeed, one episode which illustrates their stiffnecked folly would be incredible outside the melancholy annals of this period. After Cromwell's retreat, the English garrison of Passage continued to inflict great damage on the inhabitants and trade of Waterford. Ferrall, consequently, turned his energies to surprising and capturing the fort. Unluckily, however, his design was discovered by the English ; and after he had started on his quest, Ormonde, who was watching his movements from a point of vantage in the city, saw that the gallant Irishman ran great risk of being surrounded and cut to pieces. On the opposite bank of the river Suir, Ormonde had troops in abundance to effect a diversion, but it was necessary for them to traverse the city, and this the municipal authorities flatly declined to permit. In short, although Ferrall was no Ormondist, but one of their own peculiar persuasion, the Mayor and Council preferred to see him annihilated, rather than suffer the Marquis to march his men across their town to their champion's rescue. All supplications proved vain. Nor could Ormonde muster more than some fifty friends and servants. Nevertheless, at the head of this small but devoted band, he sallied forth to find that his fears were realised. Already a considerable section of Ferrall's discomfited force was slain or taken prisoners, while the remainder were in headlong flight, closely pursued by the British troopers. Ormonde's scanty numbers did not allow him to charge the vastly superior body of his opponents, but, by a skilful handling of his faithful henchmen he deluded the enemy into the belief that they themselves were being decoyed into a trap. They hesitated, detaching scouts to reconnoitre. This delay gave Ormonde time to cover the fugitives' escape. His ruse, it is true, was quickly penetrated, but he had gained his object ; and " by frequent exposing of his own person " he held the enemy at bay until the last Ulsterman was safely housed within the gates.^

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 57

As the companion tells it

The city of Waterford, in 1649, was the scene of a bitter quarrel between a lord and his own side. After Cromwell retreated, the English garrison at Passage kept raiding Waterford's people and trade. A man named Ferrall set out to surprise and capture that fort. But the English discovered his plan. Ormonde, watching from a vantage point in the city, saw that Ferrall was in grave danger of being surrounded and cut to pieces. On the far bank of the river Suir, Ormonde had troops in abundance to mount a rescue. The only problem was that those troops needed to march through Waterford itself, and the municipal authorities refused to allow it. The Mayor and Council would not let the Marquis cross their town with his men, even though Ferrall was one of their own persuasion and no follower of Ormonde. They preferred to see Ferrall annihilated rather than suffer Ormonde's passage. All supplications proved vain. Ormonde could muster no more than some fifty friends and servants. With this small devoted band he sallied out and found his fears realised. A considerable part of Ferrall's force was already slain or taken prisoner, and the rest were in headlong flight, pursued by British troopers. Ormonde could not charge the superior enemy, but he deluded them into thinking they were being led into a trap. They hesitated and sent scouts to reconnoitre. That delay let Ormonde cover the fugitives' escape. His ruse was quickly seen through, but by, as the source says, "frequent exposing of his own person" he held the enemy at bay until the last Ulsterman was safely housed within the gates.

Castlehaven imprisoned at Sheriff's house in Dublin

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1642

Lord Castlehaven was imprisoned at the Sheriff's house in Dublin on the charge of having provided too good a dinner for His Majesty's Lieutenant-General after the engagement of Kilrush. An English saddler he had sheltered blackmailed him over the meal.

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Unluckily, the feast was viewed with jaundiced eyes by one member of the household, an English saddler, whom Castlehaven had sheltered during the rising. This man vowed the meal was too sumptuous to be improvised, and that if it was eaten by loyal gentlemen, it had been cooked for rebels. Colonel Touchet, Lord Castlehaven's brother, contemptuously refused to pay 40s. for the blackmailer's silence, but it was mistaken economy, for the rogue found a better market for his wares with the Justices. They were as innocent of humour as of equity, and Castlehaven found himself imprisoned at the Sheriffs house in Dublin, on the singular charge of having provided too good a dinner for His Majesty's Lieutenant- General.
James Touchet, Earl of Castlehaven, was no ignorant Irish lordling, who could be flouted and ill-used with impunity, for at an early age, and in the hard school of adversity, he had acquired the useful art of self-preservation. His father, Lord Audley, had suffered on the scaffold for crimes, which, nowadays, would be expiated in the seclusion of Broadmoor Asylum. His titles were attainted and his forfeited estates bestowed on Lord Cottington. Impoverished and disgraced through no fault of his own, the son, whose clear, vigorous intellect was untinged by any vestige of insanity, adopted a soldier's career in foreign lands.^ He served his apprenticeship in Italy, and on the vine - garlanded plains of Lombardy learnt lessons that he applied to good purpose in the corries and bogs of Ireland. In course of time, Charles reversed the attainder, but the family estates remained with Lord Cottington. As Castlehaven retained some portion of his property in Ireland, he consequently betook himself thither to nurse the remnant of his fortunes ; and at the outbreak of the rebellion immediately

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 38

As the companion tells it

In 1642 Dublin held Lord Castlehaven a prisoner. He was kept at the Sheriff's house, charged with having provided too good a dinner for His Majesty's Lieutenant-General after the engagement of Kilrush. The trouble began with an English saddler Castlehaven had sheltered during the rising. The saddler claimed the meal was too sumptuous to be improvised, and that if it was eaten by loyal gentlemen, it had been cooked for rebels. Colonel Touchet, Castlehaven's brother, contemptuously refused to pay 40 shillings for the blackmailer's silence. It was mistaken economy. The rogue found a better market for his wares with the Justices, who were as innocent of humour as of equity. James Touchet, Earl of Castlehaven, was no ignorant Irish lordling. His father, Lord Audley, had suffered on the scaffold for crimes which nowadays would be expiated in the seclusion of Broadmoor Asylum. His titles were attainted and his forfeited estates bestowed on Lord Cottington. Impoverished and disgraced through no fault of his own, the son, whose intellect was untinged by any vestige of insanity, adopted a soldier's career in foreign lands. He served his apprenticeship in Italy, and on the vine-garlanded plains of Lombardy learnt lessons he applied to good purpose in the corries and bogs of Ireland. In time, Charles reversed the attainder, but the family estates remained with Lord Cottington. Castlehaven retained some portion of his property in Ireland, and betook himself there to nurse the remnant of his fortunes, just as the rebellion broke out.

