The life of James, first duke of Ormonde, 1610-1688; (vol. 1)

Each story keeps the passage it was read from. Open one to read the passage as the book has it, and, where the companion has written its own telling, that too.

1. George Crichton, vicar of Lurgan, organises refugee relief

   near Lurgan · town · Armagh · 1641

   George Crichton, vicar of Lurgan, was spared by the rebels partly due to his Scottish blood and personal popularity. He stayed to organise relief for hundreds of fleeing refugees, arranging milking, food preparation, bedding, and medical supplies for the fugitives passing through.

   Read the passage

   The saintly Bishop of Kilmore is the most attractive figure of the Anglican Church in Ireland. On a humbler scale, if with not less earnestness, George Crichton, the vicar of Lurgan, showed himself worthy of his calling. Thanks to his Scottish blood, Crichton escaped the first fury of the rebels.^ Later, when all respect for his nationality had vanished, he was spared partly on account of his personal popularity, for " noe man ever lost a penny by him in the Bishop's Court, and none ever paid him what he did owe," and partly for his knowledge of farriery, which enabled him to save some valuable cattle belonging to Lord Fingall. Crichton could have escaped at an early period had he deserted his charge ; but as he was not plundered, he determined to remain and assist the refugees who were fleeing south. He explained to his wife and family that " their lives were nothing so much worth, as were the lives of those who should, undoubtedly, perish if we should fly and seeke only to save our own lives," ^ and with real heroism and practical good sense he set himself to organise the work of relief. Apart from the jealousy of the Irish, this was no easy task. The first batch of four hundred and fifty people from Newtown had not a knife amongst them to cut their food, and in their eagerness they fought and struggled over the viands. But thereafter the methodical minister had all in readiness for the passage of the fugitives. The kine were milked at dawn, and the milk boiled for the children and sick folk. Hay was prepared for bedj and turf for firing; and, finally, the meat was chopped up for distribution. For the wounded, too, there was good store of salve. In fact, Crichton considered it a special dispensation of Providence that like the

   ' " Cont. History of Affairs," part ii. p. 529. George Crichton's Deposition. 2 Idem, p. 528.

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   As the companion tells it

   Lurgan is the town you are passing through or near. In 1641, this was where George Crichton, the vicar, stayed behind when others fled. He was a Scottish man, and that Scottish blood saved him when the rebellion first broke out. Later, even that protection faded, but he was still spared. People liked him. One account says no man ever lost a penny by him in the Bishop's Court, and none ever paid him what they did owe. He also knew farriery, the skill of tending horses, and that knowledge let him save some valuable cattle belonging to Lord Fingall. He could have escaped early on. He chose not to. He told his wife and family that their lives were nothing so much worth as were the lives of those who would undoubtedly perish if they fled and sought only to save their own lives. So he stayed and organised relief for the refugees fleeing south. The first group was 450 people from Newtown. They had not a single knife among them to cut their food, and they fought and struggled over what was given. After that, Crichton had everything ready. The kine were milked at dawn, and the milk boiled for the children and the sick. Hay was prepared for beds, and turf for firing. The meat was chopped up for distribution. For the wounded there was a good store of salve. He saw it all as a special dispensation of Providence.

2. Massacre of priests at the Rock of Cashel

   Cashel · town · Tipperary · 1642

   A militant Protestant, described as masquerading in pillaged cope and chasuble, witnessed the slaughter of priests at the sanctuary of Cashel, which ran red with their blood. The perpetrator later died a penitent of the Church of Rome.

   Read the passage

   the knowledge of his own isolation. Of the purest Celtic blood, tracing his descent from mythic Irish kings, he knew no pity for those of his own race. A militant Protestant, he was a ruthless persecutor of Catholics. Yet, the man who, masquerading in pillaged cope and chasuble, had seen unmoved the sanctuary of Cashel run red with the blood of slaughtered priests, at the last died a penitent of the Church of Rome.

   The spring of the year 1642 witnessed the arrival of a Parliamentary contingent under the command of the Lord - Lieutenant's eldest son. Lord Lisle. It cannot be said that these much-desired reinforcements proved an unmixed blessing to the Government. The want of food and pay had already engendered a seditious spirit in the standing army, and the behaviour of the English recruits now proved tinder to the flame. Although the original force had been tested by many a month's hardships, it pleased the newcomers to describe their comrades as "Irish rebels"; and the quarrels that ensued caused considerable anxiety to the executive. On one occasion, a little band of captains burst into the Council Chamber, imperiously demanding the redress of their grievances. Smooth words were useless. Officers and men alike refused to march on active service until some portion of their arrears was discharged. The only money available was ;;^i,C)00 subscribed by sympathisers in England for necessitous Irish Protestants. The authorities decided that the moment did not allow of their being over nice in its allocation, and the alms of the godly were consequently swept into the deplenished war chest. The sum, however, was barely sufficient to satisfy the officers, and an attempt to hang a mutineer, as a warning to the rank and file, nearly provoked a general conflagration.

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   As the companion tells it

   Cashel, in Tipperary, holds a grim story from 1642. A man of the purest Celtic blood, tracing his descent from mythic Irish kings, knew no pity for those of his own race. He was a militant Protestant and a ruthless persecutor of Catholics. He masqueraded in a pillaged cope and chasuble, and watched unmoved as the sanctuary of Cashel ran red with the blood of slaughtered priests. Yet this same man, at the last, died a penitent of the Church of Rome. That spring of 1642 also brought a Parliamentary contingent under the command of the Lord Lieutenant's eldest son, Lord Lisle. These much desired reinforcements were not an unmixed blessing. Want of food and pay had already bred a seditious spirit in the standing army, and the English recruits proved tinder to the flame. The newcomers pleased themselves by calling their comrades, as the source says, Irish rebels. The quarrels that followed caused the executive considerable anxiety. A little band of captains once burst into the Council Chamber, imperiously demanding redress of their grievances. Smooth words were useless. Officers and men alike refused to march on active service until some portion of their arrears was discharged. The only money available had been subscribed by sympathisers in England for necessitous Irish Protestants. The authorities decided the moment did not allow them to be over nice in its allocation, and the alms of the godly were swept into the depleted war chest. The sum was barely enough to satisfy the officers, and an attempt to hang a mutineer nearly provoked a general conflagration.

3. Mayor of Cashel warns Ormonde to turn back

   Cashel · town · Tipperary · 1646

   On 10 September 1646, while en route to a meeting at Cashel, Ormonde was met by a message from the mayor begging him to turn back, as Owen Roe O'Neill had threatened the town with destruction if it admitted the Lord-Lieutenant.

   Read the passage

   Bent alike on conciliation, and on reassuring his troubled supporters, Ormonde earnestly pursued negotiations with the Waterford congregation. On the loth of September, having arranged a meeting with some members of the nobility at Cashel, he was on his way thither, when he was met by a message from the mayor begging him to turn back, since Owen Roe O'Neill had threatened the town with destruction if it admitted the Lord-Lieutenant.^ At the same time, Ormonde received intelligence from two different sources that the Ulster General was marching from Birr with a large force, to surprise either Dublin or Kilkenny.^ Owen himself had preserved his usual reticence about his plans. But the priests were already crowing over the anticipated capture of the Lord-Lieutenant and his subjection— should he prove intractable — to nameless outrage.

   ^ Gilbert, " Confederation," vol. vi. p. 134. Mayor of Cashel to Ormonde, loth September 1646.

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   As the companion tells it

   Cashel, in Tipperary, is where a warning was delivered to a man who never reached the town. On 10 September 1646, Ormonde was on his way to a meeting with members of the nobility at Cashel. The mayor sent a message begging him to turn back. Owen Roe O'Neill had threatened the town with destruction if it admitted the Lord-Lieutenant. At the same time, word came from two sources that the Ulster General was marching from Birr with a large force, meaning to surprise either Dublin or Kilkenny. Owen himself had said nothing of his plans. But the priests were already speaking of the capture of the Lord-Lieutenant, and of what they would do to him if he proved intractable.

4. Papal envoy Scarampi welcomed at Kilkenny

   Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1643

   Pietro Scarampi, the Pope's envoy, arrived bringing stores, money, and a Papal Bull granting absolution to all involved in the Rebellion. His military and spiritual outfit was much appreciated at Kilkenny, strengthening the clerical party's opposition to the truce.

   Read the passage

   The alliance of the Scottish Covenanters and English Parliamentarians had intensified Charles's desire to arrange a cessation with the Irish, but the obstacles to its conclusion were not removed by the arrival in July of Pietro Scarampi, the Pope's envoy. Scarampi brought stores, money, and a Papal Bull authorising a General Jubilee, and granting absolution to all, whatever their crimes, concerned in the Rebellion. His outfit, military and spiritual was much appreciated at Kilkenny. His advent was an undoubted gain to the clerical party, who consequently assailed the proposed truce with unprecedented bitterness. As yet, however, the Ultramontanes were not the dominant force in the Assembly. Clanricarde, Taafe, and Castlehaven still carried great weight. Their arguments eventually prevailed, and in August the conference was ^ Carte, vol. ii. p. 504. 2 j^gm^ p. 503.

   1643] CONCLUSION OF CESSATION 223

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   As the companion tells it

   The road runs near Kilkenny, where in 1643 a struggle over peace played out. The alliance of Scottish Covenanters and English Parliamentarians had intensified King Charles's desire to arrange a cessation with the Irish, but the obstacles were not removed by the arrival in July of Pietro Scarampi, the Pope's envoy. Scarampi brought stores, money, and a Papal Bull authorising a General Jubilee, granting absolution to all, whatever their crimes, concerned in the Rebellion. His outfit, military and spiritual, was much appreciated. His advent was an undoubted gain to the clerical party, who consequently assailed the proposed truce with unprecedented bitterness. Yet the Ultramontanes were not the dominant force in the Assembly. Clanricarde, Taafe, and Castlehaven still carried great weight. Their arguments eventually prevailed, and in August the conference reached its conclusion.

5. Waterford citizens deny Castlehaven admission before Cromwell's siege

   Waterford · city · Waterford · 1649

   The citizens of Waterford refused to admit Castlehaven and his reinforcements, seeming more bent on keeping out friends than enemies. Only on November 21st, the day before Cromwell began his investment, did the Mayor and Corporation finally ask Ormonde for help.

   Read the passage

   O'Neill's death was a crushing blow to Ormonde's newborn hopes, but the exigencies of the situation gave him little leisure to mourn his loss. The tragedy of Wexford had held no lesson, apparently, for the citizens of Waterford. They seemed rather bent on keeping out their friends than their declared enemies ; and when Castlehaven and his reinforcements appeared before the gates, they were curtly denied admission. It was not, in fact, until November the 21st, the day before Cromwell began the investment, that the Mayor and Corporation humbled themselves to ask help of Ormonde. Even then, they insisted that the relief force should consist solely of orthodox warriors, drawn from the division sent southwards by O'Neill under General Ferrall. It was no moment to stand on ceremony, for Cromwell was already in possession of Passage, the fort commanding the south-western avenues to the town. With all possible speed, therefore, Ormonde escorted Ferrall and two thousand Ulstermen to Waterford, and saw them safely lodged within its walls. The Irish climate seconded Ormonde's efforts on behalf of the beleaguered city. Torrential rain made the siege manoeuvres well-nigh impossible, and disease spread apace in the English camp. Cromwell had been already contemplating a retreat. Ormonde's advance now confirmed him in this intention, and, on December the 4th, as the Lord- Lieutenant once more approached the city, bringing to its rescue a fresh body of Celts, he had the satisfaction of seeing the English army march away.

   It might have been expected that Ormonde's exertions on their behalf would have reconciled the townspeople to their deliverer, but the invective levelled by the Psalmist on "horse and mule that have no understanding," would not have been inappropriate to the city fathers of

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   As the companion tells it

   Waterford in 1649 nearly shut its doors on its own salvation. The citizens had watched Wexford fall, yet learned nothing from it. When Castlehaven arrived with reinforcements, they refused him entry. They seemed, as the record says, more bent on keeping out their friends than their declared enemies. Only on November the 21st, the very day before Cromwell began his investment of the city, did the Mayor and Corporation humble themselves to ask Ormonde for help. Even then they insisted the relief force consist solely of orthodox warriors, drawn from the division sent south by O'Neill under General Ferrall. Cromwell was already in possession of Passage, the fort commanding the southwestern approaches to the town. There was no time to stand on ceremony. Ormonde escorted Ferrall and 2,000 Ulstermen to Waterford and saw them safely lodged within its walls. The Irish climate came to the city's aid. Torrential rain made the siege manoeuvres well-nigh impossible, and disease spread through the English camp. Cromwell had already been contemplating retreat. Ormonde's advance confirmed him in that intention. On December the 4th, as the Lord-Lieutenant approached once more with a fresh body of men, he had the satisfaction of seeing the English army march away. You might think such deliverance would have reconciled the townspeople to Ormonde. It did not. The book compares them to creatures that have no understanding.

6. Castlehaven held captive and escapes from Dublin

   Dublin · city · Dublin · 1642

   The Earl of Castlehaven, refused employment or safe conduct by the Justices, lived under restraint in Dublin and was threatened with transfer to the Castle. In October 1642, disguised as a soldier carrying a saddle, he escaped the town with the help of a grateful trooper he had previously befriended.

   Read the passage

   volunteered his services to the State. The Justices would, however, neither employ the Papist earl nor protect his cattle and goods from pillage by the rebels, while they categorically refused to give him a safe conduct to England. Raked by the fire of both parties, he thus lived in no enviable plight at Maddistone and Dublin, until he was committed to the Sheriff's safe keeping. Restraint of any kind was irksome, but, in October, the prospect of being transferred to the Castle roused him to meditate the means of escape. It happened that some time previously he had nursed and befriended one of Ormonde's troopers. Unlike the treacherous saddler, this man cherished a keen sense of Castlehaven's kindness, and now showed his gratitude by making all necessary arrangements for the Earl's flight. Carrying a saddle, and wearing a soldier's uniform, Castlehaven was thus enabled to steal unsuspected out of the town. He had not gone far, before he was pursued ; but he was not overtaken, and the Justices were reduced to console themselves by burning both his houses. As the fugitive rode past Maddistone, and saw the flames devouring his ruined home, he registered a vow to throw in his lot with the Confederate Catholics.

   "Whether," he says, "anger and revenge did not incline me to it as much as anything else, I cannot certainly resolve. This, I well remember that I considered how I had been used, and seen my house burning as I passed by." ^

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   As the companion tells it

   Dublin, 1642. The Earl of Castlehaven was a man caught between fires. He had volunteered his services to the State, but the Justices would neither employ the Papist earl nor protect his cattle and goods from pillage by the rebels. They refused him a safe conduct to England. So he lived under restraint, committed to the Sheriff's safe keeping, in Dublin and at a place called Maddistone. In October the prospect of being transferred to the Castle roused him to plan his escape. Some time before, he had nursed and befriended one of Ormonde's troopers. That man remembered the kindness and made all the arrangements for the Earl's flight. Carrying a saddle and wearing a soldier's uniform, Castlehaven stole unsuspected out of the town. He had not gone far before he was pursued, but he was not overtaken. The Justices consoled themselves by burning both his houses. As the fugitive rode past Maddistone and saw the flames devouring his ruined home, he registered a vow to throw in his lot with the Confederate Catholics. He later wrote of that moment. Whether anger and revenge did not incline him to it as much as anything else, he could not certainly resolve. But he well remembered that he considered how he had been used, and seen his house burning as he passed by.

7. Dublin plate minted for starving officers; Bishop of Meath jailed

   Dublin · city · Dublin · 1642–1643

   Facing an army whose officers were near starvation, the Lords Justices ordered Dublin's inhabitants to surrender half their plate for minting. The Bishop of Meath, protesting poverty and possessing only a few old gowns, was imprisoned for refusing, but the total yielded a mere £2,200.

   Read the passage

   Undoubtedly, there was no uncertain sound about this utterance ; and its pious peroration did not reassure the Justices as to the course the army might adopt when freed from all control. In their anxiety, the Governors ordered the inhabitants of Dublin to bring half their plate to be minted down for the officers' relief, and when the Bishop of Meath declined on the score of poverty, protesting that his worldly goods consisted merely of a few old gowns, he was promptly sent to prison to encourage the spirit of liberality in others. The unlucky prelate suffered in vain. When every flagon and spoon that could be scraped together was flung into the melting pot, the total amounted only to a miserable ;^2,200 ; and the officers informed their rulers that they had no choice save to betake themselves to the " fountayne of justice and piety,"'- His Most Gracious Majesty.

   Thus, as 1643 was dawning, Charles learnt that both parties in Ireland made him the arbiter of their destinies.

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   As the companion tells it

   Dublin in 1642 was a city under strain. The army's officers were near starvation, and the Lords Justices feared what hungry soldiers might do once free of control. In their anxiety the Governors ordered the inhabitants of Dublin to bring half their plate to be minted down for the officers' relief. The Bishop of Meath refused. He protested that his worldly goods consisted merely of a few old gowns, and he declined on the score of poverty. He was promptly sent to prison to encourage the spirit of liberality in others. The unlucky prelate suffered in vain. When every flagon and spoon that could be scraped together was flung into the melting pot, the total amounted only to a miserable 2,200 pounds. The officers told their rulers they had no choice save to betake themselves to what they called the fountayne of justice and piety, His Most Gracious Majesty. As 1643 was dawning, Charles learnt that both parties in Ireland made him the arbiter of their destinies.

8. Ormonde halts at the abbey of Kells during retreat

   Kells · town · Kilkenny · 1646

   After a night spent in the saddle, Ormonde's first halting place on his retreat was the embattled abbey of Kells. From there he sent word to Kilkenny's mayor and aldermen offering to remain and defend the town if they desired it.

   Read the passage

   Ormonde was not easily scared. And he was loth to leave Kilkenny at a juncture when his presence there might further an understanding with the clericals. Yet, as he himself said, he could not endure the thought that his " credulity " should have led his friends into danger.^ He knew that O'Neill did not hold himself bound by the Supreme Council's treaty, while Preston's attitude was not calculated to inspire confidence. Indeed, as Lord Castlehaven pointed out, the fact of O'Neill's uninterrupted march was proof of Preston's connivance with the northern commanders. Should Ormonde linger in Tipperary, and the two generals act in concert, he must inevitably be caught between their armies. As messenger after messenger confirmed Castlehaven's forebodings, Ormonde resolved to beat a retreat, leaving Lord Digby in charge of the negotiations at Kilkenny ; though so reluctant was he to turn tail, that from the embattled abbey of Kells, his first halting place after a night spent in the saddle, he sent word to the mayor and aldermen of Kilkenny that if they desired it and would abide by the Peace, he would remain and conduct the defence of the town. The Corporation were, however, now pulling down the triumphal arches with even greater fervour than they had lately shown in their erection. The fear of the northern army was upon them ; they knew that Ormonde could only count on his escort of 1,500 foot and 500 horse, and their one desire was to be quit of so compromising a guest.