Coote butchers husbandmen at Santry

Santry · townland · Dublin · 1641

Sir Charles Coote made a raid on the village of Santry, butchering harmless husbandmen. This incident deepened the disquiet among the Catholic lords who already feared for their lives.

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Immediately after these occurrences, on December the 3rd, the Lords Justices summoned the noblemen of the surrounding country to a conference in Dublin, As these very gentlemen had been banished the capital by three successive proclamations, this sudden and inexplicable change of attitude on the part of their rulers filled them with profound suspicion. They knew that their relations with the rebels, however involuntary, might technically be construed as treason, and, fearing a trap, they declined the invitation. Instead, on the 9th of December, they met at Swords, and drew up an explanation of their proceedings. They solemnly affirmed their loyalty to the Sovereign.^ But as they were positively informed that Sir Charles Coote, at the Council Board, had advocated a general massacre of Catholics, they declared themselves determined to " stand on their best guard " till they were insured against such perils. Lords Fingall, Gormanstone, Slane, and Dunsany, who had all recently volunteered their services to the State, affixed their signatures to the protest. The Justices replied with an order to disperse, which their subjects again met with a categorical refusal. Meanwhile, Sir Charles Coote had made another raid, butchering some harmless husbandmen in the village of Santry, The incident did not tend to calm the general disquiet ; the Lords vowed they went in fear of their lives, and saw no safety save in concerted action.
In the circumstances, Lord Gormanstone decided to convoke a larger gathering of Catholic lords and gentlemen on December the 15th at the hill of Crofty. Here they

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

As the companion tells it

Close to Santry, in 1641, Sir Charles Coote butchered harmless husbandmen in a raid on the village. The killing happened against a backdrop of deepening mistrust between the Catholic lords and the government in Dublin. On December the 3rd, the Lords Justices summoned the noblemen of the surrounding country to a conference in the capital. These same gentlemen had been banished from Dublin by three successive proclamations, so the sudden reversal filled them with suspicion. They feared their dealings with the rebels, however involuntary, might be construed as treason, and they feared a trap. They declined the invitation. Instead, on December the 9th, they met at Swords and drew up an explanation of their proceedings. They solemnly affirmed their loyalty to the Sovereign. But they had been told that Sir Charles Coote, at the Council Board, had advocated a general massacre of Catholics, and they declared themselves determined to, in their words, "stand on their best guard" until they were insured against such perils. Lords Fingall, Gormanstone, Slane, and Dunsany, who had all recently volunteered their services to the State, signed the protest. The Justices ordered them to disperse, and they refused. Then Coote made his raid on Santry, killing harmless husbandmen. The Lords vowed they went in fear of their lives and saw no safety save in concerted action. Lord Gormanstone called a larger gathering of Catholic lords and gentlemen for December the 15th at the hill of Crofty.

Henry O'Neill's relief of Derry and Coote's ingratitude

near Derry · city · Derry · 1649–1650

A short year before his execution, Henry O'Neill had come to Sir Charles Coote's relief at Derry, where the two men exchanged courtesies and Coote called O'Neill 'his own sweet brother Harry.' Coote later condemned O'Neill to death despite this debt.

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The execution, some days after the battle, of Henry O'Neill is not the least stain that rests on the memory of Sir Charles Coote. A short year before, young O'Neill had come to Coote's relief at Derry, and the two men had then interchanged more than the courtesies usual between honourable antagonists. In spite of quarter granted, Coote now condemned his former deliverer to death. It is said that the young man did not submit to the infamous sentence without a protest. He recalled to his judge, not only the invaluable help he had afforded him, but the demonstrations of affection of which Coote had so lately been prodigal. He reminded Sir Charles that at Derry he had been " his own sweet brother Harry,
^ Gilbert, " Aphorismical Discovery," part ii. vol. ii. pp. 84-5.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 58

As the companion tells it

Derry, a city the road passes through or near, holds a story of debt and betrayal from 1649. Henry O'Neill came to Sir Charles Coote's relief here when Coote was under pressure. The two men exchanged more than the usual courtesies between honourable antagonists. Coote was prodigal with demonstrations of affection, calling O'Neill "his own sweet brother Harry." A short year later, after a battle, Coote condemned his former deliverer to death, despite quarter granted. The young man did not submit without protest. He reminded his judge of the invaluable help he had afforded him, and of the affection Coote had so lately shown. It made no difference. The execution went ahead, and it remains a stain on Coote's memory.

Munroe seizes Belfast by treachery

near Belfast · city · Antrim · 1644

While Ormonde's Scottish and English officers were at Belfast discussing what attitude to adopt towards Munroe, Munroe treacherously took possession of the town and its artillery. The officers were caught off guard, unlike at Dundalk and Newry where garrisons were alert.

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During these months, although Munroe had himself embraced the Covenant, he played a neutral part. He was not considered actually inimical to the King, and less optimistic persons than Antrim hoped to win him over to Charles. But in April these fond schemes were definitely shattered. Parliament bestowed on Munroe the chief command of all English and Scottish troops in Ulster, and thereafter no more was heard of his loyalist sympathies. Indeed, while Ormonde's Scottish and English officers were engaged at Belfast in discussing the attitude they should adopt towards Munroe, he treacherously possessed himself of the town and its artillery. He would have done the same at Dundalk and the Newry, but, there, garrisons and officers were on the alert, and thanks to ;^300 worth of stores provided by Ormonde's private purse, they were able to resist the Scots' summons. Although, however, individual commanders refused to admit Munroe within their walls, hunger ultimately forced the English regiments to accept a compromise, and in return for supplies and various other concessions, they agreed to assist Munroe in prosecuting the War against the Irish. And they further qualified their adhesion to the General by stipulating that the alliance should be forthwith dissolved, if the King saw fit to issue orders to that effect. Thanks to this agreement, Munroe collected the largest army hitherto seen in the field, with which he conscientiously ravaged Westmeath and Longford, and massacred the wretched peasantry. The Confederates, relying on the Cessation, had not sufficient forces to oppose the combined force, and when Castlehaven and Owen Roe O'Neill achieved a junction of their troops, they were obliged to remain on the defensive, merely barring the Scots' southward march. Before long their self-restraint was rewarded. For want of rations Munroe was forced to return to his quarters, but the alarm which he had excited did
1644] ORMONDE'S DILEMMA 239

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 43

As the companion tells it

Belfast, in 1644, was the scene of a quiet betrayal. Munroe had embraced the Covenant but kept up the appearance of a neutral part. He was not thought openly hostile to the King, and men more hopeful than prudent, including Antrim, believed he might still be won over to Charles. In April those hopes ended. Parliament gave Munroe the chief command of all English and Scottish troops in Ulster, and nothing more was heard of his loyalist sympathies. While Ormonde's Scottish and English officers were still in Belfast, debating what stance to take toward Munroe, he moved. He treacherously possessed himself of the town and its artillery. The officers had been caught discussing while he acted. He would have done the same at Dundalk and the Newry, but there the garrisons and officers were on the alert. Ormonde had provided 300 pounds worth of stores from his own purse, and that let them resist the Scots' summons. Still, individual commanders could hold out only so long. Hunger forced the English regiments to accept a compromise. In return for supplies and other concessions, they agreed to assist Munroe in prosecuting the war against the Irish. They added one condition: the alliance should be dissolved at once if the King saw fit to order it. With that agreement, Munroe gathered the largest army yet seen in the field. He ravaged Westmeath and Longford and massacred the wretched peasantry. The Confederates, relying on the Cessation, had not enough force to oppose him. When Castlehaven and Owen Roe O'Neill joined their troops, they could only stay on the defensive, blocking the Scots' march south. In the end, Munroe was forced back to his quarters for want of rations.

Peace proclaimed at Kilkenny to hostile audience

Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1646

Ulster King-at-Arms proclaimed the Peace at Kilkenny to an audience of magistrates, while the citizens disdained to countenance the ceremony with their presence. The Supreme Council at Kilkenny felt increasingly uncomfortable as soldiers deserted daily under excommunication.

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At Kilkenny, Ulster King - at - Arms proclaimed the Peace to an audience of magistrates, the citizens disdaining to countenance the ceremony with their presence. At Waterford, he thought it wiser to follow the mayor's advice, and to leave the city with his mission unfulfilled. At Clonmel he was refused admittance, but it was at Limerick that the full storm burst on the unhappy messenger of Peace. Here, many influential merchants welcomed the herald as a harbinger of returning prosperity, and the mayor and corporation, unlike the city fathers of Waterford, were willing to support Ulster King in the performance of his duty. The populace, however, already inimical, were goaded into madness by the oratory of a certain friar, Dominick Fanning, who having armed them, himself led the Jehad. ^ The mayor was knocked down, wounded, and haled off to prison. And as the law of nations formed no part of Dominick Fanning's creed, the herald and his companions fared badly in the ensuing riot. Vainly did they seek shelter in the mayor's house.
'■ Gilbert, " Confederation," vol. vi. p. 130.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

As the companion tells it

This is Kilkenny. In 1646 the Ulster King-at-Arms proclaimed the Peace here to an audience of magistrates. The citizens disdained to countenance the ceremony with their presence. From Kilkenny the herald's mission worsened. At Waterford he followed the mayor's advice and left the city with his mission unfulfilled. At Clonmel he was refused admittance. At Limerick the full storm burst on the unhappy messenger of Peace. Many influential merchants welcomed him as a harbinger of returning prosperity, and the mayor and corporation, unlike the city fathers of Waterford, were willing to support him. But the populace were goaded into madness by the oratory of a friar, Dominick Fanning, who having armed them, himself led the attack. The mayor was knocked down, wounded, and haled off to prison. As the law of nations formed no part of Dominick Fanning's creed, the herald and his companions fared badly in the ensuing riot. Vainly did they seek shelter in the mayor's house.

Rats overrunning houses at Kilmore as portent of war

near Kilmore · population centre · Dublin · 1641

Around Kilmore, unprecedented hosts of rats overran houses in broad daylight, boldly seizing bread and bones beneath dinner tables. Old Irish women openly said the conduct of the beasts betokened war, reflecting the widespread unease before the 1641 rebellion.

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ample token that some unusual disturbance was in prospect. In fact, Secretary Vane drew the attention of Parsons and Borlase to the clerical immigration. From Ulster came ugly stories of the " multitude " of skeans being manufactured by Irish smiths.^ Every excuse for a gathering, whether the first sermon preached by a young friar, or the funeral of a lady of quality, like Phelim O'Neill's wife, was greedily seized by high and low. In April, a report was current that the Earl of Tyrone had been seen with Phelim in the wood of Ballynametash.^ And after the massacre was an accomplished event, the Protestants, with excusable bitterness, recalled the fashion in which the natives, " without any apparent necessity," had borrowed from their British neighbours large sums, for which " they would not pay any man a penny." ^ Thus the mutterings that ever precede a storm were not unheard ; and the uneasiness that pervaded the whole country was manifest not only by the well-grounded alarm such incidents might well create, but from an interpretation of natural phenomena which would reflect credit on the ingenuity of a college of augurs. About Kilmore, it was deemed significant that hosts of rats — never before seen in the locality — overran the houses in broad daylight, like so many dogs boldly seizing on bread and bones beneath the dinner-table.^ Old Irishwomen said openly that the conduct of the beasts betokened war. A more obscure, though almost equally unpleasant, portent was discovered in the sudden appearance of a swarm of insects or worms " of the length of a man's finger, and of a strange fashion," which settled close to the house of Edmund O'Rely, the insurgent leader. The whole surface of the ground, which they had "turned up and filled with their cells and caverns . . . was wholly bare of any green thing," thus prefiguring the coming devastation of the fertile farmlands of the north.
Nevertheless, despite the many warnings and the