   Ormonde's force was not only small, but was also weakened by its dispersal. The foot was stationed at Gowran, under Sir Francis Willoughby, the horse nearer Kilkenny. It was evident that not an hour should be lost in crossing the Barrow and the Liffey, if the little band meant to see Dublin again, and it was well that Willoughby understood his business. On the receipt of Ormonde's summons, he acted with extraordinary promptitude, requisitioning every cart-horse in the neighbourhood for

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   As the companion tells it

   The town of Kells lies along this road. In 1646, Ormonde reached it during a retreat from Tipperary, after a night spent in the saddle. His first halting place was the embattled abbey. He was not a man easily scared, and he was reluctant to leave Kilkenny, where his presence might further an understanding with the clericals. But he said he could not endure the thought that his "credulity" should have led his friends into danger. He knew O'Neill did not hold himself bound by the Supreme Council's treaty, and Preston's attitude did not inspire confidence. Lord Castlehaven pointed out that O'Neill's uninterrupted march was proof of Preston's connivance with the northern commanders. If Ormonde lingered in Tipperary and the two generals acted in concert, he would be caught between their armies. Messenger after messenger confirmed Castlehaven's forebodings, and Ormonde resolved to retreat, leaving Lord Digby in charge of negotiations at Kilkenny. Yet so reluctant was he to turn tail that from the abbey he sent word to the mayor and aldermen of Kilkenny: if they desired it and would abide by the Peace, he would remain and conduct the defence of the town. The Corporation were already pulling down their triumphal arches with greater fervour than they had shown in erecting them. The fear of the northern army was upon them. They knew Ormonde could count only on his escort of 1,500 foot and 500 horse, and their one desire was to be quit of so compromising a guest.

9. Battle of Kilrush — Ormonde's decisive victory

   Kilrush · townland · Kildare · 1642

   Ormonde's victory at Kilrush arrested the Celtic advance and sealed him to the English cause. It marked a turning point in both his career and the Irish Rebellion, demonstrating that in open battle the official army would prevail, though the garrison remained dependent on defeated enemies for supplies.

   Read the passage

   The victory of Kilrush and its acknowledgment by the English Parliament are memorable events in Ormonde's career. Henceforward, though calumny might mutter, Ormonde was triumphantly sealed to the English cause and the English rule. Nor could there be any question that the power of the executive found its most tangible expression in James Butler. The officials, it is true, still treated him as their instrument. But after Kilrush, it became clear that the real authority must eventually devolve on the man who had arrested the Celtic advance. If, however, the battle of Kilrush marks an important stage in Ormonde's life, it is no less a landmark in the history of the Irish Rebellion. To begin with, it may be said to have set a term to the possibilities of the situation. At Kilrush it first became evident that wherever English and Irish faced each other in battle array, and the issue was not confused by crazy generalship, as at Benburb, the victory was bound to rest with the official army. These victories were fruitless, because they were the victories of a garrison with its supplies commanded by the defeated enemy, and unable to revictual its stores or reinforce its ranks from without. Still, there are wars where, if the garrison can keep its flag flying, its opponents are in a worse plight — and this was the case in Ireland. If the Confederate Catholics could have had ten years to organise themselves within, and to obtain the financial aid of Romanist sympathisers from without, the records of Cromwell's campaigns might not have been so uniformly successful. Moreover, there were other

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   As the companion tells it

   Somewhere near here, in 1642, the Battle of Kilrush was fought. James Butler, who would become the first Duke of Ormonde, led the official army to victory and arrested the Celtic advance. The English Parliament acknowledged the victory, and from that point on, Ormonde was sealed to the English cause and to English rule. The officials still treated him as their instrument, but it became clear that real authority would eventually rest with the man who had arrested the Celtic advance. The battle marks an important stage in Ormonde's life, but it is no less a landmark in the history of the Irish Rebellion. It set a term to the possibilities of the situation. It first became evident that wherever English and Irish faced each other in battle array, and the issue was not confused by crazy generalship, as at Benburb, the victory was bound to rest with the official army. These victories were fruitless, because they were the victories of a garrison with its supplies commanded by the defeated enemy, unable to revictual its stores or reinforce its ranks from without. Still, there are wars where, if the garrison can keep its flag flying, its opponents are in a worse plight, and this was the case in Ireland. If the Confederate Catholics could have had ten years to organise themselves within, and to obtain the financial aid of Romanist sympathisers from without, the records of Cromwell's campaigns might not have been so uniformly successful.

10. Clergy assembly at Jamestown demands Ormonde's removal

    Jamestown · townland · Leitrim · 1650

    On 6 August 1650, an assembly of the clergy convened at Jamestown, where bishops ordered Ormonde to surrender his authority to commissioners they designated. When Ormonde invited them to a conference, they contemptuously refused to leave Jamestown, and instead issued a decree excommunicating all who aided him.

    Read the passage

    Never certainly was manifesto more unhappily timed for the furtherance of the royal cause in Ireland. On the 6th of August an assembly of the clergy took place at Jamestown. Since their conclave at Logreagh, the uninterrupted series of reverses had further alienated popular sympathies, not from the priesthood, to whose policy the disasters were largely due, but from Ormonde. Despite the slender power he, in reality, possessed, the Marquis, as the nominal head of the administration, was held responsible for the ruin that had overtaken land and people; and in condemnation of the Protestant Viceroy, the main body of the clergy was at least united. The meanest mendicant friar could count on an enthusiastic audience when descanting on the Lord - Lieutenant's treasonable projects. No accusation was too ridiculous to find credence. For instance, the priests asserted that the Marquis's intention of leaving Ireland was part and parcel of a treaty long since plotted with Cromwell, and of which the surrender

    ' " Aphurismical Discovery,' vol. iii. p. 889.

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    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Jamestown, on the 6th of August 1650, an assembly of the clergy gathered. Since their meeting at Logreagh, a run of disasters had turned popular feeling against the Marquis of Ormonde, the nominal head of the administration, though he possessed little real power. He was a Protestant Viceroy held responsible for the ruin of land and people, and the clergy were united in their condemnation of him. The meanest friar could draw an enthusiastic audience by speaking of the Lord Lieutenant's treasonable projects. No accusation was too ridiculous to be believed. The priests claimed that Ormonde's intention of leaving Ireland was part of a treaty long plotted with Cromwell. The bishops ordered Ormonde to surrender his authority to commissioners they designated. When he invited them to a conference, they contemptuously refused to leave Jamestown, and instead issued a decree excommunicating all who aided him.

11. Colonel Plunkett's remorse at Lurgan seeing fugitives

    near Lurgan · town · Armagh · 1641

    George Crichton, the minister of Lurgan, watched a procession of houseless fugitives stumbling through the rain and called Colonel Richard Plunkett to see 'the fruits of war.' The piteous sight moved Plunkett to tearful protestations that he had never contemplated such means to victory.

    Read the passage

    It is true that here and there Irish men and women actively withstood such abominations. At the siege of Drogheda, Roger O'More nearly lost his life in attempting to restrain his bloodthirsty soldiery. Sir Phelim O'Neill's mother, also, was noted for her kindness and charity to the starving English. Indeed, they had no better friend than this lady, who was wont to say "she had never offended the English, except in being mother to Sir Phelim." Again, there is a story in the minister of Lurgan, George Crichton's narrative,^ which shows that, in the very hour of triumph, some of the Irish leaders were not unvisited by remorse. One winter's afternoon, as Crichton watched the procession of houseless fugitives stumbling along "weary and faint" in the rain, he called Colonel Richard Plunkett " to come to the door and look upon the fruits of war."^ Plunkett obeyed, and the piteous sight, says Crichton, moved the Irishman to tearful protestations that he had never contemplated such means to victory. Phelim and his kind were, however, wiser in their generation than the children of light. It was no exalted patriotism, but

    ^ Hickson, vol. ii. p. 8. Deposition of Walter Bourke. '■* Borlase, " History of the Execrable Irish Rebellion," appendix p. 134. ^ " Cont. History of Affairs," part ii. p. 527. Deposition of Rev. George Crichton.

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    As the companion tells it

    Lurgan is a town the road passes through, and in 1641 its minister was George Crichton. One winter's afternoon, Crichton watched a procession of houseless fugitives stumbling along, as he wrote, "weary and faint" in the rain. He called Colonel Richard Plunkett to come to the door and look upon the fruits of war. Plunkett obeyed, and the piteous sight moved the Irishman to tearful protestations that he had never contemplated such means to victory. The story comes from Crichton's own narrative, and it shows that even in the hour of triumph, some of the Irish leaders were not unvisited by remorse. Others showed restraint too. At the siege of Drogheda, Roger O'More nearly lost his life trying to restrain his bloodthirsty soldiery. Sir Phelim O'Neill's mother was noted for her kindness and charity to the starving English, and she was wont to say she had never offended the English except in being mother to Sir Phelim.

12. Confederate troops to sail from Waterford for Chester relief

    Waterford · city · Waterford · 1646

    On 24 February 1646, Glamorgan informed Ormonde that double the originally stipulated number of Confederate men would shortly sail from Waterford to relieve Chester. The plan was rendered moot within a week by news of Chester's surrender to Brereton.

    Read the passage

    submission, Rinuccini ceased to raise obstacles to the relief of Chester by the Confederates. On February the 24th, Glamorgan was able exultantly to inform Ormonde that double the number of men originally stipulated, would shortly sail from Waterford. But their mutual joy was short lived. A week later arrived the news of Chester's surrender to Brereton, and this disaster was followed by a far more crushing blow to Glamorgan's aspirations. On March the i8th he learned that Charles had published a categorical disavowal of his treaty with the Confederates. For a time, even Glamorgan's buoyant spirit was bowed to the dust. In the first bitterness of his disappointment he spoke of transferring his sword to the service of France. Indeed, on the strength of the royal warrants he possessed, he offered to allow Mazarin to nominate a vice-admiral and governors for various Irish ports and strongholds. ^ Despair was, however, a transient emotion with Glamorgan. Almost immediately, he reaffirmed his conviction that the royal proclamation utterly misrepresented the King's intentions, that Charles's hand had only been temporarily forced, and that a speedy justification awaited him. Nevertheless, he admitted that his power of usefulness would now be greater elsewhere; and, leaving the command of his recruits to Preston, he urged forward the preparations for his selfimposed exile. Thus did Glamorgan's magnificent schemes fizzle ignominiously out, somewhat after the fashion of a damp squib. Yet, if the Earl achieved nothing of his purpose, it cannot be said that the episode was barren of results. The Ultramontanes were confirmed in their original suspicion that, despite his protests, they would eventually succeed in screwing their own terms out of Charles. An equal distrust of the confidence to be reposed in the Defender of the Faith was strengthened in Protestants. And the initial difficulties of his service were tenfold increased for Ormonde. In fact, the lesson of public morality has seldom been so effectively enforced.

    ^ Gilbert, " Confederation," vol. v. p. 275. Dumoulin to Mazarin, Kilkenny, 24lh Marcli.

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    As the companion tells it

    Waterford was to have been the port where a great force set sail. On the 24th of February 1646, Glamorgan was able to inform Ormonde that double the number of men originally stipulated would shortly sail from here to relieve Chester. Rinuccini had ceased to raise obstacles to the relief, and the plan seemed set. But their mutual joy was short lived. A week later arrived the news of Chester's surrender to Brereton, and the whole enterprise was rendered moot. Then came a far more crushing blow to Glamorgan's aspirations. On the 18th of March he learned that Charles had published a categorical disavowal of his treaty with the Confederates. Even Glamorgan's buoyant spirit was bowed to the dust. In the first bitterness of his disappointment he spoke of transferring his sword to the service of France. On the strength of the royal warrants he possessed, he offered to allow Mazarin to nominate a vice-admiral and governors for various Irish ports and strongholds. Despair was a transient emotion with him. Almost immediately he reaffirmed his conviction that the royal proclamation utterly misrepresented the King's intentions, that Charles's hand had only been temporarily forced, and that a speedy justification awaited him. He admitted that his power of usefulness would now be greater elsewhere. Leaving the command of his recruits to Preston, he urged forward the preparations for his self-imposed exile. Glamorgan's magnificent schemes, as the book puts it, fizzled ignominiously out, somewhat after the fashion of a damp squib. Yet the episode was not barren of results. The Ultramontanes were confirmed in their suspicion that they would eventually succeed in screwing their own terms out of Charles. Distrust of the Defender of the Faith was strengthened in Protestants. And the difficulties of his service were tenfold increased for Ormonde.

13. Dublin garrison misery and forced quartering on citizens

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1643

    After a military victory, the Justices could only quarter returning troops on Dublin's half-ruined citizens, expelling thousands of destitute English refugees who had sought shelter in the capital. Grain hoarding by custodium holders and the seizure of merchants' goods further impoverished the beleaguered city.

    Read the passage

    Meantime, Ormonde realised that although he had lost the services of half his cavalry, he must put a bold face on the matter and fall upon the enemy.- Ably supported by the artillery, he leapt the intervening ditch at the head of his faithful remnant, and almost before the "great shout," with which the English heralded their attack, had died away, the Irish scattered and fled, running, and, through the smoke of the gunpowder, " twinkling like the moats in the sun," says an eye-witness.' Once, indeed, they made a faint rally, but the stand was only momentary, and even when he had crossed the Barrow, Preston did not feel himself in safety until he had broken down the bridge behind his routed force. Besides all his ammunition and his personal baggage, he lost five hundred men. Twenty killed and a few wounded comprised Ormonde's casualty list. In fact, to the British, the dangers of campaigning were less than the misery of garrison life in Dublin. On their return the Justices could make no better provision for the victorious troops than to quarter them on the halfruined citizens. Nor could this be achieved without expelling some thousands of despoiled English, who had found a refuge in the capital. The possessors of custodiums had been allowed to enhance the price of grain by keeping back their stores. As Dublin was practically a beleaguered city, this was an error, the more unpardonable since the Justices were reduced to seizing the commodities still garnered in a few merchants' houses.

    ^ George Crichton, idnn. ' Carte, p. 433.

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    As the companion tells it

    Dublin in 1643 was a beleaguered city, and the road passes near a place whose suffering followed a victory. Ormonde had lost half his cavalry but put a bold face on the matter and fell upon the enemy. Supported by the artillery, he leapt the intervening ditch at the head of his faithful remnant. The English heralded their attack with a great shout, and the Irish scattered and fled, running, and through the smoke of the gunpowder, in the words of an eye-witness, "twinkling like the moats in the sun." They made a faint rally, but the stand was momentary. Even after crossing the Barrow, Preston did not feel safe until he had broken down the bridge behind his routed force. He lost all his ammunition, his personal baggage, and 500 men. Ormonde's casualties were 20 killed and a few wounded. To the British, the dangers of campaigning were less than the misery of garrison life in Dublin. On their return, the Justices could make no better provision for the victorious troops than to quarter them on the half-ruined citizens. This could not be achieved without expelling some thousands of despoiled English who had found refuge in the capital. The possessors of custodiums had been allowed to enhance the price of grain by keeping back their stores. As Dublin was practically a beleaguered city, this was an error, the more unpardonable since the Justices were reduced to seizing the commodities still garnered in a few merchants' houses.

14. Galway families celebrate deliverance from Algiers captivity

    Galway · city · Galway

    The French and Lynch families of Galway celebrated the anniversary of William III's accession with bonfires and orange lilies, in gratitude for the release of their ancestors from captivity in Algiers through the monarch's intervention.

    Read the passage

    Ruinous to trade as was the general sense of insecurity, the fear of being kidnapped and carried into slavery was an even greater terror to fishermen and sailors on the Irish coast. The galleys of Tangier and Algiers were recruited by such methods ; the most Christian King permitting the Mahometan captors to drive their wretched, fettered prisoners in gangs through his dominions to the Mediterranean. Servitude in eastern climes is generally associated rather with the era of Gilbert a Becket than that of the Duke of Ormonde. Nevertheless, in Ireland, all through the seventeenth century, whenever the administration waxed feeble, it remained an ever present peril. Late in the following century, the Frenchs and Lynchs of Galway still celebrated the anniversary of William III.'s accession ^ with bonfires and exhibitions of orange lilies, in grateful remembrance of the release of their common ancestors from Algiers, owing to the Monarch's intervention.

    Such, in rough outline, was the state of Ireland when Ormonde succeeded to the honours and responsibilities connected with the headship of the house of Butler. Doubtless, the picture is a gloomy one. Yet in the years to come, from the chaos of massacre and civil strife, James Butler may well have looked back on those days as an era of peace and prosperity.

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    As the companion tells it

    Galway is a city the road passes through. In the seventeenth century, the Irish coast lived with a constant fear. Fishermen and sailors could be kidnapped and carried into slavery. The galleys of Tangier and Algiers were recruited by such methods. Captors drove their prisoners in fettered gangs through France to the Mediterranean, and the terror remained an ever-present peril whenever the administration in Ireland grew feeble. Late in the following century, the French and Lynch families of Galway still celebrated the anniversary of William III's accession. They lit bonfires and displayed orange lilies. They did it in grateful remembrance of the release of their common ancestors from captivity in Algiers, owing to the Monarch's intervention. The families kept the memory alive for over a hundred years, marking a deliverance from a danger that had hung over the coast throughout the century before. Servitude of that kind is generally associated with an earlier age, but in Ireland it remained real and close for generations.

15. Lady Moore's conspiracy targeting Dundalk

    Dundalk · town · Louth · 1645

    Lady Moore, mother of the actual governor of Dundalk, nearly brought about the betrayal of both Dundalk and Drogheda to Munroe in January 1645 through a conspiracy involving forged keys and the persuasion of commanding officers.

    Read the passage

    This was not the only check the Puritans received during the winter and early spring of 1645. A conspiracy fomented by Alice, Lady Moore, the widow of one of Ormonde's bravest lieutenants, and the mother of the actual governor of Dundalk, well-nigh brought about the betrayal of both that place and Drogheda to Munroe in January. It was not alone by a vast expenditure of pious cajolery that Lady Moore endeavoured to gain the adhesion of the various commanding officers. This redoubtable matron herself superintended the forging of false keys to admit Munroe into Drogheda, but, despite the masterly character of the design, at the eleventh hour, the plots were discovered and defeated, and Lady Moore was sent under guard to Dublin. Happily for her, she had to deal with a singularly gallant viceroy. Moreover, the discovery that his old friend Sir Patrick Wemyss, though cognisant of the intrigue, had kept silence for fear of injuring his wards, the children of Lady Moore, may have made that lady's sins appear almost venial in comparison. Sir Patrick had done much to bring about Ormonde's marriage, and, in return, the Lord - Lieutenant had admitted him to the closest intimacy. In fact, he had chosen Sir Patrick as guardian to the son and heir who already filled so large a place in all his ambitions, and he had frequently employed the Scotsman to carry confidential messages to the King. In the course of these missions Wemyss must have ingratiated himself with Charles, for the King and Lord-Lieutenant had vied with one another in showing Wemyss favours and good offices. Ormonde felt that Sir Patrick's concealment of the conspiracy was consequently " lesse pardonable, than the contrivance and action of others lesse obleeged." ^ But though he could not condone the knight's backslidings he did not fail to plead for him in the proper quarter.