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 34

As the companion tells it

You are near Kilmore. In the time before the rising of 1641, this was a place where people read the world for signs of what was coming, and the signs were not hard to find. Secretary Vane had drawn the attention of Parsons and Borlase to the clerical immigration from Ulster. Irish smiths were manufacturing a multitude of skeans. Every excuse for a gathering, whether the first sermon of a young friar or the funeral of Phelim O'Neill's wife, was seized upon by high and low. In April, a report went around that the Earl of Tyrone had been seen with Phelim in the wood of Ballynametash. The uneasiness pervaded the whole country. About Kilmore, it was deemed significant that hosts of rats, never before seen in the locality, overran the houses in broad daylight, like so many dogs, boldly seizing on bread and bones beneath the dinner table. Old Irish women said openly that the conduct of the beasts betokened war. A swarm of insects or worms, of the length of a man's finger and of a strange fashion, settled close to the house of Edmund O'Rely, the insurgent leader. The whole surface of the ground they had turned up was wholly bare of any green thing, prefiguring the coming devastation of the fertile farmlands of the north. After the massacre was an accomplished event, the Protestants recalled with excusable bitterness how the natives, without any apparent necessity, had borrowed large sums from their British neighbours, for which they would not pay any man a penny.

Cromwell sends Preston copy of Ormonde's safe conduct to pressure Waterford

Waterford · city · Waterford · 1650

Cromwell, hoping to persuade General Preston to surrender Waterford, sent him a copy of the safe conduct he had tricked Ormonde into accepting. Preston sought Ormonde's confirmation, exposing the deception and prompting Ormonde to return the pass with a rebuke.

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report of Oliver's compliments regarding Lady Ormonde did not prevent her husband from feeling some uneasiness as to the possible consequences of the Dean's diplomacy. In fact, the latter piteously complained that he got but " slender thanks " from either general. Ormonde feared the gifts of the Greeks, and he was not mistaken. It soon transpired that, on their mere issue, Cromwell had grounded a positive statement that the Lord - Lieutenant would certainly make use of the passes in the course of the next two months.^ And in the hopes of persuading Preston to surrender Waterford, he was not ashamed to send that general a copy of the safe conduct. Preston, however, required Ormonde's confirmation of the intelligence, and thus the Marquis learnt the trick that had been played on him. He promptly obtained the original document from Boyle, and returned it to Cromwell with a letter, which may be regarded as a model of the snub courteous.
" Sir, — Dean Boyle haveing brought me a paper signed and sealed by you, seeming to bee a passe for mee to transporte myselfe beyond seas, I did much wonder from whence or for what reason it was that you ether gave or hee accepted it, since hee was directed to declare to you (if it came in question) that I had noe intention to treate with you for a passe or any other thing, and though I am yet to seeke a reason for his parte of that transaction, yet yours appears to me in Axtells letter to Generall Preston. I have by this trumpeter returned you your paper, and for your unsought courtesy doe assure you that when you shall desire a passe from mee, and I thinke fitt to graunt it, I shall not make use of it to corrupt any that commands under you. — I remaine Your humble servant

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 58

As the companion tells it

In 1650, Waterford was the city Cromwell wanted, and he hoped General Preston would surrender it. The trouble began with Dean Boyle's diplomacy. Ormonde felt uneasy about it, and Boyle complained he got "slender thanks" from either general. Ormonde feared the gifts of the Greeks, and he was right to. Cromwell had used the mere issue of the safe conduct to claim the Lord Lieutenant would certainly make use of the passes within the next two months. Then, hoping to persuade Preston to surrender the city, Cromwell sent him a copy of that safe conduct. Preston did not simply accept it. He asked Ormonde for confirmation. That was how Ormonde learned the trick played on him. He promptly got the original document back from Boyle and returned it to Cromwell with a letter that was a model of the snub courteous. Ormonde wrote that he much wondered why Cromwell had given the pass or why Boyle had accepted it, since Boyle had been directed to say Ormonde had no intention to treat with Cromwell for a pass or anything else. He said Cromwell's reason appeared in Axtell's letter to General Preston. He returned the paper by trumpeter. He told Cromwell that when Cromwell desired a pass from him and he thought fit to grant it, he would not use it to corrupt anyone commanding under Cromwell.

Father Archer demands English garrisons withdraw from Leix

Laois · county · Laois · 1600

During Ormonde's captivity at Gortnacleugh, the Jesuit Father Archer demanded the withdrawal of all English garrisons from Leix and the surrender of strong places in that territory to Owny O'More as conditions for the Earl's release. Ormonde refused on grounds of duty and honour, declining to barter away the Queen's domains for his own benefit.

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however, scarcely be blamed for their failure to provide a more generous diet. As for Ormonde's lodgings, which he shared with a posse of priests, he could, at this period, boast of a roof over his head. Privacy is a purely modern habit, neither desired nor practised by our fathers. But for the chieftain's avowed intention, in case of surprise, to enact the part of executioner, it was probably the least of Ormonde's trials that Owny was his bed-fellow. Father Archer, who devoted the long hours of daytime to theological disputation, was, doubtless, a more objectionable companion. For when reasoning failed, he would threaten the Earl with removal to Spain, where the persuasions of the Holy Office could be invoked to supplement his inefifectual arguments.^ Nor were Archer's bargainings confined to the domain of things spiritual. The withdrawal of all English garrisons from Leix and the surrender of the strong places in that country to Owny were the principal conditions demanded in return for Ormonde's release. They were debated incessantly, but with little prospect of agreement between the Jesuit and his captive. For Ormonde's sense of duty and honour alike forbade him to allow the Queen's domains to be bartered away for his benefit.
The amenities of Gortnacleugh were evidently not of a high order. But, in the light of his subsequent experiences, Ormonde must have viewed his residence there with something akin to regret, for after a few weeks, Owny became so fearful of his prisoner being rescued by the English, or kidnapped into Ulster by Tyrone's bonaghts ^ that he adopted a nomadic life. From one cabin to another, through bogs and forests, was Ormonde dragged, never suffered to rest in any single place longer than three hours. In the heyday of youth and strength such an existence must have taxed the most robust, at sixty-eight, it was bound to have a fatal termination.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 70