    ^ Carte, vol. vi. p. 23 1. Ormonde to Clanricarde, Dublin Castle, i6th January 1644-5.

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    As the companion tells it

    Dundalk, the town you may be passing through or near, was nearly lost through treachery in January 1645. A conspiracy was fomented by Alice, Lady Moore, the widow of one of Ormonde's bravest lieutenants and the mother of the actual governor of Dundalk. Her plot well-nigh brought about the betrayal of both Dundalk and Drogheda to Munroe. It was not alone by a vast expenditure of pious cajolery that Lady Moore endeavoured to gain the adhesion of the various commanding officers. This redoubtable matron herself superintended the forging of false keys to admit Munroe into Drogheda. Despite the masterly character of the design, at the eleventh hour the plots were discovered and defeated, and Lady Moore was sent under guard to Dublin. Happily for her, she had to deal with a singularly gallant viceroy. The discovery that his old friend Sir Patrick Wemyss, though cognisant of the intrigue, had kept silence for fear of injuring his wards, the children of Lady Moore, may have made that lady's sins appear almost venial in comparison. Sir Patrick had done much to bring about Ormonde's marriage, and in return the Lord-Lieutenant had admitted him to the closest intimacy. He had chosen Sir Patrick as guardian to the son and heir who filled so large a place in his ambitions, and had frequently employed the Scotsman to carry confidential messages to the King. Ormonde felt that Sir Patrick's concealment of the conspiracy was consequently, in his own words,

16. Lady Ormonde shelters English settlers at Carrick

    Carrick-on-Suir · town · Tipperary · 1642

    During the 1642 rebellion, Lady Ormonde and her children remained at Carrick, surrounded by the enemy. She sheltered and befriended English clergy and settlers, and her relationship to leading men in the rebels' camp likely protected her from grave danger.

    Read the passage

    It will be remembered that Lady Ormonde and her children had remained at Carrick, where they were now surrounded by the enemy. The position cannot have been altogether pleasant. But Elizabeth Ormonde was a high-spirited woman, as incapable of fear as her grandfather, old Black Tom himself; and the English clergy and settlers she sheltered and befriended had cause to bless her stay in Tipperary. Her relationship to the leading men in the rebels' camp, probably protected her from grave danger, for Lord Mountgarret or Lord Muskerry would undoubtedly have intervened, if necessary, to shield their kinswoman from grave injury. Yet, as time went on, the gentry of Meath, exasperated by the burning of

    ^ Carte, vol, ii. p. 177.

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    As the companion tells it

    The town of Carrick-on-Suir saw Lady Ormonde and her children staying here in 1642, surrounded by the enemy. Elizabeth Ormonde was a high-spirited woman, as incapable of fear as her grandfather, old Black Tom himself. She sheltered and befriended English clergy and settlers, who had cause to bless her stay in Tipperary. Her relationship to the leading men in the rebels' camp probably protected her from grave danger. Lord Mountgarret or Lord Muskerry would undoubtedly have intervened, if necessary, to shield their kinswoman from grave injury.

17. Lady Wilmot confined at Mellifont during Drogheda siege

    Mellifont · townland · Louth · 1649

    Ormonde confined Lady Wilmot, who had plotted to betray Drogheda, in Lord Moore's country house at Mellifont to prevent her giving further intelligence. Her banishment there ultimately saved her life, as during the sack of Drogheda the victors did not discriminate between individuals.

    Read the passage

    Lady Wilmot had eventually good cause to bless her banishment to Mellefont. For during the sack of Drogheda, her victorious friends did not discriminate over-nicely between the merits of individuals — whatever " their years and quality."

    The tragedy of Drogheda — perhaps the only episode of Irish history minutely known to the average reader — fortunately does not come within the scope of this book. Nor is this the place to discuss its effects on Cromwell's reputation. It has been truly said that his responsibility for the massacre is harder to forgive because therein he foreswore, not the standards of a generation brutalised by the frequency of similar scenes, but his own ideals which had hitherto been so immeasurably superior.^ Ormonde had been ludicrously beside the mark in speaking of Oliver as a "new John of Leyden," but he was justified in describing the events at Drogheda " as making as many several pictures of inhumanity, as are contained in the Book of Martyrs, or the Relation of Amboyna."^ The element of personal bereavement entered into Ormonde's grief. Not only did his best troops perish in the storming of the city, but his dear friend. Sir Edmund Verney, was one of the victims of the subsequent butchery. This gallant gentleman, after passing unscathed through the perils of the siege, had, strange to say, been granted quarter when he was enticed away from Cromwell's presence, and run through the body with "a tuck." * Verney was bound by singularly close ties to Ormonde. Only recently in Paris,

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 57

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Mellifont, a woman was kept under lock and key in 1649, and it saved her life. Lady Wilmot had plotted to betray Drogheda. Ormonde, learning of this, confined her in Lord Moore's country house to stop her passing any further intelligence. It was a punishment that turned into a mercy. When Cromwell's forces stormed Drogheda, the victors did not discriminate between the merits of individuals. Old or young, whoever they were, they were cut down alike. Lady Wilmot, had she been inside those walls, would likely have shared their fate. As it was, she had what the record calls good cause to bless her banishment. The rest of the story belongs to Drogheda itself. Cromwell foreswore not merely the brutal standards of his age but his own ideals, which had until then stood far above such scenes. Ormonde called the events "as making as many several pictures of inhumanity, as are contained in the Book of Martyrs, or the Relation of Amboyna." Ormonde's grief was personal. His best troops perished in the storming, and his dear friend Sir Edmund Verney was among the victims of the butchery that followed. Verney had survived the siege unscathed. He was granted quarter, then enticed away from Cromwell's presence and run through the body with a tuck.

18. Munroe's Scottish contingent arrives at Carrickfergus

    near Carrickfergus · town · Antrim · 1642

    General Robert Munroe and his Scottish troops arrived at Carrickfergus in April 1642, allied with Coote's brutal methods. The Scots wasted crops and seized livestock from friend and foe alike, earning the nick-name 'burn-corn rogues.'

    Read the passage

    The arrival of General Robert Munroe and his Scottish contingent at Carrickfergus, in April, did not advance the cause of clemency. These dour children of the covenant were allies after Coote's own heart. The nick-name of " burn-corn rogues," which the Irish had first coined for the Justices' destructive soldiery, was singularly applicable to Munroe's Scots, who wasted the crops, and lifted the cows of friend or foe with equal alacrity. Pillage, however, was a venial offence in comparison to their fashion of conducting hostilities. The slaughter of disarmed

    ^ Lismorc Papers, Series II. vol. v. p. 55. Coote to Lord Cork.

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    As the companion tells it

    In April 1642, General Robert Munroe and his Scottish troops arrived at Carrickfergus. They were allies after Coote's own heart, and they did not advance the cause of clemency. The Irish had coined the nickname "burn-corn rogues" for the Justices' destructive soldiery, and it fit Munroe's Scots well. They wasted the crops and lifted the cows of friend or foe with equal alacrity. Pillage, though, was a small offence compared to their fashion of conducting hostilities.

19. Mutiny at Cork declares for Parliament

    Cork · city · Cork · 1649

    On October 16th, English officers and privates at Cork rose, drove out the native garrison, and declared for Parliament, devastating Inchiquin's forces and weakening the royalist cause.

    Read the passage

    It was not only Cromwell's victories that paralysed Irish initiative, neither was the spirit of disunion peculiar to Wexford. A more prosperous cause would have been wrecked by the suspicion that permeated Ormonde's camp. In the beginning of October Inchiquin's troops, the best disciplined portion of the Irish force, had given fresh signs of discontent. The mutiny was then rather assuaged than quenched, for on October the i6th the English officers and privates at Cork, rose, drove out the native garrison, and declared for Parliament. By the end of another week Inchiquin could only count on the obedience of some two hundred infantry soldiers. The mischief did not cease with these wholesale desertions. Inchiquin's own character was not such as to preserve him from mistrust. At this critical juncture, a correspondence was produced, purporting to represent his secret negotiations with Michael Jones. Inchiquin indignantly repudiated the charge; and Antrim ultimately admitted that to sow sedition in the royal army, he himself had forged the incriminating documents. But, save through this archliar's confession, Inchiquin was not fated to secure the complete vindication he sought. He did indeed make a personal appeal to Jones, entreating the Puritan General, as man to man, to clear an honourable antagonist's character from a foul aspersion. Some few days later, however, Michael Jones suddenly expired, and no further light was ever thrown on the mysterious episode.

    1649] WRANGLING AND JEALOUSY 377

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    As the companion tells it

    Cork, in 1649, was the scene of a mutiny that shifted the balance of power in Ireland. It was not only Cromwell's victories that paralysed Irish initiative. Suspicion permeated Ormonde's camp. In the beginning of October, Inchiquin's troops, the best disciplined portion of the Irish force, had shown signs of discontent. The mutiny was assuaged rather than quenched. On October 16th, the English officers and privates at Cork rose, drove out the native garrison, and declared for Parliament. By the end of another week, Inchiquin could only count on the obedience of some 200 infantry soldiers. The mischief did not cease with these wholesale desertions. Inchiquin's own character was not such as to preserve him from mistrust. A correspondence was produced, purporting to represent his secret negotiations with Michael Jones. Inchiquin indignantly repudiated the charge. Antrim ultimately admitted that to sow sedition in the royal army, he himself had forged the incriminating documents. But save through this archliar's confession, Inchiquin was not fated to secure the complete vindication he sought. He made a personal appeal to Jones, entreating the Puritan General, as man to man, to clear an honourable antagonist's character from a foul aspersion. Some few days later, Michael Jones suddenly expired, and no further light was ever thrown on the mysterious episode.

20. O'Reillys' humanity in County Cavan during the Ulster rising

    Cavan · town · Cavan · 1641

    During the 1641 Ulster rising, County Cavan experienced fewer outrages than other districts because the O'Reillys displayed unusual humanity toward the settlers. This contrasted sharply with areas under Phelim O'Neill or the O'Farrells, where settlers suffered severely.

    Read the passage

    where three hundred Engh'sh were massacred by the Maguires, httle or no blood was shed, and the Scots were not molested. At the end of a week, however, mere thieving became poor sport. Nor did the Scots enjoy a long immunity. The once proud aliens, now a huddled, helpless flock of sheep awaiting the butcher, were so visibly at the insurgents' mercy that the provocation to acts of nameless brutality was irresistible. In some districts, such as County Cavan, where the O'Reillys displayed unusual humanity, there were fewer outrages. But wherever Phelim O'Neill or the O'Farrells — who had suffered greatly from the plantation — held sway, the unhappy settlers experienced the tender mercies of the wicked.^ After a reverse, Sir Phelim's behaviour was rather that of a raving lunatic than a rational human being. Lord Caulfield, whom he made prisoner on the 22nd of October, while enjoying the old peer's hospitality at a " gossipping feast," was probably not murdered by his express orders ; but at Armagh, in spite of a formal capitulation, The O'Neill — as he now styled himself — slew a hundred persons in cold blood ; while on the same occasion, this singular champion of Catholicism wasted and burnt St Patrick's hallowed shrine.2 Happy, however, were those who fell by the sword, or perished in the swift, clean waters of the Bann or Blackwater. Their agony was mercifully brief compared to that of the captives roasted,^ stoned, buried alive, or prodded to death with sharp wooden lathes by Irish hags and Irish children.* Religious and agrarian revolutions — and the Ulster rising was both one and the other — are always fruitful of dark deeds. But that women and children should have been the most pitiless persecutors of their sex and kind is one of those mysteries that makes a * goblin of the sun."

    It was not only on human beings that the Irish

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 35

    As the companion tells it

    Cavan town was touched lightly by what came in 1641. While the Ulster rising brought massacre and cruelty to much of the province, this district saw fewer outrages, and the reason was the O'Reillys. They showed unusual humanity toward the settlers, a restraint that set them apart from other leaders of the rising. Wherever Phelim O'Neill or the O'Farrells held power, the settlers suffered severely. The O'Farrells had lost greatly under the plantation, and that loss was visited on those who had taken their land. Sir Phelim's conduct after a reverse was described as that of a raving lunatic rather than a rational man. He took Lord Caulfield prisoner on the 22nd of October, while a guest at what the source calls a gossipping feast, hosted by the old peer himself. At Armagh, despite a formal capitulation, O'Neill slew 100 persons in cold blood and burned St Patrick's shrine. The English suffered worst where the Maguires held sway. 300 were massacred. The Scots were spared at first, but that immunity did not last. Once the settlers were visibly at the insurgents' mercy, the temptation to brutality proved irresistible. Some captives were roasted, stoned, buried alive, or prodded to death with sharp wooden lathes. The source records that women and children were the most pitiless persecutors of their own sex and kind, calling it one of those mysteries that makes a goblin of the sun. The rising was both religious and agrarian, and such revolutions are always fruitful of dark deeds.

21. Ormonde and Inchiquin compare notes at Loughrea

    Loughrea · town · Galway · 1650

    Ormonde removed from Limerick to Loughrea due to the plague and the dishonour of being suspected as an enemy. There he and Lord Inchiquin met and discovered that Catholic bishops had been playing them against each other with contradictory promises, each urged to defy the other.

    Read the passage

    Good reason as Ormonde had to complain of the overt opposition of Irish Catholics, to a man of his disposition the double dealing of the priesthood was even more intolerable. During his stay at Limerick certain prelates urged him to dismiss Lord Inchiquin and the few Protestant troops he still retained.^ So great, they declared, was the general abhorrence for Murrough of the Burnings that he alone prevented a good understanding between the country and Ormonde. Indeed they solemnly assured him that if he would send Inchiquin away. Limerick would open its gates and heart to the Lord - Lieutenant.^ No sooner, however, did Ormonde quit Limerick than, in his turn, Lord Inchiquin received the very counterpart of these confidences. The Bishops now vowed that if he would throw in his lot with them and defy Ormonde and the Commissioners of Trust, he " should be the only man that should have all Ireland at his dispose." ^ They pledged their word that strong in the hereditary reverence his name inspired, Inchiquin would quickly be enabled to drive the Anglo - Saxon into the sea. Considering the time and energy they devoted to intrigue, it was somewhat ingenuous of these prelates not to foresee that Ormonde and Inchiquin might compare notes on propositions so startling. Naturally, when the two soldiers met at Logreagh, they acquainted each other with the episcopal programme. Nor could they well avoid the conclusion that it was simply and solely a design " to get rid of them both." ^

    It was during his stay at Logreagh that Ormonde received the intelligence of Emer M'Mahon's election to the chief command of the Ulster army. For many months the Irish force of that province had been paralysed

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    As the companion tells it

    Loughrea, in Galway, is where two soldiers met in 1650 and found out they had been played against each other. Ormonde had come here from Limerick, where Catholic bishops had been pressing him to dismiss Lord Inchiquin and the few Protestant troops he still kept. They told Ormonde that the country abhorred Murrough of the Burnings so deeply that Inchiquin alone stood in the way of a good understanding. Send him away, they said, and Limerick would open its gates and its heart to the Lord Lieutenant. But no sooner did Ormonde leave Limerick than the bishops went to Inchiquin with the very counterpart of those promises. Now they vowed that if he would throw in his lot with them and defy Ormonde and the Commissioners of Trust, he "should be the only man that should have all Ireland at his dispose." They pledged that Inchiquin, strong in the hereditary reverence his name inspired, would quickly drive the Anglo-Saxon into the sea. The prelates did not foresee that Ormonde and Inchiquin might compare notes on propositions so startling. When the two met at Loughrea, they told each other everything. They could not avoid the conclusion that the bishops' design was simply and solely "to get rid of them both." It was also here that Ormonde received word of Emer McMahon's election to the chief command of the Ulster army, a force that had been paralysed for many months.

22. Ormonde pledges personal security for Dublin's defence

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1647

    When Dublin was besieged by the Nuncio's armies, Ormonde pledged his personal security for moneys amounting to over £13,877, devoted to retaining Dublin for England. He was promised £3,000 before leaving Dublin but did not receive it, forcing Lady Ormonde to remain behind to superintend the discharge of debts.

    Read the passage

    noblemen, gentlemen, or officers desiring to accompany Ormonde. Conditionally on their loyal and peaceful behaviour, Popish recusants, not having joined the rebels, were promised the enjoyment of their estates. The financial situation should not have been difficult of adjustment. When Dublin was besieged by the Nuncio's armies, Ormonde had pledged his personal security for moneys amounting to ;i^ 13,877, 13s. 4d., on the understanding that the sum should be repaid before he left Dublin. In justice to his creditors, he was bound to require the repayment of a loan which had been devoted to retaining Dublin for England, but despite the entreaties of the Privy Council, he declined to ask for the reimbursement of his rents detained by Parliamentary commanders or for the arrears of his official salaries. Parliament could not, and did not, refuse to acknowledge the equity of his claim. It was arranged that Ormonde should receive ;^3,ooo before leaving Dublin, and that of the remainder, one half should be paid on bills of exchange bearing fifteen days, and the other half on bills bearing six months' notice. When, however, it came to the production of the stipulated sums, trouble arose. As Ormonde did not receive the ;^3,ooo before his departure from Dublin, he was obliged to leave Lady Ormonde to superintend the discharge of the various debts ;^ and to obtain the quittance of the bills of exchange, he was forced to send representatives to Holland — the great banking house of the world. At the cost of much annoyance and expense he thus procured the first ;^5,ooo. But he spent six weary months vainly petitioning Parliament for the residue. Nor would the State, probably, ever have met its obligations, had it not been that some of his creditors numbered influential friends amongst the members of the House of Commons. Even then Parliament remained in Ormonde's debt for a sum of ;^ 1,5 15. Ormonde's numerous enemies were fond of saying that he had been bribed into surrendering Dublin. If so, it must be admitted that he showed himself a very poor bargainer.

    * Carte, vol. iii. p. 307.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 53

    As the companion tells it

    In 1647, Dublin was besieged by the Nuncio's armies. Ormonde, who held the city for England, had pledged his personal security for moneys amounting to over 13,877 pounds, devoted to retaining Dublin. The understanding was that the sum should be repaid before he left. He was bound, in justice to his creditors, to require repayment of a loan spent keeping Dublin in English hands. Yet despite the entreaties of the Privy Council, he declined to ask for reimbursement of his rents detained by Parliamentary commanders or for arrears of his official salaries. Parliament acknowledged the equity of his claim. It was arranged that Ormonde should receive 3,000 pounds before leaving Dublin, and that of the remainder, one half should be paid on bills of exchange bearing fifteen days, and the other half on bills bearing six months' notice. When it came to producing the stipulated sums, trouble arose. Ormonde did not receive the 3,000 pounds before his departure. He was obliged to leave Lady Ormonde behind to superintend the discharge of the various debts. To obtain the quittance of the bills of exchange, he was forced to send representatives to Holland, the great banking house of the world. At the cost of much annoyance and expense, he thus procured the first 5,000 pounds. He spent six weary months vainly petitioning Parliament for the residue. The State would probably never have met its obligations, had it not been that some of his creditors numbered influential friends amongst the members of the House of Commons. Even then, Parliament remained in Ormonde's debt for 1,515 pounds. His enemies were fond of saying he had been bribed into surrendering Dublin. If so, he showed himself a very poor bargainer.

23. Ormonde refuses to surrender Leix garrisons for ransom

    Laois · county · Laois · 1599–1600

    While held captive by Owny, the elderly Earl of Ormonde refused to accept terms that would require the withdrawal of all English garrisons from Leix and the surrender of its strong places. He declared he did not value himself 'nor all the Erlles of England and Ireland att so high a prise' as to permit anything that might touch the Queen's honour.

    Read the passage

    " Having served the Queene ^ so long and grown so olde," he said, " he was now able to shew his dewty and affection in nothing more than in suffering for her, and if the rebels desyred money for his ransom, he doubted nott but that Her Majesty woulde assist his ability to redeeme himself, but, that where they desyred the country of Less and other demands he besought Her Majesty to yielde to nothinge for his sake, thatt might anyway touche her Honoure, for he did nott value himselfe nor all the Erlles of England and Ireland att so high a prise." ^

    These are brave words, which help to explain why Elizabeth vowed she would have all the world to know the " extraordinary estimation " in which she held Ormonde.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 12

    As the companion tells it

    In Laois, around 1599, the elderly Earl of Ormonde, held captive by Owny, refused terms requiring the withdrawal of all English garrisons from Leix and the surrender of its strong places. He had served the Queen so long and grown so old, he said, that he could show his duty in nothing more than suffering for her. If the rebels wanted money for his ransom, he doubted not Her Majesty would assist him. But where they desired the country of Leix and other demands, he begged her to yield to nothing that might touch her honour. He did not value himself, nor all the Earls of England and Ireland, at so high a price. Elizabeth vowed the world should know the extraordinary estimation in which she held him.

24. Peace proclaimed in Dublin, July 1646

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1646

    After overcoming the Privy Council's resistance, Ormonde assumed full responsibility for making peace and caused a minute to be inscribed in the Council Register on July 29th. Peace was solemnly proclaimed in Dublin that same day.

    Read the passage

    The Privy Council were harder of persuasion. Vainly did Digby offer to answer with his life for the truth of his assertions.^ The Council was obdurate. Finally Ormonde cut the Gordian knot. On July the 29th he caused a minute to be inscribed in the Council Register, stating that, in virtue of his commission, he assumed the entire responsibility for making peace.^ The Privy Council yielded ; and on the 29th of July, peace was solemnly proclaimed in Dublin. How much Ormonde had felt the strain is attested by the unusual tone of protest, that characterises the letter he wrote the following day to Charles.

    "The hazards I have adventured by concluding this peace are great, in relation to the power of the opposite party heere and elsewhere ; but that which I found most difficult, and which I cannot promise to overcome any more, was to doe a thing contrary to what the world may believe to be your will.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 51

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin in 1646. The Privy Council were harder of persuasion. Digby offered to answer with his life for the truth of his assertions, but the Council was obdurate. Finally Ormonde cut the Gordian knot. On July the 29th he caused a minute to be inscribed in the Council Register, stating that, in virtue of his commission, he assumed the entire responsibility for making peace. The Privy Council yielded, and that same day peace was solemnly proclaimed in Dublin. How much Ormonde felt the strain shows in the unusual tone of protest in the letter he wrote the following day to Charles. "The hazards I have adventured by concluding this peace are great, in relation to the power of the opposite party heere and elsewhere; but that which I found most difficult, and which I cannot promise to overcome any more, was to doe a thing contrary to what the world may believe to be your will."

25. Richard Preston shipwrecked near the Skerries

    Skerries · town · Dublin · 1628

    Richard Preston, returning from Ireland with his father-in-law's plate valued at £12,000, was shipwrecked near the Skerries and lost both his life and his treasure. His death opened the way for the Ormonde-Desmond marriage alliance.

    Read the passage

    On October the 28th 1628, Richard Preston,'^ returning from Ireland with his father-in-law's plate, valued at the enormous sum of ^12,000, was shipwrecked, like Thomas, Lord Thurles, before him, and lost his life and his treasure near the Skerries. Lady Desmond did not live to learn her husband's fate. She had died in England, some three weeks earlier, with her last breath urging Elizabeth to set a term to the family dissensions by marrying her cousin.

    Lady Elizabeth Preston was born on July the 25th 161 5, and was, therefore, only thirteen when left an orphan ; but, even at that early age, she appears to have been blessed with a good sense and aptitude for business beyond her years. This was the more fortunate since Henry, Earl of Holland, into whose care she was now committed by Charles I., was not likely to give the heiress a training suitable to the duties and responsibilities of her position. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that Holland was typical of the worst kind of guardian produced by the evil system of wardship. Even his tragic death cannot redeem his reputation with

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 14

    As the companion tells it

    The road passes near Skerries, a coastal town in Dublin. On October the 28th, 1628, Richard Preston was returning from Ireland with his father-in-law's plate, valued at the enormous sum of 12,000 pounds. He was shipwrecked near the Skerries, like Thomas, Lord Thurles, before him, and lost both his life and his treasure. His wife, Lady Desmond, did not live to learn her husband's fate. She had died in England some three weeks earlier, with her last breath urging Elizabeth to set a term to the family dissensions by marrying her cousin. Left an orphan, Lady Elizabeth Preston was committed by Charles I into the care of Henry, Earl of Holland. He was described as typical of the worst kind of guardian produced by the evil system of wardship. Richard Preston's death at sea opened the way for the Ormonde-Desmond marriage alliance.

26. Stephen Jerome's ranting sermons at Dublin cathedrals

    near Saint Patrick's Cathedral · ecclesiastical site · Dublin · 1642

    In late 1642, Parliamentary Commissioners employed the preacher Stephen Jerome to deliver politically charged sermons in Dublin. He preached at 7 o'clock on Sunday mornings in the crypt of St Patrick's Cathedral but drew empty benches, and was subsequently promoted to Christ Church where he denounced Ormonde and Queen Henrietta Maria before high dignitaries.

    Read the passage

    Neither officers nor privates would hear of the Lieutenant- General being sacrificed to Lisle, as the English Puritans desired ; and the Commissioners soon discovered that the best means of stirring up strife was to " tune the pulpits." They had a fitting instrument for this purpose in one Stephen Jerome, a preacher of the type immortalised by Samuel Butler. At 7 o'clock on Sunday mornings, therefore, the crypt of St Patrick's duly resounded to Jerome's vociferous elocution ; but despite their avidity for sacred oratory, even our forefathers did not throng the crypt at that early hour, and Jerome preached to empty benches. The Justices were, however, determined to procure him a proper hearing, and he was shortly promoted to Christ Church and an audience of high dignitaries, where he gave full rein to his

    ^ The oath was one of allegiance to the sovereign, the Irish Parliament, national laws, and the Roman Catholic religion. Associates were pledged to their defence, and were assured alike of protection, in case of need, or condign punishment, should they disregard the decrees of the Confederates.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 39

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere about Saint Patrick's Cathedral, in late 1642, a preacher named Stephen Jerome was put to work by the Parliamentary Commissioners. They had discovered that the best means of stirring up strife was to, as they said, tune the pulpits. Jerome was their fitting instrument. At 7 o'clock on Sunday mornings, the crypt of Saint Patrick's duly resounded to his vociferous elocution. But despite what the record calls the forefathers' avidity for sacred oratory, they did not throng the crypt at that early hour, and Jerome preached to empty benches. The Justices were determined to procure him a proper hearing. He was shortly promoted to Christ Church, before an audience of high dignitaries, where he gave full rein to his denunciations of Ormonde and Queen Henrietta Maria. The officers and privates had no wish to see the Lieutenant-General sacrificed, and Jerome was the Commissioners' answer.

27. Stewart defeats Owen Roe O'Neill at Clonish

    Clones · town · Monaghan · 1643

    At Clonish in May 1643, Sir Robert Stewart achieved a considerable success against Owen Roe O'Neill, capturing or killing many of his foreign officers. However, Stewart could not capitalise; within a week O'Neill returned to the field at the head of a new army.

    Read the passage

    During the spring of 1643, the English fortunes in Munster and Connaught appeared to be going from bad to worse. Lord Forbes could spend powder on the salutes accompanying a drunken frolic, though he had none to spare for Inchiquin's urgent necessities ; ^ while, on the other side, Colonel John Bourke, the new Lieutenant-General of Connaught. proved himself a good soldier and an adept at winning over the gentry of that province. His best arguments, perhaps, were drawn from the persistent misconduct of Governor Willoughby, who, disregarding Clanricarde's remonstrances, harried the countryside and bombarded the town ; though it was not long before Willoughby was driven bitterly to regret this profligate waste of ammunition. Properly munitioned, the fort of Galway was almost impregnable,^ but, after a brief siege on the 20th of June, powder ran short, and Willoughby was forced to surrender the most important stronghold in Ireland. In Ulster, thanks to provisions imported from Scotland, the forces of Monroe and Sir Robert Stewart were not brought to the pitch of destitution that prevailed elsewhere. In May, at Clonish, Stewart achieved a considerable success, defeating Owen Roe O'Neill, and capturing or killing many of his foreign officers. He was not, however, able to improve this victory. At the end of a week, Owen Roe was again in the field at the head of a new army, to all appearance, having only suffered a temporary reverse.-

    In the circumstances, Ormonde was naturally anxious to hasten a cessation. The envoys whom he selected to negotiate with the Confederates were Lord Taafe and Colonel Barry, Roman Catholic loyalists of distinction.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 40

    As the companion tells it

    The road brings you near the town of Clones. In the spring of 1643, the English cause in Ireland was faltering. In Munster and Connaught, things went from bad to worse. Lord Forbes spent powder firing salutes for a drunken frolic while Inchiquin begged for ammunition he never received. Colonel John Bourke, the new Lieutenant-General of Connaught, proved a capable soldier, winning over the gentry of that province, helped in part by the persistent misconduct of Governor Willoughby, who harried the countryside and bombarded Galway against Clanricarde's remonstrances. The fort of Galway was nearly impregnable when properly supplied, but powder ran short, and on the 20th of June Willoughby was forced to surrender the most important stronghold in Ireland. In Ulster, provisions imported from Scotland kept the forces of Monroe and Sir Robert Stewart from the destitution felt elsewhere. And in May, at Clonish, Stewart achieved a considerable success. He defeated Owen Roe O'Neill and captured or killed many of his foreign officers. But he could not improve on this victory. At the end of a week, Owen Roe was back in the field at the head of a new army, having suffered, to all appearance, only a temporary reverse. Ormonde, in these circumstances, was naturally anxious to hasten a cessation, and selected Lord Taafe and Colonel Barry to negotiate with the Confederates.

28. Wentworth quarters army at Carrickfergus to deter Scots

    near Carrickfergus · town · Antrim · 1639

    Wentworth stationed the army under Sir George Radcliffe at Carrickfergus to prevent the Ulster Scots from rising in sympathy with the Scottish Covenanters. The Deputy regarded the Scots as 'shrewd children' who would not attempt the impossible against a military presence.

    Read the passage

    system Wentworth adopted was hardly calculated to rally a disaffected people to his administration. The stringent "Black Oath" — as it was termed — which he imposed on the Scottish colonists was gall and wormwood to the majority of the inhabitants. Numbers refused to subscribe a covenant, entailing passive obedience in undefined circumstances, and denouncing any bond or association which did not carry " His Majesty's sovereign and regal authority." Their hearts were with those of their own blood, who in the old country were fighting the battle of the Lord of Hosts. Many preferred poverty and exile, imprisonment and chains, " being fettered by threes and fours in iron yokes " ^ to submission, and the women especially showed themselves heroic. To escape the rough treatment of the episcopal apparitors, some, but a few days after childbirth, "were fain to fly out of all harbour into woods, mountains, caves and cornfields." ^ Men and women of all ranks fled the land. In fact, the exodus was on such a large scale, that in some districts the masters feared their harvest would not be reaped for want of labourers. It is true that there was no uprising. Wentworth had taken care to quarter the army under Sir George Ratclifle at Knockfergus,^ and the Scots, as the Deputy remarked, were "shrewd children," who would not attempt the impossible. Wentworth himself, however, was aware how little Bishops and military had achieved. In 1640, he could see no prospect of assured peace * save by the summary deportation of all settlers — and he reckoned them by thousands — who, despite oaths and protestations, were inimical to the Government.

    Whatever Wentworth's errors, it must be admitted that he did not fly at small game alone. Rigorous as was the measure he meted out to those under his rule, it was unaffected by respect of persons. This was

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 32

    As the companion tells it

    Carrickfergus was where Wentworth chose to station an army in 1639. He quartered the forces under Sir George Radcliffe here to prevent the Ulster Scots from rising in sympathy with the Scottish Covenanters back in their old country. The measures Wentworth had already taken had driven many to the edge. He imposed on the Scottish colonists a stringent oath, called the Black Oath, requiring passive obedience in undefined circumstances and denouncing any bond that did not carry His Majesty's sovereign and regal authority. It was gall and wormwood to the majority of the inhabitants. Numbers refused to subscribe. Their hearts were with those of their own blood, who in the old country were fighting the battle of the Lord of Hosts. Many preferred poverty and exile, imprisonment and chains, being fettered by threes and fours in iron yokes, to submission. The women especially showed themselves heroic. Some, only a few days after childbirth, were forced to flee into woods, mountains, caves, and cornfields to escape the rough treatment of the episcopal apparitors. Men and women of all ranks left the land. The exodus was so large that in some districts masters feared their harvest would not be reaped for want of labourers. There was no uprising. Wentworth had taken care to quarter the army here, and the Scots, as the Deputy remarked, were shrewd children who would not attempt the impossible. Yet by 1640 he could see no prospect of assured peace save by the summary deportation of all settlers who remained inimical to the Government, and he reckoned them by thousands.

29. Cromwell's first reverse at Duncannon

    Duncannon · town · Wexford · 1649

    Duncannon was the first place where Cromwell suffered a reverse. After Ormonde replaced Colonel Roche with the gallant Colonel Wogan, a bold sally by Wogan caused Cromwell to strike his camp and march away.

    Read the passage

    Ormonde's difficulties did not centre solely in the Anglo- Protestant Party. The jealousy of the Commissioners of Trust, now greatly intensified by the desertion of their Protestant allies, wrought havoc in his best laid schemes. The Commissioners would only sanction the appointment of their own officers to positions of importance, and, whenever a vacancy had to be filled, a set battle between interest and efficiency invariably ensued. As Ormonde could not afford to set his pay-masters at defiance, the evil effects of this divided authority were soon apparent. That the personality of its commander forms the very essence of a stronghold's defence, was proved at Ross, a place susceptible of lengthened resistance, and amply provisioned by Ormonde. Its Governor, Sir Lucas Taafe, had apparently lost his nerve, and the fortress capitulated at the end of two days. Greater fortitude was not expected at Duncannon ; but from the hour that Ormonde, disregarding Irish murmurs, superseded Colonel Roche in favour of the gallant and adventurous Colonel Wogan, matters assumed a different complexion. Duncannon was the first place where Cromwell suffered a reverse. After a bold sally of Wogan's, he struck his camp and marched away.

    Oliver's rebuff before Duncannon was, however, almost discounted by the general trend of affairs in Munster. Lord Broghill's presence in the English army was worth another division to Cromwell. Family influence, a persuasive tongue, local knowledge, and a brilliant intellect were all secured to Oliver's service in the person of his new and distinguished recruit. The English settlers, who still worshipped the memory of the great Earl of Cork, readily swore allegiance to a cause identified with his ablest son ; and Youghal speedily gave in its adhesion to the Commonwealth. The strict discipline maintained in the English army did much also to reconcile the county folk. Cromwell permitted no pillaging, and his camp was an excellent market for the peasants' wares. Like Wellington, Oliver appreciated the fatal effects of living on the country ; while, unlike O'Neill and the

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 57

    As the companion tells it

    Duncannon, in 1649, was where Cromwell met his first reverse. The town held a fortress, and its defence turned on who commanded it. Ormonde, the duke overseeing the royalist cause, had seen what a weak commander could cost him. At Ross, a place well provisioned and capable of long resistance, the governor Sir Lucas Taafe lost his nerve, and the fortress gave in after two days. Greater fortitude was not expected at Duncannon. But Ormonde made a change. He set aside Colonel Roche, despite Irish murmurs, and put in the gallant and adventurous Colonel Wogan. From that hour, matters took a different complexion. Wogan led a bold sally out from the fortress, and after it, Cromwell struck his camp and marched away. It was the first place in his Irish campaign where he was turned back. The victory was a narrow one in the wider course of things. In Munster, Lord Broghill had joined the English army, and his family influence, his persuasive tongue, and his local knowledge were worth another division to Cromwell. The English settlers who honoured the memory of the great Earl of Cork swore allegiance to the Commonwealth, and Youghal soon gave in. Cromwell kept strict discipline in his army, permitted no pillaging, and his camp served as a market for the peasants' wares. But here at Duncannon, the garrison held, and Cromwell moved on.

30. Siege of Ballyadam Castle and Sir John Bowen's threat

    Ballyadam · townland · Cork · 1642

    Castlehaven attempted to persuade Sir John Bowen to receive a garrison at the Castle of Ballyadam. When Bowen refused, he asked where Castlehaven planned to breach the walls, swearing he would hang out his two daughters in chairs to shield that part from cannon fire. Castlehaven abandoned the siege out of gallantry.

    Read the passage

    " Because," said the castellan, swearing with some warmth, " I will cover that part or any other your Lordship shoots at by hanging out both my daughters in chairs!"!

    Castlehaven was too gallant to persevere in the siege at the expense of lovely woman. He struck his camp and marched away, ruefully seeking solace in the reflection that Ballyadam was not a place of vast importance.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 38

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Ballyadam, in 1642, Castlehaven tried to make Sir John Bowen take a garrison into his castle. Bowen refused. When Castlehaven asked where he meant to breach the walls, Bowen swore he would hang out both his daughters in chairs to cover that part from cannon fire. Castlehaven was too gallant to continue. He struck his camp and marched away, telling himself Ballyadam was not a place of vast importance.