As the companion tells it

As you travel through Laois, you are moving through a country that was once the centre of a hard bargain. In the year 1600, the Earl of Ormonde was held captive at Gortnacleugh, kept by Owny O'More. Among those who guarded him was a Jesuit priest, Father Archer, who spent the daylight hours in theological argument with his prisoner. When reasoning failed, Archer would threaten to send Ormonde to Spain, where the Holy Office might persuade him more effectively. But Archer's demands were not confined to matters of faith. He insisted that every English garrison be withdrawn from Leix, and that the strong places in that territory be handed over to Owny O'More. These were the conditions for the Earl's release. The two men debated them without cease, but Ormonde would not agree. His sense of duty and honour, he said, forbade him to allow the Queen's domains to be bartered away for his own benefit. The lodging at Gortnacleugh was rough enough. Ormonde shared it with a posse of priests, and Owny himself was his bed-fellow, a man who had openly declared that if the English surprised them, he would act as executioner. After a few weeks, Owny grew fearful that his prisoner might be rescued or seized into Ulster by Tyrone's men. He took to a nomadic life, dragging Ormonde from cabin to cabin, through bogs and forests, never allowing him to rest longer than three hours in any one place. Ormonde was sixty-eight years old.

Limerick offered as security to the Duke of Lorraine

Limerick · city · Limerick · 1651

During negotiations with the Duke of Lorraine's representative (the Abbot), Limerick was to be handed over in warranty as security for financial assistance to the Irish royalist cause. Clanricarde resisted these terms but the Irish delegates ultimately agreed to pawn Limerick along with Galway for £16,000.

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himself and his heirs ; and that Limerick and Galway should at once be handed over in warranty to his representatives.^ Moreover, he entirely ignored the Lord- Deputy, addressing his communication to the " Lords administering the Government of Ireland." Clanricarde was justified in refusing to condone such treatment. The Abbot he never received, and all Dillon's efforts to explain the treaty did not reconcile him to its conditions. He was obliged to submit the offers to an Assembly of the gentry, Prelates, and Commissioners of Trust, though he seems to have been no less surprised than incensed when he found that a large number of the clergy and laity passionately favoured the Duke's proposals. They did, indeed, salve their consciences, or rather, seek to placate the Deputy, by adding a rider that the acceptance of the treaty should be without prejudice to the Sovereign's rights or interest in the realm, but it was clear that they would not forego a chance of salvation for the sake of a phantom loyalty to a covenanting King. It likewise transpired that the Assembly had not waited to be convoked by Clanricarde. Its members had conferred with the Abbot separately and independently of the Deputy, and had practically engaged to pawn the sovereign rights of Ireland for a sum of ^20,000, inclusive of the ^6,000 already paid by the Abbot. They were scarcely unreasonable in desiring to be quit both of their absentee monarch and the harsh supremacy of England. Yet, even in that dark hour, ^1^,000 was a small price to set upon their native country.
Clanricarde, who had accepted his onerous position to keep the country for the King, was not minded to let it go on these terms. He had a hard fight, but he stuck to his flag ; and, in the end, the Abbot agreed to advance ;^i6,ooo on the security of Limerick and Galway, referring the determination of all further points to the joint decision of the Duke and two Irish delegates, Sir Nicholas Plunket and Geoffrey Brown. These gentlemen who were instructed to act in conjunction with Taafe, at once

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 59

As the companion tells it

Limerick, in 1651, was a city someone was willing to pawn. The Duke of Lorraine's representative, called the Abbot, had already paid 6,000 toward a sum of 20,000, and in return Limerick and Galway were to be handed over in warranty as security. The Irish delegates had practically agreed to this, meeting the Abbot separately and without waiting to be summoned by Clanricarde, who held command for the King. Clanricarde never received the Abbot himself, and Dillon's efforts to explain the treaty did nothing to reconcile him to its terms. He put the offers before an Assembly of gentry, Prelates, and Commissioners of Trust, and found to his surprise that a large number of the clergy and laity passionately favoured the Duke's proposals. They added a rider that acceptance would be without prejudice to the Sovereign's rights, but it was clear they would not pass up a chance of salvation for loyalty to a covenanting King. They were scarcely unreasonable in wanting to be quit of their absentee monarch and the harsh supremacy of England. Yet even then, the price set on their native country was small. Clanricarde had taken his position to keep the country for the King and was not minded to let it go on those terms. He fought hard and held his ground. In the end, the Abbot agreed to advance 16,000 on the security of Limerick and Galway, leaving further points to the Duke and two Irish delegates, Sir Nicholas Plunket and Geoffrey Brown, instructed to act with Taafe.

Ormonde's punitive expedition to Naas

Naas · town · Kildare · 1642

Ormonde led an expedition to the Naas during which he burned and spoiled much and hanged some people. Lord Gormanstone dispatched Henry Dillon to warn that Ormonde's wife and children would be made to answer for any further such raids.