31. Carmelite riot against Archbishop's arrest in Dublin

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1629

    In 1629, when the Archbishop and Lord Mayor attempted to arrest seditious preachers in Dublin, Carmelites and their congregation routed the musketeers and forced the prelate to flee. The house where the outrage occurred was razed, and fifteen religious houses were confiscated in retribution.

    Read the passage

    The land swarmed with popish priests and friars. In Monaghan, in 1628, they were so much the masters of the situation that they forcibly ejected the Protestant clergy. In the churches, where the Lord's Supper had replaced the Mass, the chant of the Latin ritual was heard once more as the incense rose before the altar. During the following year, even the presence of their governors did not restrain similar demonstrations in Dublin. When the Archbishop and Lord Mayor with a file of musketeers sought to arrest certain seditious preachers, the Carmelites and their congregation routed the soldiers and forced the prelate to flee for his life.^ The house where such an outrage had taken place was promptly razed to the ground. But, shortly after, another riot provoked by the seizure of some priest, the material prosperity of the regulars was disclosed by the fact that the Lords Justices were able to confiscate no less than fifteen religious houses in retribution for the offence. In the country districts the ubiquity of the friar was equally notable. Bishop Bedell complained that there were sixtythree Romish priests in his diocese, as compared to the thirty-three who owed him obedience. The Primate, he wrote, lived in his parish within two miles of his house, the Bishop in another part of the diocese.^ It cannot be said that their conduct showed a chastened or timorous spirit, and the gentle Bedell himself was moved to wrath when he found, " they grow so confident as they excommunicate those that come to our courts, even in matrimonial causes."

    The facility for divorce and the looseness of the marriage tie had always — curious as it must sound to modern ears — been one of the reproaches levelled against Ireland.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 28

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin in 1629 was a city where priests and friars held open sway, and even the presence of the governors could not keep order. The Archbishop and the Lord Mayor gathered a file of musketeers and went to arrest certain seditious preachers. But the Carmelites and their congregation routed the soldiers outright, and the prelate was forced to flee for his life. The house where this outrage had taken place was promptly razed to the ground. That was not the end of it. Shortly after, another riot broke out, provoked by the seizure of some priest. The material prosperity of the regular orders was laid bare, because the Lords Justices were able to confiscate no fewer than fifteen religious houses in retribution for the offence. The trouble was not confined to the city. In the country districts the friar was everywhere. Bishop Bedell complained that there were 63 Romish priests in his diocese, compared to the 33 who owed him obedience. He wrote that the Primate lived in his parish within 2 miles of his house, the Bishop in another part of the diocese. Their conduct showed no chastened or timorous spirit. The gentle Bedell himself was moved to wrath when he found, "they grow so confident as they excommunicate those that come to our courts, even in matrimonial causes."

32. Clanricarde arrives at Portumna to defend Connaught

    Portumna · town · Galway · 1641

    Lord Clanricarde, a Catholic noble loyal to the Crown, arrived at Portumna and took energetic measures to keep his province obedient, raising troops and establishing a weapons manufactory amid the 1641 rebellion.

    Read the passage

    time for repentance. Until the beginning of December, no peer or gentleman outside Ulster, and only five " old Irish " members of the House of Commons joined the rebels. Another piece of unmerited good luck which befell the executive was the return of Lord Clanricarde to Ireland. Ulick Burke, Earl of St Albans in the peerage of England, Earl of Clanricarde in that of Ireland, chief of the sept Macwilliam, and Governor of the town and county of Galway, was equally beloved at Whitehall and revered in Connaught. A sincere, though enlightened. Catholic, he was on terms of the closest intimacy with his brotherin-law, Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex ; the letters in which Clanricarde implores the Parliamentary General " to draw together his best and bravest thoughts " ^ to withstand the threatened persecution of Irish Catholics, forming not the least pathetic documents of that period. Though his family had been consistently devoted to the English supremacy, Clanricarde, like Ormonde, had cause to complain of the treatment his father had undergone at the hands of Charles's ministers. But Ormonde himself was not more splendidly loyal than this cultivated and noble gentleman, to whose humanity the bitterest Puritans bore abundant testimony. He was indeed a very perfect, gentle knight. And it is not difficult to understand the close friendship and alliance that united two souls so close akin as Ulick Burke and James Butler. On his arrival at Portumna, Lord Clanricarde took every measure that tact and energy could suggest to keep his province obedient to the Crown. He victualled the fort of Galway, induced the gentlemen of the district to raise troops for the defence of the countryside, and founded a manufactory of pikes and lances.^ Unassisted, if not hampered, by the Justices, he persevered ; and by the middle of November he was able to inform Lord Bristol that,

    " we begin to recover our wits, scared away by the first reports, and do discern that none appears in this detestable

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

    As the companion tells it

    Portumna, in Galway, is a town the road passes through. In 1641, as rebellion spread through Ireland, Lord Clanricarde arrived at the town and set about holding his province for the Crown. Ulick Burke, Earl of Clanricarde in Ireland and Earl of St Albans in England, was chief of the sept Macwilliam and Governor of the town and county of Galway. A sincere, enlightened Catholic, he was equally beloved at Whitehall and revered in Connaught. His brother-in-law was Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. Clanricarde's letters implored the Parliamentary General "to draw together his best and bravest thoughts" to withstand the threatened persecution of Irish Catholics. These form not the least pathetic documents of that period. His family had been consistently devoted to the English supremacy, yet he had cause to complain of the treatment his father had undergone at the hands of Charles's ministers. Still, Ormonde himself was not more splendidly loyal than this cultivated and noble gentleman. The bitterest Puritans bore abundant testimony to his humanity. He was indeed a very perfect, gentle knight. The close friendship between Ulick Burke and James Butler united two souls closely akin. On arriving, Clanricarde took every measure that tact and energy could suggest to keep his province obedient to the Crown. He victualled the fort of Galway. He induced the gentlemen of the district to raise troops for the defence of the countryside. He founded a manufactory of pikes and lances. Unassisted, if not hampered, by the Justices, he persevered. By the middle of November he could inform Lord Bristol that "we begin to recover our wits, scared away by the first reports, and do discern that none appears in this detestable."

33. Dublin citizens celebrate Elizabeth Ormonde's lawsuit victory

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1659

    When Elizabeth Ormonde won a lawsuit in Dublin, the city's population demonstrated their affection and respect for the royalist lady by closing shops throughout the town and crowding the Court House to hear the verdict. Upon the sentence being pronounced in her favour, the citizens erupted in extraordinary shouts and repaired to the taverns to express their joy.

    Read the passage

    in which they held the royalist lady. Throughout the town, shops were closed, and the citizens trooped to the Court House to hear the verdict. "When the sentence was pronounced for her, they made extraordinary shouts, and went all to the Tavern to express their joy,"

    Thomas Page must have been possessed of no little eloquence, for he ended by obtaining Elizabeth Ormonde's consent to Ossory's marriage. The triumph was the greater, since the settlement entailed heavy sacrifices on her part. It is true that Monsieur de Beverweert agreed to hand over his daughter's dowry to Lady Ormonde, but the latter must have been sorely embarrassed to find j£ 1,200 a year for the young couple for, besides paying ^550 on estate mortgages, she was burdened with a rent of ;^i,350 to the Commonwealth, while the lands assigned to her by Parliament had been valued at ;^2,ooo per annum only. It is to be hoped that under her supervision they had increased in value or as a result of these new arrangements the poor lady would have found herself considerably out of pocket. Probably Emilia's dowry was intended to annul a part of the interest on the mortgages ; but even allowing for this and a possible rise in value of her lands. Lady Ormonde had some reason to remark that when all charges were cleared off the " surplus would afford but a very inconsiderable proportion for her to live upon, and to maintain the rest of the family."^

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 68

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin in 1659 saw a remarkable scene of public celebration. Elizabeth Ormonde, a royalist lady, had won a lawsuit, and the city's people made clear what they thought of her. Throughout the town, shops were closed, and the citizens trooped to the Court House to hear the verdict. When the sentence was pronounced for her, they made extraordinary shouts, and went all to the tavern to express their joy. The lawsuit itself had been pursued by Thomas Page, who must have been possessed of no little eloquence, for he ended by obtaining Elizabeth Ormonde's consent to Ossory's marriage. The triumph was the greater, since the settlement entailed heavy sacrifices on her part. Monsieur de Beverweert agreed to hand over his daughter's dowry to Lady Ormonde, but she must have been sorely embarrassed to find 1,200 a year for the young couple. Besides paying 550 on estate mortgages, she was burdened with a rent of 1,350 to the Commonwealth, while the lands assigned to her by Parliament had been valued at 2,000 per annum only. It is to be hoped that under her supervision they had increased in value, or the poor lady would have found herself considerably out of pocket. She had reason to remark that when all charges were cleared off the surplus would afford but a very inconsiderable proportion for her to live upon, and to maintain the rest of the family.

34. Dublin's precarious military state, 1646

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1646

    Ormonde informed Charles that Dublin possessed only thirteen barrels of powder, while the Confederates had three comparatively well-equipped armies in the field. The Ulster force under O'Neill was hovering unpredictably, and it was supposed O'Neill would gladly make Dublin his objective.

    Read the passage

    orders, he set their consequences clearly before Charles.'' In Dublin, he told him, they possessed exactly thirteen barrels of powder. The Confederates, on the other hand, had three comparatively well-equipped armies in the field. The Ulster force, in particular "doe soe hover as wee know not where they will sit down," though it was not unreasonable to suppose that O'Neill would gladly make Dublin his objective. Ormonde, therefore, concluded that as he possessed the usual powers of parley vested in the commander of the meanest fortress, Charles's prohibition to treat with rebels did not apply to the arrangement of an armistice, until the King could relieve his faithful servants. With, perhaps, unconscious irony, the Marquis remarked that it was no ordinary fort or town, " but in this case the most important piece of a kingdom, which lies as it were at the stake, and therein the preservation of His Majesty's Government and army."'

    The Newcastle letter reached Ormonde on the 26th of June. On July the 4th Digby landed in Ireland, bringing messages from the King and a letter from the Prince of Wales that effectually cancelled its directions. The interval was not long, but it must sorely have tested Ormonde's powers of silent endurance.^ Digby told Ormonde that the Scots had " used Charles, according to His Majesy's own expression, barbarously." The King was debarred from all communication with his friends, and had no means of testing the truth of such intelligence as he received. He had consequently entrusted the control of affairs to the Queen and Prince, enjoining them to disregard any orders, which might be wrung from him. He adjured Ormonde to hasten the conclusion of the Peace, bidding him give credit to those commands only, that were cyphered or conveyed through the Queen and Prince ; the Great Seal itself, he added, since it had fallen into his enemies' power, was to carry no authority.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 51

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin in 1646 was a city holding its breath. Ormonde wrote to Charles with a blunt accounting of how things stood. The city possessed exactly 13 barrels of powder. The Confederates, by contrast, had three comparatively well-equipped armies in the field. The Ulster force under O'Neill was the most troubling. It, in Ormonde's own words, "doe soe hover as wee know not where they will sit down," and it was not unreasonable to suppose that O'Neill would gladly make Dublin his objective. Ormonde argued that he held the usual powers of parley vested in the commander of even the meanest fortress, and that Charles's prohibition against treating with rebels did not prevent him arranging an armistice until the King could relieve his faithful servants. With what was perhaps unconscious irony, the Marquis remarked that this was no ordinary fort or town, but, in his words, "the most important piece of a kingdom, which lies as it were at the stake, and therein the preservation of His Majesty's Government and army." A letter from Newcastle reached Ormonde on the 26th of June. On the 4th of July, Digby landed in Ireland, bringing messages from the King and a letter from the Prince of Wales that cancelled its directions. Digby told Ormonde the Scots had, in Charles's own expression, used him "barbarously." The King was cut off from all communication with his friends, with no means of testing the truth of intelligence he received. He had entrusted control of affairs to the Queen and the Prince, enjoining them to disregard any orders wrung from him. He adjured Ormonde to hasten the Peace, and to give credit only to commands that were cyphered or conveyed through the Queen and Prince. The Great Seal itself, he added, since it had fallen into his enemies' power, was to carry no authority.

35. Kildare invades Kilkenny and raids the Palatinate

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1530–1534

    The Earl of Kildare, feuding with his brother-in-law Ormonde, invaded Kilkenny and incited O'Connor and O'Cearroll to raid the Butler Palatinate. The devastation was so thorough that the Home Government feared Tipperary would revert to its original Irish inhabitants.

    Read the passage

    The Earl of Kildare, whom Ormonde had previously striven to impeach, set himself systematically to the congenial task of despoiling his brother-in-law. Not content with invading Kilkenny, he incited O'Connor and O'Cearroll, the husbands of his two daughters, to raid the Palatinate. So thorough was the devastation that the Home Government feared that unless something was done to prevent it, Tipperary would revert to its original Irish inhabitants. Enquiries were instituted, and Kildare was summoned to England to answer for his methods of administration. He obeyed, but not until he had fortified his strongholds, and installed his son, Thomas Fitzgerald, as Deputy. During his absence, a rumour spread that he had been imprisoned and beheaded in the Tower, and "Silken Thomas," a youth incapable of self-restraint, broke into open rebellion. Unhappily for his house, " Silken Thomas" was not of the stuff of which successful usurpers are made. After a short-lived triumph, his advance into the Butler domains was checked by Ormonde, and his heir, the Lord James, to whom Thomas, tardily mindful of the ties of kinship, addressed a notable letter. With superb assurance, he offered James the half of the kingdom in return for his assistance in effecting its conquest, a proposal, which elicited an answer characteristic of the Butler race.

    " I muse," wrote James, " in the first line by what

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 8

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny was the setting for a family feud turned to war. The Earl of Kildare, whom Ormonde had tried to impeach, set himself to despoiling his brother-in-law. He invaded Kilkenny and incited O'Connor and O'Cearroll, the husbands of his two daughters, to raid the Butler Palatinate. The devastation was so thorough that the Home Government feared Tipperary would revert to its original Irish inhabitants. Enquiries followed, and Kildare was summoned to England to answer for his methods. He obeyed, but not before fortifying his strongholds and installing his son, Thomas Fitzgerald, as Deputy. During his absence a rumour spread that he had been imprisoned and beheaded in the Tower. "Silken Thomas," a youth incapable of self-restraint, broke into open rebellion. His advance into the Butler domains was checked by Ormonde. Thomas then wrote to the Lord James, tardily mindful of kinship, offering him half the kingdom in return for his assistance in conquering it. James gave an answer characteristic of the Butler race: "I muse," he wrote, "in the first line by what"

36. O'More sought to recover lost lands in plantation of Leix

    Laois · county · Laois

    Roger O'More, whose family had risen nineteen times against the Tudors, befriended Strafford during his viceroyalty hoping to recover lands lost to his house in the plantation of Leix. Strafford's death shattered these hopes and redirected O'More toward organising rebellion.

    Read the passage

    An enterprise which could only muster as leaders a self - seeking lawyer, a wastrel, and a bandit, would stand self-condemned. Rory or Roger O'More gave to the cause the enthusiasm and chivalry which since the days of Vercingetorix, have been characteristic of the Celt. Unlike Sir Phelim, the head of the Sept O'More was bred in the hatred of the English conqueror. Nineteen times had the O'Mores risen in revolt against the Tudors. But during Strafford's viceroyalty, their chief had made friends with the autocratic Governor, by whose means he thought to recover the lands, lost to his house in the plantation of Leix.^ Strafford's death shattered these hopes, and gave a new direction to O'More's ambitions. He judged, and judged rightly, that no more favourable moment could be found to repair his own and his country's wrongs, than one at which the strife of King and Parliament would prevent cither from coming to the rescue

    ' Hickson, vol. ii. pp. 228-9.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 34

    As the companion tells it

    As you travel through Laois, you are moving through the old territory of the O'Mores. Rory, or Roger, O'More led that sept, and he was bred in hatred of the English conqueror. Nineteen times the O'Mores had risen in revolt against the Tudors. During Strafford's viceroyalty, their chief made friends with the autocratic governor, by whose means he hoped to recover the lands lost to his house in the plantation of Leix. Strafford's death shattered those hopes and gave a new direction to O'More's ambitions. He judged, and judged rightly, that no more favourable moment could be found to repair his own and his country's wrongs than one at which the strife of King and Parliament would prevent either from coming to the rescue. The passage calls him a man who gave to the cause the enthusiasm and chivalry characteristic of the Celt since the days of Vercingetorix.

37. Ormonde at Kilkenny transfers military levies to Prince Rupert

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1649–1650

    During the winter of 1649-50, Ormonde was at Kilkenny where he had spent or become liable for considerable sums on the King's behalf. Rather than repaying himself from levies assessed on the country, he transferred those subsidies to Prince Rupert, who urgently needed money to equip the fleet, leaving Ormonde without visible means to support his family in France.

    Read the passage

    Lady Ormonde had reason to speak anxiously of the family finances. Nor can she have counted on their being retrieved by Ormonde. " Sauf le respect que je vous dois," wrote Digby to the Marquis, " in matters of interest you are so very a goose ; " ^ and the affectionate gibe was not devoid of truth. Quite recently Ormonde had again given proof of his inability to prefer his needs to those of the Sovereign. During the winter of 1649-50 he had either spent, or made himself liable for a considerable sum on the King's behalf He might have repaid himself out of the levies assessed on the country, but as Prince Rupert was then in urgent want of money to equip the fleet, he thought it right to transfer these subsidies to the Palatine.^ In bygone years, Ormonde had certainly sunk larger sums in his Master's service ; but, on this occasion, he was manifestly troubled, for, as he told Nicholas, " the plain truth is that I have no other visible hope of affording support to my little Family in France than may come from this."^ He felt constrained

    ^ Clarendon S. P. , vol. iii. p. 365. Earl of Bristol to Ormonde, 17th September 1657.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 59

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny is the city the road passes through. In the winter of 1649 and 1650, Ormonde was here, and he had either spent or made himself liable for a considerable sum on the King's behalf. He might have repaid himself out of the levies assessed on the country, but Prince Rupert was then in urgent want of money to equip the fleet, so Ormonde thought it right to transfer those subsidies to the Palatine. He was manifestly troubled. As he told Nicholas, the plain truth is that he had no other visible hope of affording support to his little family in France than might come from this. Lady Ormonde had reason to speak anxiously of the family finances, and she could not have counted on their being retrieved by Ormonde. Digby wrote to the Marquis that in matters of interest he was so very a goose, and the affectionate gibe was not devoid of truth. Ormonde had certainly sunk larger sums in his Master's service in bygone years, but on this occasion he could not prefer his own needs to those of the Sovereign.

38. Ormonde's approach ends investment of Drogheda

    Drogheda · town · Louth · 1642

    Rebel forces investing Drogheda scattered precipitately when Ormonde's army approached, fleeing toward Newry. Ormonde wished to pursue and complete their rout but was ordered to return to Dublin within eight days.

    Read the passage

    In its original draft this comprehensive order was even less conspicuous for lenity. Ormonde was determined that it should at least be qualified by the word usually, but it cost him a hard struggle to effect the alteration ; and though Parsons was eventually forced to yield the point, he showed his displeasure by endeavouring to transfer the chief command from Ormonde to Simon Harcourt- Sir William did not have his way ; though Ormonde left Dublin hampered by the stipulation that, whatever happened, the troops should return within eight days. Ormonde's approach put an immediate end to the investment of Drogheda. The rebels scattered precipitately, flying towards the Newry where Phelim O'Neill withdrew his heavy guns. Ormonde was anxious they should be given no leisure to recruit men or to regain confidence, and urged the Lords Justices to allow him an extension of time to complete their rout. " Such an opportunity," he argued, " once lost, may never without extreme expense of blood and treasure be recalled." ^ He did not need reinforcements, as Sir Henry Tichburne was able to put a considerable force of horse and foot at his disposal, all he required was some ammunition and biscuits. He also requested further instructions with regard to those Irish noblemen who were now anxious to make their submission. Their names were not included in the proclamation of February the 8th, which set a price on the rebel chiefs, and the Lords Justices were still

    ^ Carte, vol. v. p. 296. Order of the Lords and Council. ^ Idetti, vol. ii. p. 189.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 37

    As the companion tells it

    Drogheda, in 1642, was a town under siege. Rebel forces had surrounded it, cutting it off, but that investment came to a sudden end when Ormonde's army approached. The rebels scattered precipitately, fleeing toward Newry, where Phelim O'Neill withdrew his heavy guns. Ormonde wanted to press the advantage. He was anxious the rebels should be given no leisure to recruit men or to regain confidence, and he urged the Lords Justices to allow him more time to complete their rout. He argued, in his own words, that such an opportunity, once lost, may never without extreme expense of blood and treasure be recalled. He did not need reinforcements. Sir Henry Tichburne was able to put a considerable force of horse and foot at his disposal. All Ormonde required was some ammunition and biscuits. But when Ormonde left Dublin, he had been hampered by a stipulation. Whatever happened, the troops should return within eight days. Parsons had pushed for that limit, and had even tried to transfer the chief command from Ormonde to Simon Harcourt, though Sir William did not have his way. Ormonde also requested further instructions regarding those Irish noblemen now anxious to make their submission. Their names were not included in the proclamation of February the 8th, which had set a price on the rebel chiefs, and the Lords Justices were still considering the matter.

39. Ormonde's stormy quarrel with Parsons in Dublin

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1643

    Ormonde, the only Council member who dared oppose Lord Justice Parsons, clashed repeatedly with him in Dublin. After one heated debate Ormonde declared he was 'sensible how the Lord Justice stood affected towards him,' prompting Parsons to send Sir Philip Perceval to beg peace, though quarrels continued.

    Read the passage

    Although Ormonde had refused to be Parsons's successor, Sir William's fall must have been a relief to him both on personal and public grounds. Ormonde was the sole member of the Council who dared to withstand the sinister bully ; ^ and the Justice being impatient of contradiction, their relations were considerably strained. In fact, after one particularly stormy debate, Ormonde, deeply offended by Parsons's language and bearing, remarked that " he was sensible how the Lord Justice stood affected towards him." Parsons took alarm, and sent Sir Philip Perceval to make his peace with Ormonde, humbly entreating that for the sake of the public service no breach might ensue between them. A few days later, however, on Ormonde's refusal to sign a nomination of which he disapproved, the quarrel flamed up anew, and it was rumoured that could Parsons procure an order from Parliament, he would not scruple to arrest and imprison the Lieutenant-General. It is characteristic of the two men that, despite their broils, when Parsons in his turn

    ' Carte, vol. ii. p. 463.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 40

    As the companion tells it

    In Dublin, in 1643, Ormonde stood alone on the Council as the one man who dared oppose Lord Justice Parsons. Parsons could not bear contradiction, and the strain between them ran deep. Ormonde had already refused to be Parsons's successor, and when Parsons fell, Ormonde must have felt relief on both personal and public grounds. After one stormy debate, Ormonde was so offended by Parsons's language and bearing that he remarked he was "sensible how the Lord Justice stood affected towards him." Parsons took alarm. He sent Sir Philip Perceval to beg peace with Ormonde, entreating him humbly that for the sake of the public service no breach should ensue between them. But a few days later the quarrel flamed up all over again. Ormonde refused to sign a nomination he disapproved of, and word went round that if Parsons could procure an order from Parliament, he would not scruple to arrest and imprison the Lieutenant-General.

40. Storm of Cashel by Inchiquin

    Cashel · town · Tipperary · 1647

    Inchiquin's storm of Cashel achieved a lurid and lasting fame even in a campaign of flame and massacre in Munster. The event was characteristic of the peculiar system of warfare practised by Murough of the Burnings.

    Read the passage

    The events that followed on Ormonde's departure were not of a nature to lessen the Confederates' regret at his loss. Ireland was a lively example of the conditions obtaining in a house divided against itself Colonel Michael Jones, the Parliamentary Governor of Dublin, was incomparably better equipped for short raids into the interior than his Royalist predecessor. On August the 8th, 1647, he utterly defeated Preston at Dungan Hill, the slaughter that ensued contrasting forcibly with Ormonde's methods. In Munster, Inchiquin obtained yet more sanguinary successes ; the storm of Cashel, even in that campaign of flame and massacre, achieved a lurid and lasting fame. In Ulster, O'Neill's absence left the coast clear to George Monk. The future Duke of Albemarle effected a junction with Michael Jones, and, together, they captured various strongholds. On the 13th of November, Inchiquin's victory at Mallow, again characteristic of the peculiar system of warfare practised by Murough of the Burnings, set the climax to an uninterrupted series of Protestant triumphs. The Nuncio, who, in the first flush of exultation over Ormonde's resignation, had confidently announced that all disaffection had entirely

    ^ Carte, vol. vi. pp. 530-1. Ormonde to Lord Digby, 23rd July 1647.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 55

    As the companion tells it

    Cashel is a town in Tipperary that the road passes through. In 1647, it became the scene of one of the most notorious events of that troubled time. After Ormonde's departure, Ireland was, as the record puts it, 'a lively example of the conditions obtaining in a house divided against itself.' Colonel Michael Jones, the Parliamentary Governor of Dublin, defeated Preston at Dungan Hill on the 8th of August, 1647, the slaughter contrasting forcibly with Ormonde's methods. But in Munster, Inchiquin obtained yet more sanguinary successes. The storm of Cashel, even in 'that campaign of flame and massacre,' achieved a lurid and lasting fame. Inchiquin was known as Murough of the Burnings, and his peculiar system of warfare was on display again on the 13th of November at Mallow, setting the climax to an uninterrupted series of Protestant triumphs.

41. 3rd Earl of Ormonde buys off O'Brien invasion

    Tipperary · town · Tipperary · 1382–1485

    The 3rd Earl of Ormonde, despite being styled 'the head of the chivalry of Ireland,' was so lacking in troops that he had to buy off the invading O'Brien tribe with a hundred marks. The Exchequer was so impoverished that even this paltry sum was hard to raise.

    Read the passage

    The Kings of England were not slow to acknowledge the services of such powerful vassals. In 1315 Edward II. created Edmond le Botiller, Earl of Carrick. In 1328 his son James, the husband of the King's cousin - german, Eleanor de Bohun, obtained the Palatinate rights of Tipperary and was created Earl of Ormonde,^ by which second title, save for two brief intervals under Henry VI. and Henry VIII., the head of the family henceforward chose to be known. These medieval Ormondes were not fated long to enjoy the honours thus reaped. For two hundred years not one of the earls lived to see his eldest son outgrow childhood. In that rude school of the Marches, however, they ripened betimes, and had their fill of adventure at an ag-e when our lads are dedicated to cricket and football. In fact, where the chief did not early show himself a strong man, neither he nor his clan had much chance of survival. The hazards they ran, the riddles they were forced to rede are exemplified in the career of the 3rd Earl of Ormonde.- Although styled " the head of the chivalry of Ireland,"^ sheer lack of troops, whether gentle or simple, obliged him, when Deputy, to buy off the invading tribe of O'Briens with a hundred marks ; and such was the penury of the Exchequer, that even this paltry sum could not be raised without difficulty, horses and a bed being collected to

    ^ The name Ormonde is derived from Oir Mumhain, East Munster, just as Deas Mumhain, Desmond is South Munster.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 5

    As the companion tells it

    Tipperary town gave its name to a palatinate. In 1328 James le Botiller obtained the palatinate rights of Tipperary and was created Earl of Ormonde. The name Ormonde comes from Oir Mumhain, East Munster, just as Desmond comes from Deas Mumhain, South Munster. These medieval Ormondes did not long enjoy the honours they had gained. For 200 years not one of the earls lived to see his eldest son outgrow childhood. They grew up fast in that rude school of the Marches, and had their fill of adventure at an age when most lads are given to games. Where the chief did not early show himself a strong man, neither he nor his clan had much chance of survival. The career of the 3rd Earl of Ormonde shows the hazards they ran. Although styled the head of the chivalry of Ireland, sheer lack of troops, whether gentle or simple, obliged him, when Deputy, to buy off the invading tribe of O'Briens with 100 marks. Such was the penury of the Exchequer that even this paltry sum could not be raised without difficulty, horses and a bed being collected toward it.

42. Antrim received with open arms at Kilkenny by Confederate Council

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1643–1644

    Lord Antrim, having escaped to Owen O'Neill in the summer of 1643, was received with open arms at Kilkenny by the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholics, despite declining the oath of the association. He returned there in February 1644 to negotiate noisily for the post of Generalissimo.

    Read the passage

    In these circumstances, the King reverted to the practice, so strongly deprecated by Ormonde, of employing irresponsible agents. Since Strafford had written in mocking strain of his primitive artillery, and shamrock commissariat, Lord Antrim's adventures had equalled his projects in variety and number. He had suffered a long, and, probably unmerited, captivity at the hands of the Puritan faction, and only effected his escape to Owen O'Neill in the summer of 1643. At Kilkenny he was received with open arms ; and, in spite of declining the oath of the association, remained in high favour with the Supreme Council. He made no secret of desiring the post of Generalissimo to the Confederate Catholics. But this avowed ambition covered a more occult purpose. Antrim thirsted to be Lord-Lieutenant ; and he confidently boasted that the services he would render the King as commander of the Irish army must deserve no less a reward than the Sword of State. If the scheme was intricate, for that reason it was all the more congenial to Antrim. And certainly no alchemist was ever more cordially welcomed by despairing bankrupt, than was Antrim by Charles, when he arrived at Oxford in December. Both parties were lavish in pledges. Antrim promised the King three thousand men to invade Argyll's country, and ten thousand to serve him in England. Charles responded by promising Antrim the lordship of Argyll, when Antrim should have removed that nobleman. But although the sanguine pair had thus comfortably disposed of the bear's skin, that troublesome animal was still alive and, as an instalment of favours to come, Antrim therefore obtained a Marquisate. Thus encouraged, February saw him once more at Kilkenny, negotiating busily and noisily with the Supreme Council, Charles told Ormonde to give him all the help he could in furtherance of his design.

    236 THE CESSATION [1644

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 43

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny was the seat of the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholics in the 1640s, and Lord Antrim came here twice in less than a year. He had been held captive by the Puritan faction, probably without cause, and only managed to escape to Owen O'Neill in the summer of 1643. At Kilkenny he was received with open arms. He declined to take the oath of the association, yet remained in high favour with the Supreme Council. He made no secret of wanting the post of Generalissimo to the Confederate Catholics. But behind that ambition lay a greater one. Antrim thirsted to be Lord-Lieutenant, and boasted that commanding the Irish army for the King would deserve no less a reward than the Sword of State. If the scheme was intricate, that made it all the more congenial to him. He arrived at Oxford in December to see Charles, and both men were lavish in pledges. Antrim promised the King 3,000 men to invade Argyll's country and 10,000 to serve him in England. Charles responded by promising Antrim the lordship of Argyll, once Antrim had removed that nobleman. The sanguine pair had comfortably disposed of the bear's skin while the bear was still alive. As an instalment of favours to come, Antrim obtained a Marquisate. February 1644 saw him back at Kilkenny, negotiating busily and noisily with the Supreme Council. Charles told Ormonde to give him all the help he could in furtherance of his design.

43. Carrick-on-Suir Castle: Black Tom's homage to Elizabeth

    Carrick-on-Suir · town · Tipperary

    Carrick Castle, built by Thomas ('Black Tom') Butler for Queen Elizabeth, was considered the finest dwelling in Ireland. Its long gallery features a plaister frieze with Elizabeth's image, alternating arms of England and Butler, and the device 'Plus Pense que Dire'. Elizabeth promised to visit but never did.

    Read the passage

    Even to-day, when the ivy has laced the oriel windows with a clinging web of greenery, and in the Castle Chapel the carven angels, weird, sylphlike, Celtic, listen in wideeyed amazement to the chatter of the jackdaws, Carrick holds a potent spell for its pilgrims. The ripe yellow of the walls, touched in parts to brightness by the clustering valerian, subdued in others by the hoary, many-tinted lichen, is a feast to tired eyes, and that mortal may, indeed, be accounted happy who has seen the old Manor house under the mysterious radiance of those Irish skies, all pearl and grey and opal, and yet instinct with light. In the brooding stillness of a summer day, stillness unbroken save for the rustling of the tall water-weeds that part the Castle from the Suir, Carrick makes one half in love with decay that comes in a shape so gracious. But when " Black Tom " Ormonde built this fane to the honour and glory of the Virgin Queen, the western isle boasted no fairer dwelling. Legend says that the great Oriana had promised to honour her faithful servant's mansion with her presence. It was a vision that never knew fulfilment, though had the Queen been borne thither up the river, even that exacting lady must have approved her " black husband's " habitation. Small it undoubtedly is if compared to Hardwicke or Hatfield ; but Elizabeth could not cavil at the decorations. Everywhere her image, supported by allegorical figures, forms the motive of the noble plaister frieze in the long gallery. The arms of England alternate with those of Butler, the initials of the sovereign with those of the Earl ; while the device "Plus Pense que Dire" sets the crowning touch to the subtle homage which is the very essence of the House Beautiful.

    Such was Carrick, where Ormonde, it is clear, loved to be. A greater contrast to its smiling serenity than the Castle of Kilkenny can scarcely be conceived. It

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 31

    As the companion tells it

    Carrick-on-Suir is a town the road passes through, and its castle was built by Thomas Butler, known as Black Tom, for Queen Elizabeth. When he built it, there was no finer dwelling in Ireland. Legend says Elizabeth had promised to visit her faithful servant's mansion. That visit never came to pass, though had the Queen been carried up the river, even that exacting lady must have approved her black husband's habitation. It is small compared to Hardwicke or Hatfield, but Elizabeth could not fault the decorations. Everywhere her image, supported by allegorical figures, forms the motive of the noble plaister frieze in the long gallery. The arms of England alternate with those of Butler, the initials of the sovereign with those of the Earl, while the device, in the words of the source, "Plus Pense que Dire," sets the crowning touch to the subtle homage which is the very essence of the House Beautiful. Even now, ivy has laced the oriel windows with a web of greenery, and in the Castle Chapel the carven angels listen in amazement to the chatter of the jackdaws. The ripe yellow of the walls, touched by clustering valerian and subdued by many-tinted lichen, is a feast to tired eyes. In the stillness of a summer day, broken only by the rustling of the tall water-weeds that part the castle from the Suir, Carrick makes one half in love with decay that comes in a shape so gracious. Such was Carrick, where Ormonde loved to be.

44. Coote sacks and burns Clontarf

    Clontarf · parish · Dublin · 1641

    On the day of the assembly at Crofty, Sir Charles Coote swooped on Clontarf, burning and sacking the mansion and property of a Mr King along with the peasants' cabins. Mr King had been lured to Dublin the previous day with a pass from the Justices.

    Read the passage

    On their side, the Lords Justices despatched Coote to chastise some thieving fisherman in the neighbourhood of Dublin. The Raven had not learnt mercy since his last expedition. The day of the assembly at Crofty, he swooped on Clontarf, where, besides the peasants' cabins, he burnt and sacked the mansion and property of a Mr King, then at Swords. As the latter had been expressly invited to Dublin, the day previously, by the Justices, and had received a pass to repair thither " without

    ^ Cox, " Hibernia Anglicana," vol. ii. p. 83. '■^ Carter, vol. ii. p. 16.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

    As the companion tells it

    Clontarf is the parish the road passes through. In 1641 the Lords Justices sent Sir Charles Coote to chastise thieving fishermen near Dublin. He was called The Raven, and had not learnt mercy since his last expedition. On the day of the assembly at Crofty he swooped on it. He burned and sacked the mansion and property of a Mr King, along with the peasants' cabins. Mr King was at Swords at the time. He had been expressly invited to Dublin the day before by the Justices and given a pass to repair thither.

45. Double siege of Galway — town and fort bombard each other

    Galway · city · Galway · 1642

    Captain Willoughby's high-handed treatment of Galway's townsfolk provoked endless quarrels that Clanricarde could not suppress. The town blockaded the fort and the fort bombarded the town for two months until Clanricarde secured the inhabitants' conditional submission on May 13th, but subsequent raids by Willoughby and Captain Ashley renewed disorder.

    Read the passage

    The town blockaded the fort, the fort bombarded the town. The double siege lasted two months, and with the small forces at his disposal, Clanricarde had much ado to bring the inhabitants of Galway to reason. Indeed, when on May the 13th he received their conditional submission, he was held to have achieved no small success. Had Willoughby and the Commander of the Parliamentary frigate, Captain Thomas Ashley, observed the articles of the pacification, all would then have been well. Ashley, however, bent apparently on following in the footsteps of Sir Charles Coote, made unprovoked raids on the peasantry, and carefully selected the property of the loyal gentry for spoliation. He was equalled, if not surpassed, by Willoughby, who systematically maltreated the citizens, and, on one occasion, carried brutality and insolence so far as to hang an inoffensive sergeant of Clanricarde's own regiment.

    In Munster, Sir William St Leger was likewise paying a heavy penalty for his hasty words and actions. For five long weeks, he was shut up in Cork, and only owed his deliverance to Ormonde's victory at Kilrush. On being set free, he obtained a marked success over the rebels, though, being destitute of stores, money, and artillery, he could neither improve his position nor relieve the Castle of Limerick, which capitulated at the end of June. This final disaster broke Sir William's heart ; he was already ailing, and a week later he died. His son-in-law, Murough O'Brien, Lord Inchiquin, succeeded him as Vice-President of Munster and Commander-in-Chief of the forces in that province.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 38

    As the companion tells it

    Galway is the city the road takes you through or near, and in 1642 it was caught in a double siege of its own making. The town blockaded the fort, and the fort bombarded the town. This went on for two months. Clanricarde, with only small forces at his disposal, had much ado to bring the inhabitants to reason. On May 13th he received their conditional submission, and it was held to be no small success. Had Captain Willoughby and the Commander of the Parliamentary frigate, Captain Thomas Ashley, observed the articles of the pacification, all would have been well. Ashley, apparently bent on following in the footsteps of Sir Charles Coote, made unprovoked raids on the peasantry and carefully selected the property of the loyal gentry for spoliation. Willoughby matched him, if not surpassed him. He systematically maltreated the citizens, and on one occasion carried brutality and insolence so far as to hang an inoffensive sergeant of Clanricarde's own regiment. So the peace did not hold, and the disorder Clanricarde had struggled to end came back again through the very men who should have kept it.