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" that it was ill-taken by the country and the Irish Army that the Earl of Ormonde did make inrodes into the country ; and especially that lately made to the Naas, in which he did burn and spoil much, and hanged some people . . . and he assured Ormonde that the best pledges he had, which was his wife and children, should answer it, if he did make any more such journeys." ^
Ormonde insisted on Gormanstone's messenger being examined at the Council Board. Nor did he send his answer to the Irish General without the approval of that body. He began his letter by reproaching Gormanstone for his alliance with the authors of inhuman cruelties.^ He then justified the Sovereign's determination to chastise the guilty fomenters of such bold and barbarous crimes, while for himself he declared, " if my hairs were one half lives, and the other children, I should rejoice to lose the last of them in the cause, which undoubtedly is God's and the King's." Although Ormonde had deprecated the methods of repression employed by the executive, he was too proud, when addressing a rebel, to justify himself at the expense of his superiors.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 37

As the companion tells it

Naas saw the Earl of Ormonde's raid in 1642. He burned and spoiled much here, and hanged some people. The country and the Irish Army took it ill. Lord Gormanstone dispatched Henry Dillon to Ormonde with a warning. The message was that Ormonde's best pledges, his wife and children, should answer for it if he made any more such journeys. Ormonde insisted that Gormanstone's messenger be examined at the Council Board, and he would not send his answer to the Irish General without that body's approval. He began his letter by reproaching Gormanstone for his alliance with the authors of inhuman cruelties. He justified the Sovereign's determination to chastise the guilty fomenters of such bold and barbarous crimes. For himself he declared, "if my hairs were one half lives, and the other children, I should rejoice to lose the last of them in the cause, which undoubtedly is God's and the King's." Ormonde had deprecated the methods of repression employed by the executive, but he was too proud to justify himself at the expense of his superiors when addressing a rebel.

Papal Nuncio Rinuccini lands at Bay of Killmair

Kenmare · town · Kerry · 1645

On October 11, 1645, the Papal Nuncio Giovanni Battista Rinuccini disembarked at the Bay of Killmair after a perilous voyage during which a Parliamentary frigate nearly captured his ship. He was only saved when the frigate's chimney caught fire, forcing it to lie to.

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Unfortunately for Ormonde, and for Ormonde's master, Digby was not the only eminent individual attracted by the Treaty to Ireland in the closing months of 1645. On October the nth the Papal Nuncio disembarked in the Bay of Killmair, and on the 12th of November he made a triumphal entry into Kilkenny.
Innocent X.'s Nuncio, Giovanni Battista Rinuccinf, Archbishop of Fermo, who was to exercise so great an influence on Irish history, was typical rather of the Rome of Hildebrand than of the Latitudinarian city of Olympia Pamphili. The narrowness of his views made him singularly forcible in a society, where the atmosphere was one of compromise. Austere both in morals and doctrine, he was inaccessible to any distraction from the lifelong ambition of restoring Ireland to the obedience of the Holy See. But although cast in the iron mould of bigotry, he did not lack the graces of eloquence and learning. Nor was he tainted with the avarice that has sometimes beset eminent ecclesiastics. If in the Irish chronicle he shares with Parsons and Phelim O'Neill the chief burden of blood-guiltiness, Rinuccini, unlike the Lord Justice, was free from any suspicion of corruption. Unhappily, natures impervious to gross temptations are not always steeled against subtler allurements. The dividing line between private and altruistic considerations is often ill to draw. Regarding himself as the representative of God's Vicegerent, Rinuccini treated any resistance to his decrees as rank sacrilege ; while, the suggestion of an affront, adding intensity to his resentment, gave the aspect of a moral obligation,^ to purely egotistic rancour. In fact, the Nuncio never disentangled his individual from his ghostly personality. Thus, when he learnt that some Irishman had drunk a health to the

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 48

As the companion tells it

Kenmare is a town the road passes through or near, and in October of 1645 it was where a significant arrival took place. On the 11th of that month, the Papal Nuncio disembarked in the Bay of Killmair. His voyage had been perilous. A Parliamentary frigate nearly captured his ship, and he was saved only when the frigate's chimney caught fire, forcing it to lie to. The Nuncio was Giovanni Battista Rinuccini, Archbishop of Fermo, sent by Innocent the Tenth. He was to exercise a great influence on Irish history. The book describes him as a man cast in the iron mould of bigotry, austere in morals and doctrine, narrow in his views, and singularly forcible in a society where the atmosphere was one of compromise. His lifelong ambition was restoring Ireland to the obedience of the Holy See. He did not lack the graces of eloquence and learning, and he was free from avarice. The author notes that he was not tainted with the corruption that has sometimes beset eminent ecclesiastics. But he treated any resistance to his decrees as rank sacrilege. Regarding himself as the representative of God's Vicegerent, he never disentangled his individual from his ghostly personality. The suggestion of an affront added intensity to his resentment and gave the aspect of a moral obligation to what the author calls purely egotistic rancour. On the 12th of November, a month after landing, he made a triumphal entry into Kilkenny.

Spanish forces defeated at Kinsale, 1601

Kinsale · town · Cork · 1601

The overthrow of the Spanish forces at Kinsale in 1601 destroyed Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone's hopes of foreign succour. This battle was a decisive turning point in the Tudor conquest of Ireland.

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Lord Mountjoy, the Deputy to whom fell the honours of the long deferred conquest, gained no facile victory, for his opponent Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, was no mean antagonist. One of the keenest intellects of Elizabeth's court, the champion of Rome, the ally of Spain, the tanist O'Neill was supported by the fanatical desperation of the septs fighting for their last stronghold. It has been truly said, that O'Neill was finally beaten as much by the spade as by the sword. Wherever Mountjoy gained a pass or important strategical position, he built a strong fort, well provisioned and garrisoned.^ The process was leisurely, but it was sure. Inexorably the iron circle narrowed, crushing the last atom of defiance. Resistance was outworn ; with the overthrow of the Spanish forces at Kinsale in 1601, vanished Tyrone's hopes of foreign succour. On March the 30th 1603, the great Earl rode into Dublin and made his submission. The perennial strife was ended. Henceforward, during well-nigh forty years, the land had peace. But the price was a heavy one, and the enforced calm akin to the stupor of exhaustion.
The Irish, Sir John Davies says, " were beat as it were in a mortar with the sword, famine and pestilence."^ Next to the spade, hunger had been Mountjoy's most effectual instrument. The horrors of that protracted warfare are hard to describe or realise ; and to appreciate the suffering inflicted we should remember that in normal conditions the wants of the native, at any rate, in Ulster were pathetically few.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 17