46. Glamorgan sent to Kilkenny as intermediary with Confederates

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1646

    Charles I justified sending the Earl of Glamorgan to Kilkenny, the seat of the Irish Confederate government, by claiming he thought the Council and Lord-Lieutenant would welcome a personage of Glamorgan's standing to negotiate with the Roman Catholics there. The King insisted Glamorgan was only to act with Ormonde's knowledge and approval.

    Read the passage

    find Glamorgan a helpful intermediary with the Roman Catholics. But he had strictly limited all commissions by the injunction to undertake nothing independently of Ormonde. It had even occurred to the King that the Council and Lord-Lieutenant might be grateful to have a personage of Glamorgan's peculiar recommendations to send to Kilkenny.^ In fact, a desire to make things easy and comfortable to Ormonde had been " all, and the very bottome " of the amazing episode. Charles concluded by desiring that the charge against Glamorgan " be thoroughly and diligently shifted," but the words bespoke no great fervour, and the enhancing of Glamorgan's crimes was relegated to Nicholas. Thus, at a time when the King in writing to his wife admitted " that it is taken for granted that the Lord of Glamorgan neither counterfeited my hand, nor that I blamed him more than for not following his instructions,"" Nicholas was calling the Council to witness that the famous warrant was indited in a fashion strangely unlike the official style. " Your Lordships," said the Secretary, "can best judge whether it bee (at least) surreptitiously gotten if not worse ; for His Majesty says he remembers it not." Charles permitted himself one particularly unworthy bit of justification. He bade Nicholas tell Ormonde that as Glamorgan's patent had not passed the Great Seal, Edward Somerset had no right to the title. Neither Worcester nor his son deserved such paltry treatment.

    Distorted as was Charles's moral vision, he could not help realising that Ormonde deserved some especial explanation. Moreover, he probably divined that Glamorgan would get a more ample measure of protection from the Lord - Lieutenant than from other Protestant dignitaries in Dublin. In writing to Ormonde, he contrived therefore a double debt to pay. He justified himself to the Lord-Lieutenant, and, after a fashion not over cordial, committed the delinquent to his care.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 49

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny in 1646 was the seat of the Irish Confederate government, and it was there that Charles I sent the Earl of Glamorgan as an intermediary with the Roman Catholics. The King claimed he thought the Council and Lord-Lieutenant might welcome a personage of Glamorgan's standing for such a negotiation. He insisted that Glamorgan was to undertake nothing independently of Ormonde, the Lord-Lieutenant, and that a desire to make things easy for Ormonde was, in the King's own words, all and the very bottom of the episode. Charles asked that the charge against Glamorgan be thoroughly and diligently shifted, though his words carried no great fervour. At the same time, Secretary Nicholas was telling the Council that the famous warrant was indited in a fashion strangely unlike the official style, and that their Lordships could best judge whether it was at least surreptitiously gotten if not worse, for His Majesty said he remembered it not. Charles permitted himself one unworthy justification. He told Nicholas to inform Ormonde that as Glamorgan's patent had not passed the Great Seal, Edward Somerset had no right to the title. Neither Worcester nor his son deserved such paltry treatment. Charles knew Ormonde deserved some especial explanation, and probably divined that Glamorgan would get better protection from the Lord-Lieutenant than from other Protestant dignitaries in Dublin. In writing to Ormonde, he justified himself and, after a fashion not over cordial, committed the delinquent to his care.

47. Irish army camp at Lucan suffers flood and hunger, Nov 1646

    near Lucan · town · Dublin · 1646

    During the November 1646 season of flood and tempest, the Irish army encamped at Lucan was already reduced to scanty rations and suffered severely from cold and wet. The harsh conditions helped make Clanricarde's terms seem less inadequate to the disheartened troops.

    Read the passage

    than the rest of the whole creation." He was maligning his best ally. On the Liffey the bridges were broken and whirled away. In their great camp at Lucan, the Irish, already reduced to scanty rations, suffered much from cold and wet. To the disheartened army Clanricarde's terms no longer seemed ridiculously inadequate, though, save for his proposal that they should be ratified by the Queen and Prince and confirmed by the French Government, they were identical with those which the Irish had contemptuously rejected at Kilkenny. It is true that Rinuccini did not falter in his opposition ; but on November the i6th, as the Council was debating the matter, intelligence arrived of the landing of the English in Dublin. The news afterwards proved to be false, but the die was then cast. O'Neill sprang from his seat, assembled his men, and, crossing the Liffey by an improvised bridge, that very night retreated to Queen's County. The Supreme Council, followed by the Nuncio, fled with equal haste to Kilkenny. Clanricarde had apparently won the day. Preston, delivered from adverse influences, swore to observe the Peace and to join Ormonde against the disobedient. In almost any other circumstances, such an engagement must have spelt finality.^ Indeed, it did procure a breathing space for the harassed Lord-Lieutenant, though no more. Preston had urged that Ormonde should receive Irish soldiers into his garrisons, but Ormonde strongly deprecated the admittance of notoriously untrustworthy troops within his fortresses ; and the event proved he was well inspired. At the beginning of December, Preston, now acting as Clanricarde's major-general, marched upon Kilkenny, sending messages, as he went, to Ormonde to entreat help against O'Neill, who, on his side, was advancing to the Nuncio's support. We possess the letter, which, at Preston's dictation, Colonel Bagnal wrote to the Lord- Lieutenant. No petition could well be more urgent, no declaration of fidelity more absolute.'^

    ^ Carte, vol. iii. p. 285.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

    As the companion tells it

    The road takes you through Lucan, a town on the Liffey west of Dublin. In November 1646, this was the site of a great camp of the Irish army, and the season brought flood and tempest. On the river the bridges were broken and whirled away. The soldiers, already reduced to scanty rations, suffered much from cold and wet. The harsh conditions worked on the mind as well as the body. Clanricarde's terms no longer seemed ridiculously inadequate to the disheartened troops, though they were identical to those the Irish had contemptuously rejected at Kilkenny, save for his proposal that they be ratified by the Queen and Prince and confirmed by the French Government. Rinuccini did not falter in his opposition. On November 16th, as the Council debated the matter, intelligence arrived of the landing of the English in Dublin. The news afterwards proved false, but the die was cast. O'Neill sprang from his seat, assembled his men, and crossed the Liffey by an improvised bridge. That very night he retreated to Queen's County. The Supreme Council, followed by the Nuncio, fled with equal haste to Kilkenny. Clanricarde had apparently won the day. Preston, delivered from adverse influences, swore to observe the Peace and to join Ormonde against the disobedient. Ormonde strongly deprecated the admittance of notoriously untrustworthy troops within his fortresses, and the event proved he was well inspired. At the beginning of December, Preston, now acting as Clanricarde's major-general, marched upon Kilkenny.

48. Lady Ormonde's charity at College Green

    near College Green · street · Dublin · 1642

    During the famine conditions of 1642 in Dublin, Lady Ormonde maintained twelve English orphan children at her own expense in lodgings at College Green, appointing keepers to care for them and insisting they visit her twice weekly. She was widely remembered for feeding and clothing refugees of various classes during the crisis.

    Read the passage

    These negotiations were the last public business transacted for a time by Ormonde. War had brought the inevitable accompaniment of pestilence in its train, and during the autumn of 1642 disease claimed more victims than the sword. Even Ormonde's splendid constitution paid toll to the prevalent epidemic. He fell dangerously ill, and his friends almost despaired of his life. Anxiety for his wife and children, whose plight would have been indeed pitiful had they been ^ bereft of his protection at this juncture, vastly increased his sufferings. During the years of plenty under Strafford's rule, Ormonde's estates had been heavily charged to meet Holland's exorbitant demands, and he had consequently no reserve fund on which to draw when the rebellion stopped the payment of his rents. With provisions at famine prices in Dublin, the maintenance of his family had proved no slight drain on his meagre resources. Moreover, Lady Ormonde, unlike Sir William Parsons, whose devotion to Protestantism involved no pecuniary sacrifices for its starving votaries, was throughout these evil days the Providence of her poorer brethren. The least part of her benefactions was the dole, daily distributed from " the tables in the hall " to a sad little crowd of hungry folk. Nor was her charity restricted to one class of sufferers." In later years, all sorts and conditions of men and women rose up to call Elizabeth Ormonde blessed. A country neighbour of gentle birth, for instance, testifies that during two whole years he owed the food he ate and the clothes he wore to her bounty. Again another refugee ^ gratefully records that her private purse kept his family of fourteen or fifteen souls from starvation. During her residence in Dublin, twelve English children were supported at her charge in lodgings at College Green,

    ^ Carte, vol. ii. pp. 352-3.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 39

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere about College Green, in the famine autumn of 1642, Lady Ormonde kept twelve English orphan children in lodgings at her own expense, appointing keepers to watch over them and insisting they visit her twice weekly. Dublin was gripped by war and pestilence. Disease that autumn claimed more victims than the sword. Provisions stood at famine prices. Ormonde himself fell dangerously ill, and his friends almost despaired of his life. His estates had been heavily charged during the years of plenty under Strafford's rule, and the rebellion had stopped the payment of his rents. There was no reserve fund to draw on. Lady Ormonde, throughout these evil days, was what the book calls the Providence of her poorer brethren. The least part of her benefactions was the dole distributed daily from the tables in the hall to a sad little crowd of hungry folk. Her charity was not restricted to one class of sufferers. In later years, all sorts and conditions of men and women rose up to call Elizabeth Ormonde blessed. A country neighbour of gentle birth testified that during two whole years he owed the food he ate and the clothes he wore to her bounty. Another refugee gratefully recorded that her private purse kept his family of fourteen or fifteen souls from starvation.

49. Lady Thurles shelters English troops and non-combatants at Archerstown and Beakstown

    near Archerstown · street · Tipperary · 1641–1643

    Lady Thurles sent relief to English troops quartered at Archerstown and Beakstown and, while they were besieged, sheltered some fourteen non-combatants from their garrison, maintaining them ever since. When the commander of Archerstown was forced to surrender, he and his company sought refuge with her to nurse their wounds.

    Read the passage

    Lady Thurles had every right to plead constant good affection to the English Government. Her record, indeed, was not merely blameless, it was meritorious. In 164 1 she had rescued divers Enfjlish families from the Irish rebels, maintaining the unhappy creatures for two whole years at her own charge, and supplying them with every necessary at their departure. To the English troops quartered at Archerstown and Beakstown she sent relief; and, while they were besieged, she sheltered some fourteen non-combatants out of their garrison, " maintaining them ever since." When the commander of Archerstown was at last forced to surrender, it was with her that he, his family, and his company sought a refuge to nurse their wounds. At one time she lent ;i^300, at another ;^500 to assist the English army. She had the courage to refuse oxen for transport to Owen Roe O'Neill. She was pillaged by the Irish. She welcomed an English force to garrison Thurles. She employed herself to bring about the capitulation of Cahir Castle. The Commissioners owned that they found her " a very deserving person." But as her residence had been in Irish quarters during the Rebellion, and as, according to law, they had not hitherto "adjudged a constant good affection to any whose constant residence have been in the Irish quarters," they felt themselves obliged to refer the poor lady's case to the consideration of the Lord-Deputy and Council. On the part of the latter, there was no great disposition to show her mercy ; her 4,000 fertile acres was a damning fact. The Adventurers won their suit.'-^ It was a pure

    ^ Rev. J. Graves, "Early Life and Marriage of James Butler, Duke of Ormonde."

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 59

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere about Archerstown, Lady Thurles did what few would have dared. In 1641 she rescued English families from the Irish rebels and kept them for two whole years at her own charge, supplying them with every necessity when they left. To the English troops quartered here at Archerstown and at Beakstown she sent relief. While those troops were besieged, she sheltered some fourteen non-combatants out of their garrison, in the words of the record, maintaining them ever since. When the commander of Archerstown was at last forced to surrender, it was with her that he, his family, and his company sought a refuge to nurse their wounds. She lent 300 pounds, then 500 pounds, to assist the English army. She had the courage to refuse oxen for transport to Owen Roe O'Neill. She was pillaged by the Irish for her trouble. She welcomed an English force to garrison Thurles. She worked to bring about the capitulation of Cahir Castle. The Commissioners acknowledged they found her, in their words, a very deserving person. But because her residence had been in Irish quarters during the Rebellion, and the law had not hitherto adjudged a constant good affection to anyone living in Irish quarters, they felt obliged to refer her case to the Lord-Deputy and Council. There was no great disposition there to show mercy. Her 4,000 fertile acres was a damning fact. The Adventurers won their suit.

50. Leinster Irish flock to Dublin to salute Ormonde after Cessation

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1643

    After the 1643 Cessation, the Leinster Irish flocked to Dublin to salute Ormonde, with the highroad to the capital reportedly filled with livestock and provisions given as gifts to him and his wife. The Ultramontane faction denounced this as excessive civility toward the King's servant.

    Read the passage

    plaints. Through their mouthpiece, the author of the " Aphorismical Discovery,"^ the Ultramontane faction loudly denounced the manner in which the Leinster Irish flocked to salute Ormonde in Dublin ; " he being reputed happy that first went thither." According to the same writer, the highroad to the capital resembled Martinmas Fair ;

    " the wayes full of beoffes, muttons, turkisse, geese, capons and feasons, and all kinds of kitchen stu ffe going to Ormonde, such gratuities and gifts of everything that abounded, most went to Ormonde and his lady, that is wonder to see."

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 43

    As the companion tells it

    In 1643, after the Cessation, the Leinster Irish flocked to Dublin to salute Ormonde. One writer noted that "he being reputed happy that first went thither." The highroad to the capital resembled Martinmas Fair, the ways full of beef, mutton, turkeys, geese, capons and pheasants, and all kinds of food going to Ormonde and his lady as gifts. The Ultramontane faction loudly denounced this through their mouthpiece, the author of the "Aphorismical Discovery."

51. Lord Thurles shipwrecked and drowned near the Skerries

    Skerries · town · Dublin · 1619

    On 19 December 1619, during the return voyage from Ireland to England, Lord Thurles, eldest son of Walter Earl of Ormonde and father of the future Duke, was shipwrecked and drowned near the Skerries. His death left his young son James Butler to inherit the family title amid a heavy burden of misfortune.

    Read the passage

    Although Ormonde was powerless, his heir, Lord Thurles, was at large, and in the beginning of 1619 he repaired to Ireland to attempt some mitigation of the family calamities. It was, however, an unhappy inspiration, since not only were his endeavours entirely fruitless, but on December the 19th, 1619, during the return voyage to England, he was shipwrecked and drowned near the Skerries. Thus, whilst yet a mere child, his eldest son, James Butler, the future Duke of Ormonde, succeeded to his father's title at a moment when it carried a heavy burden of woe and hate. Perhaps, his father's death was a more apparent than real loss to the boy. But at any rate it was not without immediate consequences, for on her husband's death Lady Thurles returned to England, taking her little son with her and placing him at a school at Finchley kept by a Roman Catholic named Conyers.

    In the year 1620, when Lord Thurles was put to school, it may well have seemed as if the House of Butler could scarcely experience a greater decline. And if any one gave a thought to the oracular predictions of Thomas, Lord Ormonde, concerning the lad, it must have been merely as a fresh proof of the mental aberrations to which the wisest are liable. Yet, in both instances the coming

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 13

    As the companion tells it

    Skerries is a town the road passes through, and in December 1619 it was the scene of a loss that shaped a great Irish house. Lord Thurles, heir to Walter, Earl of Ormonde, had come to Ireland at the beginning of that year to try to ease the calamities that had fallen on his family. His efforts came to nothing. On the 19th of December 1619, sailing back to England, he was shipwrecked and drowned near these Skerries. His eldest son, James Butler, a mere child, now succeeded to his father's title. That title, the book tells us, carried what it calls a heavy burden of woe and hate. The boy would grow up to become the first Duke of Ormonde, but at that moment his inheritance was nothing but misfortune. On Lord Thurles's death, Lady Thurles returned to England, taking her little son with her. She placed him at a school at Finchley, kept by a Roman Catholic named Conyers. By 1620, when the boy was put to school, the House of Butler seemed to have scarcely known a greater decline. Thomas, Lord Ormonde, had made oracular predictions about the lad, but anyone who gave them a thought would have dismissed them as the wanderings of a troubled mind.

52. Ormonde accused of defeat at Rathmines despite half a million funding

    near Rathmines · population centre · Dublin · 1649–1650

    Ormonde's clergy critics accused him of having allowed himself to be beaten at Rathmines after they furnished him with half a million pounds. He countered that the army could barely march without privately borrowed money and unpaid meal.

    Read the passage

    of that unhappy people, and not their own aggrandisement, been their true aim, they could scarcely have denied a part in the last fight for Ireland to Ormonde's devoted service. They were, however, not to be mollified. Vainly did the delegates from the General Assembly, convoked by Ormonde at Logreagh, implore them to recall the Jamestown declaration and anathema. Their decision was as little affected by a refutation of their arraignment, that Ormonde now condescended to publish. Yet the perusal of this docum,ent should have convinced any, save the most uncandid, of the frightful odds encountered by Ormonde. To the accusation, for instance, that after they had furnished him with half a million, Ormonde had allowed himself to be beaten at Rathmines, the Marquis could truthfully reply that " for all the half million," the army, when brought together, could not have marched further than Cloghreaghan, if he had not privately borrowed ;^8oo from Sir James Preston ^ — a sum, the Lord-Lieutenant remarks, which was still owing to his creditor, and by means of which a little meal, " not yet paid for neither," was obtained.

    " If we are to be blamed," he continues, " it is for undertaking an Expedition so meanly provided, and which we can only answer by the necessity of attempting Dublin and those parts, before they could receive supplies out of England."

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 58

    As the companion tells it

    Rathmines was where James Butler, Marquis of Ormonde, suffered defeat in 1649. His own clergy critics accused him of having allowed himself to be beaten here, after they furnished him with half a million pounds. They would not be mollified. Delegates from the General Assembly, convoked by Ormonde at Logreagh, implored them in vain to recall the Jamestown declaration and anathema. Their decision was as little affected by a refutation of their arraignment, which Ormonde now condescended to publish. To the charge about the half million, Ormonde could truthfully reply that for all that money, the army, when brought together, could not have marched further than Cloghreaghan, if he had not privately borrowed 800 from Sir James Preston. That sum was still owing to his creditor, and by means of it a little meal was obtained, “not yet paid for neither.” If we are to be blamed, he continued, it is for undertaking an expedition so meanly provided, which he could only answer by the necessity of attempting Dublin and those parts before they could receive supplies out of England.

53. Ormonde arrives at Kilkenny to aid Supreme Council

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1646

    On 31 August 1646, Ormonde, accompanied by Clanricarde and Lord Digby, arrived at Kilkenny in response to the Supreme Council's plea for assistance, as their soldiers deserted daily and tax collection was arrested by ecclesiastical displeasure.

    Read the passage

    In reply to the Nuncio's invective, the Supreme Council drew up a statement which they did not, however, publish, as they preferred to send a deputation bearing the olive branch to Waterford. The mission was unsuccessful. The Nuncio and the congregation merely re-stated their demands ; and the Supreme Council at Kilkenny began to feel thoroughly uncomfortable. Scared by the excommunication, their soldiers deserted daily ; and as the collection of taxes is never a popular operation it was easily arrested by the first whisper of Ecclesiastical displeasure. In despair, the Supreme Council implored Ormonde to come to their assistance. They felt that his presence at Kilkenny would facilitate the arrangement of terms with the Nuncio. Ormonde thought their request only reasonable. As he had told Bellings, he did " not at all murmur that the greatest share of trouble in making good what he had done should fall to his lot," and on August the 31st, accompanied by Clanricarde and Lord Digby, he accordingly arrived at Kilkenny.

    Five years had passed since James Butler had ridden forth from his old castle at the head of a handful of volunteers to the rescue of the Government. He was

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 52

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny, in 1646, was where the Supreme Council found itself in trouble. The Council had tried to make peace with the Nuncio, sending a deputation to Waterford with an olive branch. The mission failed. The Nuncio and the congregation restated their demands, and the Council at Kilkenny grew thoroughly uncomfortable. Their soldiers, scared by the excommunication, deserted daily. Tax collection, never popular, was arrested by the first whisper of ecclesiastical displeasure. In despair, the Council implored Ormonde to come to their assistance. They believed his presence at Kilkenny would help arrange terms with the Nuncio. Ormonde thought the request reasonable. He had told Bellings he did "not at all murmur that the greatest share of trouble in making good what he had done should fall to his lot." On 31 August 1646, accompanied by Clanricarde and Lord Digby, Ormonde arrived at Kilkenny. Five years had passed since James Butler had ridden from his old castle at the head of a handful of volunteers to the rescue of the Government.

54. Ormonde plans to supervise army training at Carrickfergus

    near Carrickfergus · town · Antrim · 1640

    In 1640, Ormonde intended to supervise the training of newly raised Irish army troops at Carrickfergus. However, he was unable to do so because Lady Ormonde fell seriously ill, detaining him elsewhere. Enlistment was easy in a country recently accustomed to warfare, but procuring clothing, food and wages proved far more difficult than finding recruits.

    Read the passage

    The business of organising and raising the new army fell mainly to Ormonde's share. Besides the troop of cuirassiers, which in 1638 had replaced the original "carabins," he had now the command of a mounted regiment, and was made Lieutenant-General of the Horse, and Commander-in-Chief during Strafford's absence. It was largely due to his clear-headed diligence, that, within a week, the framework of the new army scheme was complete. From the ranks of the original army one thousand privates of the Protestant persuasion were drawn, both to act as military instructors to the raw levies, and to counterbalance the popery of their charges. In a country, where, but recently, warfare had been the profession or pastime of the greater number of the inhabitants, enlistment was easy. In fact, had it not been far more difficult to procure clothing, food and wages than recruits, the new troops would have assembled at Carrickfergus long before the middle of July, Here Ormonde had fully intended to supervise their training. But, at this juncture. Lady Ormonde fell seriously ill, and from May till the end of July he was detained at Kilkenny. Nor could he succeed in attending to his Parliamentary duties, although Strafford, from the first, had felt that his presence was more needed in Dublin than at the camp, since Sir William St Leger, President of Munster, could safely be entrusted with the drilling of the levies, whilst, in the House of Lords no one could replace Ormonde.

    With the passing of Strafford, had also passed the perfervid mood of the Irish Commons. They knew that illness had for a time reduced that fiery soul to impotence. And, while he lay sick unto death in London, they bethought them of the obvious inconvenience into which

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 32

55. Ormonde relieves Waterford; rain and disease force Cromwell's retreat

    Waterford · city · Waterford · 1649

    Ormonde escorted Ferrall and two thousand Ulstermen into Waterford. Torrential rain made siege manoeuvres nearly impossible and disease spread in the English camp, confirming Cromwell's intention to retreat, which he did on December 4th as Ormonde approached with fresh troops.

    Read the passage

    O'Neill's death was a crushing blow to Ormonde's newborn hopes, but the exigencies of the situation gave him little leisure to mourn his loss. The tragedy of Wexford had held no lesson, apparently, for the citizens of Waterford. They seemed rather bent on keeping out their friends than their declared enemies ; and when Castlehaven and his reinforcements appeared before the gates, they were curtly denied admission. It was not, in fact, until November the 21st, the day before Cromwell began the investment, that the Mayor and Corporation humbled themselves to ask help of Ormonde. Even then, they insisted that the relief force should consist solely of orthodox warriors, drawn from the division sent southwards by O'Neill under General Ferrall. It was no moment to stand on ceremony, for Cromwell was already in possession of Passage, the fort commanding the south-western avenues to the town. With all possible speed, therefore, Ormonde escorted Ferrall and two thousand Ulstermen to Waterford, and saw them safely lodged within its walls. The Irish climate seconded Ormonde's efforts on behalf of the beleaguered city. Torrential rain made the siege manoeuvres well-nigh impossible, and disease spread apace in the English camp. Cromwell had been already contemplating a retreat. Ormonde's advance now confirmed him in this intention, and, on December the 4th, as the Lord- Lieutenant once more approached the city, bringing to its rescue a fresh body of Celts, he had the satisfaction of seeing the English army march away.

    It might have been expected that Ormonde's exertions on their behalf would have reconciled the townspeople to their deliverer, but the invective levelled by the Psalmist on "horse and mule that have no understanding," would not have been inappropriate to the city fathers of

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 57

    As the companion tells it

    Waterford, in the closing months of 1649. O'Neill's death had struck Ormonde hard, but there was little time to mourn. The citizens of Waterford, despite the tragedy at Wexford, seemed more set on keeping out their friends than their enemies. When Castlehaven arrived with reinforcements, they shut the gates in his face. It was not until November the 21st, the very day before Cromwell began his investment, that the Mayor and Corporation finally humbled themselves and asked Ormonde for help. Even then they insisted the relief force consist only of orthodox warriors from the division sent south by O'Neill under General Ferrall. There was no time to argue. Cromwell had already taken Passage, the fort commanding the south-western approaches to the town. Ormonde moved fast. He escorted Ferrall and 2,000 Ulstermen into Waterford and saw them safely lodged within the walls. Then the Irish climate took a hand. Torrential rain made siege manoeuvres well-nigh impossible, and disease spread through the English camp. Cromwell had already been thinking of retreat. Ormonde's advance with fresh troops confirmed him in that intention, and on December the 4th, as the Lord-Lieutenant approached the city once more, he had the satisfaction of watching the English army march away. Yet the townspeople remained unreconciled to the man who had delivered them.

56. Preston breaks the bridge over the Barrow after defeat

    Barrow · townland · Kerry · 1643

    After Ormonde routed the Irish forces, Preston's army scattered and fled across the River Barrow. Preston did not feel safe until he had broken down the bridge behind his routed force, abandoning all his ammunition, personal baggage, and five hundred men.

    Read the passage

    Meantime, Ormonde realised that although he had lost the services of half his cavalry, he must put a bold face on the matter and fall upon the enemy.- Ably supported by the artillery, he leapt the intervening ditch at the head of his faithful remnant, and almost before the "great shout," with which the English heralded their attack, had died away, the Irish scattered and fled, running, and, through the smoke of the gunpowder, " twinkling like the moats in the sun," says an eye-witness.' Once, indeed, they made a faint rally, but the stand was only momentary, and even when he had crossed the Barrow, Preston did not feel himself in safety until he had broken down the bridge behind his routed force. Besides all his ammunition and his personal baggage, he lost five hundred men. Twenty killed and a few wounded comprised Ormonde's casualty list. In fact, to the British, the dangers of campaigning were less than the misery of garrison life in Dublin. On their return the Justices could make no better provision for the victorious troops than to quarter them on the halfruined citizens. Nor could this be achieved without expelling some thousands of despoiled English, who had found a refuge in the capital. The possessors of custodiums had been allowed to enhance the price of grain by keeping back their stores. As Dublin was practically a beleaguered city, this was an error, the more unpardonable since the Justices were reduced to seizing the commodities still garnered in a few merchants' houses.

    ^ George Crichton, idnn. ' Carte, p. 433.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 40

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Barrow, in 1643, Ormonde fell on the enemy despite having lost the services of half his cavalry. Ably supported by his artillery, he leapt the intervening ditch at the head of his faithful remnant. The English heralded their attack with a great shout, and almost before it had died away, the Irish scattered and fled. An eye-witness said they were, through the smoke of the gunpowder, "twinkling like the moats in the sun." Once they made a faint rally, but the stand was only momentary. Even when he had crossed the Barrow, Preston did not feel himself in safety until he had broken down the bridge behind his routed force. Besides all his ammunition and his personal baggage, he lost 500 men. Twenty killed and a few wounded comprised Ormonde's casualty list. To the British, the dangers of campaigning were less than the misery of garrison life in Dublin. On their return the Justices could make no better provision for the victorious troops than to quarter them on the half-ruined citizens. This could not be achieved without expelling some thousands of despoiled English who had found refuge in the capital. Dublin was practically a beleaguered city, and the holders of custodiums had been allowed to enhance the price of grain by keeping back their stores. The Justices were reduced to seizing the commodities still garnered in a few merchants' houses.

57. Prophecy at Carrick-on-Suir banquet

    Carrick-on-Suir · town · Tipperary

    During a family banquet at Carrick-on-Suir, the young James Butler played behind the blind Earl of Ormonde's chair. The Earl prophesied that the boy would restore the House of Butler to greater splendour, provoking Lord Tulleophelim to storm from the room in indignation.

    Read the passage

    In the England of the early seventeenth century — as the Verney papers show — the practice of fostering was almost as common as in Thomas Butler's native land. The infant was, therefore, committed to a carpenter's wife at Hatfield, while his parents sailed for Ireland. Here, since Walter's doors were still closed to the pair, they lived for some time at Mr Anthony Southwell's house, Ahaddah, near Cork, laying the foundations of a friendship destined to be hereditary between the two families. The infant, meantime, remained at Hatfield until 1613, when he rejoined his parents. He must have been a quick, observant babe, for to the end of his days he never forgot the impression produced on him by the stirring city of Bristol. He gained at once the favour and affection of Lord Ormonde, and ever retained a vivid remembrance of the great old man, with his long white beard, sightless eyes, and the George — which he never laid aside, day or night — hung round his neck. Later, indeed, in the light of his subsequent career, the Duke's admirers liked to recall how, on one occasion, Black Thomas had foretold that this child was set for the glory of the House of Butler. The incident is not without interest. It appears that during a family banquet at Carrick-on-Suir, there being no room for the boy at the

    28 ORMONDE'S YOUTH [1615-9

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 13

    As the companion tells it

    The town of Carrick-on-Suir carries a story from the Butler family. Black Thomas, the old Earl of Ormonde, was blind in his later years, with a long white beard and sightless eyes. He wore the George round his neck and never laid it aside, day or night. The young James Butler had been committed as an infant to a carpenter's wife at Hatfield while his parents sailed for Ireland. They lived at Mr Anthony Southwell's house, Ahaddah, near Cork, and the boy stayed at Hatfield until 1613, when he rejoined them. He never forgot the stirring city of Bristol. He gained at once the favour and affection of Lord Ormonde, and kept a vivid remembrance of the great old man. During a family banquet at Carrick-on-Suir, there was no room for the boy at the table. He played behind the blind Earl's chair. Black Thomas foretold that this child was set for the glory of the House of Butler. Lord Tulleophelim stormed from the room in indignation. The Duke's admirers liked to recall the prophecy in the light of his later career.

58. Rebels rob to the gates of Kilkenny

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1641

    Ormonde wrote that 3,000 a year of his estate in Leinster was laid waste by rebels, who now robbed to the very gates of Kilkenny where he had his principal dwelling. They were within twelve miles of another house where his wife and children were defenceless.

    Read the passage

    " I confess," writes the Commander-in-Chief to the Secretary of State, " when I saw them (the English troopers) in the field, I thought they had not soldiers' faces, and now it appears they had not soldiers' hurts. For sending of them I was overruled and guided by the council ; as fit I should be. This I say not to fault anybody ; but I resolve to bear nobody's faults but my own ; they will be burden enough. In discharge of my duty to the King, I must say plainly that if some one man be not sent, that shall have both the powers martial and civil in him, I fear this kingdom will suddenly be past recovery. The persons of the men that govern here, I protest with the faith of an honest man, I love and honour. I know they have done me good offices to the King, in whose good opinion and graces to be justified is the greatest earthly happiness I study to acquire ; and therefore my obligations to them are great. But all this must give place when His Majesty's service and the safety of his kingdoms comes in question. I have been bold to write something of this to my Lord- Lieutenant, whose presence here in time will more avail than half an army. I have in my poor particular suffered much by the rebels in Leinster ; ;if 3,000 a year of mine is laid waste by these robbers, and now they rob to the very gates of Kilkenny, where I have my principall dwelling.

    148 WAR AND REVOLUTION [1641

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 36

    As the companion tells it

    In 1641, this road passes near Kilkenny, where Ormonde had his principal dwelling. He was the Commander-in-Chief, and he wrote to the Secretary of State that the rebels had laid waste to 3,000 a year of his estate in Leinster. They robbed right up to the very gates of the city. He wrote to the Lord-Lieutenant too, saying his presence would be worth more than half an army. Ormonde's letter was plain about the state of things. The English troopers sent to the field, he said, "had not soldiers' faces, and now it appears they had not soldiers' hurts." He had been overruled by the council in sending them. He resolved to bear only his own faults, not those of others. He told the Secretary of State that if one man with both martial and civil powers was not sent, he feared the kingdom would suddenly be past recovery. He loved and honoured the men who governed there, and knew they had done him good offices with the King. But all that had to give way when the King's service and the safety of his kingdoms came into question. The rebels were within 12 miles of another house where his wife and children were defenceless.

59. Refugees convoyed by river from Carrick to Waterford

    Carrick-on-Suir · town · Tipperary · 1641–1642

    Elizabeth Ormonde imperiously levied friends, relatives, and servants to convoy English refugees by river from Carrick to Waterford. The refugees arrived in desperate condition, some naked, others clothed only in thumbropes of straw or old rags cast at them in derision.

    Read the passage

    It would argue ill for humanity if these poor folk, who had crept to Carrick or Kilkenny, " some of them naked, others hiding their nakedness with thumbropes of straw, or hay, and some with old rags, which the Irish, in derision had cast to them," could have forgotten the blessedness of that gracious charity. In the day of her need it was their evidence that strengthened the hands of Elizabeth Ormonde's friends.

    Many as were her advocates, and powerful as were her protectors, some time, however, elapsed before Lady Ormonde's petition was granted. It was without the leave of Parliament that the Commissioners for Ireland had set aside Dunmore House, near Kilkenny, with ^2,000 per annum for her use and that of her children ;^ and it was not until the ist of February 1653 that she received back her own, on the express condition that no portion of the revenue should be diverted to the delinquent Marquis. Finally, on August the 22nd, 1653, she was furnished with the necessary papers of recommendation to the Irish

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 60

60. Famine prices and daily doles in Dublin

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1642

    During the autumn of 1642, provisions in Dublin reached famine prices, and Lady Ormonde distributed daily doles from tables in the hall to crowds of hungry folk. She also privately supported entire refugee families, saving one household of fourteen or fifteen souls from starvation.

    Read the passage

    These negotiations were the last public business transacted for a time by Ormonde. War had brought the inevitable accompaniment of pestilence in its train, and during the autumn of 1642 disease claimed more victims than the sword. Even Ormonde's splendid constitution paid toll to the prevalent epidemic. He fell dangerously ill, and his friends almost despaired of his life. Anxiety for his wife and children, whose plight would have been indeed pitiful had they been ^ bereft of his protection at this juncture, vastly increased his sufferings. During the years of plenty under Strafford's rule, Ormonde's estates had been heavily charged to meet Holland's exorbitant demands, and he had consequently no reserve fund on which to draw when the rebellion stopped the payment of his rents. With provisions at famine prices in Dublin, the maintenance of his family had proved no slight drain on his meagre resources. Moreover, Lady Ormonde, unlike Sir William Parsons, whose devotion to Protestantism involved no pecuniary sacrifices for its starving votaries, was throughout these evil days the Providence of her poorer brethren. The least part of her benefactions was the dole, daily distributed from " the tables in the hall " to a sad little crowd of hungry folk. Nor was her charity restricted to one class of sufferers." In later years, all sorts and conditions of men and women rose up to call Elizabeth Ormonde blessed. A country neighbour of gentle birth, for instance, testifies that during two whole years he owed the food he ate and the clothes he wore to her bounty. Again another refugee ^ gratefully records that her private purse kept his family of fourteen or fifteen souls from starvation. During her residence in Dublin, twelve English children were supported at her charge in lodgings at College Green,

    ^ Carte, vol. ii. pp. 352-3.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst01burg, Chapter 39

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin in the autumn of 1642 was a city where war had brought pestilence in its train, and disease claimed more victims than the sword. Provisions reached famine prices. Ormonde himself fell dangerously ill, and his friends almost despaired of his life. His estates had been heavily charged during the years of plenty under Strafford's rule, to meet Holland's exorbitant demands, so he had no reserve fund when the rebellion stopped the payment of his rents. With food at famine prices, the maintenance of his family proved no slight drain on his meagre resources. Yet Lady Ormonde, unlike Sir William Parsons, whose devotion to Protestantism involved no pecuniary sacrifices for its starving followers, was throughout these evil days the Providence of her poorer brethren. The least part of her benefactions was the dole, daily distributed from "the tables in the hall" to a sad little crowd of hungry folk. Her charity was not restricted to one class of sufferers. In later years, all sorts and conditions of men and women rose up to call Elizabeth Ormonde blessed. A country neighbour of gentle birth testified that during two whole years he owed the food he ate and the clothes he wore to her bounty. Another refugee gratefully recorded that her private purse kept his family of fourteen or fifteen souls from starvation. During her residence in the city, twelve English children were supported at her charge in lodgings at College Green.