As the companion tells it

Kinsale is a town the road passes through, and in 1601 it was where Spanish forces were overthrown, the event that destroyed Hugh O'Neill's hopes of foreign help. O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, was no mean antagonist. He was one of the keenest intellects of Elizabeth's court, the champion of Rome, the ally of Spain, and the septs who supported him fought with fanatical desperation for their last stronghold. Lord Mountjoy, the Deputy, gained no facile victory. It has been said that O'Neill was beaten as much by the spade as by the sword. Wherever Mountjoy gained a pass or important position, he built a strong fort, well provisioned and garrisoned. The process was leisurely but sure. Inexorably the iron circle narrowed, crushing the last atom of defiance. With the overthrow of the Spanish forces at Kinsale in 1601, Tyrone's hopes of foreign succour vanished. On March the 30th 1603, the great Earl rode into Dublin and made his submission. The perennial strife was ended, and for well-nigh forty years the land had peace. But the price was heavy, and the enforced calm was akin to the stupor of exhaustion. Sir John Davies said the Irish were beat as it were in a mortar with the sword, famine and pestilence. Next to the spade, hunger had been Mountjoy's most effectual instrument. The horrors of that protracted warfare are hard to describe. In normal conditions the wants of the native, at any rate in Ulster, were pathetically few.

Surrender of Galway fort after powder ran short

Galway · city · Galway · 1643

Governor Willoughby harried the Galway countryside and bombarded the town despite Clanricarde's remonstrances, wasting ammunition he could ill afford. After a brief siege on 20 June 1643, powder ran short and he was forced to surrender what was called the most important stronghold in Ireland.

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During the spring of 1643, the English fortunes in Munster and Connaught appeared to be going from bad to worse. Lord Forbes could spend powder on the salutes accompanying a drunken frolic, though he had none to spare for Inchiquin's urgent necessities ; ^ while, on the other side, Colonel John Bourke, the new Lieutenant-General of Connaught. proved himself a good soldier and an adept at winning over the gentry of that province. His best arguments, perhaps, were drawn from the persistent misconduct of Governor Willoughby, who, disregarding Clanricarde's remonstrances, harried the countryside and bombarded the town ; though it was not long before Willoughby was driven bitterly to regret this profligate waste of ammunition. Properly munitioned, the fort of Galway was almost impregnable,^ but, after a brief siege on the 20th of June, powder ran short, and Willoughby was forced to surrender the most important stronghold in Ireland. In Ulster, thanks to provisions imported from Scotland, the forces of Monroe and Sir Robert Stewart were not brought to the pitch of destitution that prevailed elsewhere. In May, at Clonish, Stewart achieved a considerable success, defeating Owen Roe O'Neill, and capturing or killing many of his foreign officers. He was not, however, able to improve this victory. At the end of a week, Owen Roe was again in the field at the head of a new army, to all appearance, having only suffered a temporary reverse.-
In the circumstances, Ormonde was naturally anxious to hasten a cessation. The envoys whom he selected to negotiate with the Confederates were Lord Taafe and Colonel Barry, Roman Catholic loyalists of distinction.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 40

As the companion tells it

Galway, in 1643, held what was called the most important stronghold in Ireland. That spring, the English cause in Munster and Connaught was going from bad to worse. Lord Forbes was spending powder on salutes for a drunken frolic when he had none to spare for Inchiquin's urgent needs. On the other side, Colonel John Bourke, the new Lieutenant-General of Connaught, proved a good soldier and adept at winning over the gentry. His best arguments were drawn from the conduct of Governor Willoughby, who, disregarding Clanricarde's remonstrances, harried the countryside and bombarded the town. It was not long before Willoughby bitterly regretted this profligate waste of ammunition. Properly munitioned, the fort of Galway was almost impregnable. But after a brief siege on the 20th of June, powder ran short, and Willoughby was forced to surrender the most important stronghold in Ireland. The loss was devastating. In Ulster, Monroe and Sir Robert Stewart survived on provisions imported from Scotland, avoiding the destitution that prevailed elsewhere. Stewart even defeated Owen Roe O'Neill at Clonish in May, capturing or killing many of his foreign officers, though he could not improve on the victory. Within a week Owen Roe was back in the field with a new army. In these circumstances Ormonde was anxious to hasten a cessation, and selected Lord Taafe and Colonel Barry, Roman Catholic loyalists of distinction, to negotiate with the Confederates.

Clerical assembly at Waterford condemns the Peace

Waterford · city · Waterford · 1646

On 6 August 1646, a great assembly of Roman Catholic clergy took place at Waterford, dominated by Rinuccini. The clergy denounced all adherents of the Peace as perjurers, excommunicated its commissioners, and interdicted towns and churches where it was acknowledged.

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On the 6th of August, a great assembly of the Roman Catholic clergy took place at Waterford. The servants proved worthy of their master. Bishops and clergy were absolutely dominated by Rinuccini, and readily voted any measures he deemed expedient. These were conceived in the true spirit of the Church militant. All adherents of the Peace they denounced as perjurers. The Commissioners, who negotiated it, they excommunicated ; the towns and churches where it was acknowledged, they
* Gilbert, "Confederation," vol. vi. p. 5. ^ Gardiner, vol. iii. p. 156.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

As the companion tells it

Waterford, in 1646, saw a great assembly of Roman Catholic clergy on the 6th of August. Bishops and clergy were dominated by Rinuccini, and voted any measures he deemed expedient. They denounced all adherents of the Peace as perjurers. They excommunicated the commissioners who had negotiated it, and they interdicted the towns and churches where it was acknowledged.

Dublin merchants refuse to lend to Lords Justices

Dublin · city · Dublin · 1641

The Lords Justices, desperate to raise funds to disband unruly Papist soldiers, sought to borrow money on their own bonds, but Dublin merchants refused. The financial crisis left the Exchequer empty and the starving soldiery plundering the countryside.

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During the three months of the session, Ormonde's labours were not limited to his Parliamentary work. It was no small problem to dispose of the army raised and drilled with so much care by Strafford. The existence of those eight thousand Papist soldiers had precipitated the Viceroy's fate, and although, in September 1640, he himself had instructed Ormonde to disband four thousand of their number, want of funds to discharge the arrears of pay had made this impossible. In May 1641, the finances showed no signs of amendment. The reduction of the subsidies, entailing the postponement of any assessment till that spring, had left the Exchequer as empty as when Wentworth first assumed the reins of Government. Yet every day that passed, made it more imperative to disperse the hungry troopers. Not only were the Commons at Westminster clamorously urgent on the subject, but the inconveniences of the situation were apparent in the length and breadth of Ireland. The Lords Justices wrote piteously to Secretary Vane that although, as a last resource, they had sought to raise money on their own bonds, the Dublin merchants were deaf to their appeal.- The condition of affairs was fast growing intolerable, for if, as they pointed out, the army was unruly even under their eyes in the capital, what might be expected in more remote places ? The markets were disorganised ; the countryfolk refused to bring supplies merely to serve as loot for the starving soldiery,
^ Carte, vol. i. p. 291.

Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 34

As the companion tells it

Dublin, in 1641, was a city gripped by a financial crisis that threatened to unravel the peace of all Ireland. Strafford had raised and drilled an army of 8,000 Papist soldiers with great care, but their very existence had hastened his own downfall. In September 1640 he had instructed Ormonde to disband 4,000 of them, yet there was no money to pay the arrears they were owed, and so the task proved impossible. By May 1641 the Exchequer was as empty as it had been when Wentworth first took the reins of government. Every day that passed made it more urgent to disperse the hungry troopers, for the Commons at Westminster were clamouring about it, and the trouble was plain across the length and breadth of Ireland. The Lords Justices wrote piteously to Secretary Vane that, as a last resource, they had sought to raise money on their own bonds, but the Dublin merchants were deaf to their appeal. The situation was fast growing intolerable. If the army was unruly even under their eyes in the capital, what could be expected in more remote places? The markets were disorganised. The countryfolk refused to bring supplies, knowing they would serve merely as loot for the starving soldiery.

The life of James, first duke of Ormonde, 1610-1688; (vol. 1)

The stories, best first

Discovery of the 1641 plot to seize Dublin Castle

Sir Charles Coote hangs Father Higgins in Dublin

Battle of Benburb: O'Neill's rout of the Scots

Bishop Bedell buried at Kilmore cemetery with Irish lamentations

St Leger berates Munster gentry at Clonmel

Woman warrior discovered at Ballintober

Bishop Bedell imprisoned in Cloughouter Castle on Lough Oughter

Drogheda massacre and death of Sir Edmund Verney

Lady Offalia defies rebels at Geashill Castle

Lady Ormonde's ordeal in Dublin: famine, pestilence, and defence

Mob violence at Limerick against herald of Peace

Battle of Letterkenny and execution of Henry O'Neill

Archbishop of Tuam killed outside Sligo, treaty discovered

Bishop Bedell's house at Kilmore as sanctuary for English refugees

Coote's punitive raid on Wicklow

Cromwell's siege and assault on Kilkenny

Gentry of Meath meet at Tara to defy Lords Justices

Lady Ormonde rebuilds Dublin fortifications (1646)

Lord Kildare burns Cashel Church with Archbishop inside

Massacre and burning of St Patrick's shrine at Armagh

Ormonde captured near Kilkenny by Owny O'More

Single combat at the Battle of Benburb

Sir Charles Coote killed before Trim

Munroe ravages Westmeath and massacres peasantry

Ormonde kidnapped near Kilkenny by Owny MacRory O'More

Ormonde refused entry to plague-stricken Limerick

Ormonde's triumphal entry into Kilkenny with closed churches

Ormonde surrenders Dublin Castle and departs for England

Owen Roe O'Neill relieves English prisoners at Dundalk

Roger O'More restrains soldiery at the siege of Drogheda

Surrendered gentlemen imprisoned and tortured in Dublin

Battle of Kilrush: Ormonde routs Lord Mountgarret's superior rebel force

Drogheda siege: Aston's garrison and Lady Wilmot's plot

Duncannon sought as security for Lorraine's loan

Glamorgan accused of high treason before Dublin Privy Council

Kilkenny Corporation tears down triumphal arches in fear

Lady Moore's plot to betray Drogheda to Munroe

New Ross capitulates under Taafe

Ormonde spares Naas from burning, captures Father Higgins

Portumna jury defies Wentworth's plantation scheme

Rinuccini makes triumphal entry into Kilkenny

Starving refugees crawl into Dublin on hands and knees

Temple's famine profiteering on wheat in Dublin

Tyrone rides into Dublin to submit, 1603

Waterford authorities block Ormonde from rescuing Ferrall near Passage

Castlehaven imprisoned at Sheriff's house in Dublin

Coote butchers husbandmen at Santry

Henry O'Neill's relief of Derry and Coote's ingratitude

Munroe seizes Belfast by treachery

Peace proclaimed at Kilkenny to hostile audience

Rats overrunning houses at Kilmore as portent of war

Cromwell sends Preston copy of Ormonde's safe conduct to pressure Waterford

Father Archer demands English garrisons withdraw from Leix

Limerick offered as security to the Duke of Lorraine

Ormonde's punitive expedition to Naas

Papal Nuncio Rinuccini lands at Bay of Killmair

Spanish forces defeated at Kinsale, 1601

Surrender of Galway fort after powder ran short

Clerical assembly at Waterford condemns the Peace

Dublin merchants refuse to lend to Lords Justices