The life of James, first duke of Ormonde, 1610-1688; (vol. 2)

Each story keeps the passage it was read from. Open one to read the passage as the book has it, and, where the companion has written its own telling, that too.

1. Dublin's consternation at Ormonde's removal

   Dublin · city · Dublin · 1685

   When word spread that Ormonde was being dismissed as Lord-Lieutenant, Dublin's population showed visible alarm, and Protestant congregations packed their churches fearing the loss of their protector. Even normally timid officials publicly praised his services to Ireland.

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   If James hastened to thrust Ormonde out of a kingdom, which it had been his life's work to preserve for the House of Stuart, public opinion strove almost defiantly to repair princely ingratitude. In Dublin " consternation appeared on every face." x The congregations that now thronged all the Protestant places of worship were unanimous in their belief that they were losing their sole protector. The officials themselves, generally the most cowardly class of the community, plucked up heart of grace, or of despair, and unexpectedly harangued the Lord-Lieutenant on the great services which he had rendered to the country he was leaving.11 The affectionate concern of his friends and admirers did not cease when he was no longer in their midst. A rumour that Ormonde had been sent to the Tower revealed the prevalent uneasiness on his behalf. Such alarms, were, of course, wholly superfluous and slightly absurd. Even the most stupid of the Stuarts was incapable of this profitless infamy. It is probable that the tale originated in the fact that by way of welcome back to the shores of England, Ormonde was greeted with the intelligence — conveyed through a chance newsletter — that his regiment of horse had been given away — and given away to Dick Talbot.*

   This was not the only bad news that met Ormonde on his journey. All along the road from Chester to London, veritable Job's messengers laid in wait for the Duke. During the sea voyage, Lord Ossory had been taken so ill that it was thought advisable to leave him with his sister, Lady Derby, at Knowsley. A few stages later, a courier overtook Ormonde with the announcement that the young lord's indisposition had developed into smallpox. A little further on, he heard of the death of two of Lord

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   Dublin in 1685 showed its alarm openly when word came that Ormonde was being dismissed as Lord-Lieutenant. Consternation appeared on every face. Protestant congregations that thronged all the places of worship believed they were losing their sole protector. Even the officials, generally the most cowardly class of the community, plucked up heart of grace, or of despair, and harangued Ormonde publicly on the great services he had rendered to the country he was leaving. The affectionate concern of his friends and admirers did not cease when he was no longer in their midst. A rumour that Ormonde had been sent to the Tower revealed the prevalent uneasiness on his behalf. These alarms were wholly superfluous and slightly absurd. Even the most stupid of the Stuarts was incapable of this profitless infamy. The tale probably originated in the fact that, by way of welcome back to the shores of England, Ormonde was greeted with the intelligence that his regiment of horse had been given away, and given to Dick Talbot. This was not the only bad news that met Ormonde on his journey. All along the road from Chester to London, messengers laid in wait for the Duke. During the sea voyage, Lord Ossory had been taken so ill that it was thought advisable to leave him with his sister, Lady Derby, at Knowsley. A few stages later, a courier overtook Ormonde with the announcement that the young lord's indisposition had developed into smallpox.

2. Dublin citizens in peril from Castle fire reaching powder magazine

   Dublin · city · Dublin · 1684

   The fire at Dublin Castle endangered not only Castle residents but the wider city of Dublin. Huge masses of coal stacked near the north-east tower could have carried the conflagration to the chief magazine, and the Archbishop of Armagh told Ormonde a great part of the city would likely have been buried in ruins. The affrighted population was prepared for sudden destruction rather than preservation.

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   furnace outside, and without even pausing for his clothes, he rushed forth, crying : " Fire ! Fire ! " After rousing the household, and putting his baby daughter in safety, his first care was to order powder to blow up the dressingroom, where the fire had originated, and the adjoining wing. This was no panic-stricken resolve, for these apartments alone separated the raging flames from the northeast, the powder tower. Indeed, if amongst the townsfolk of Dublin there were any who had joined in the censure lavished on the authorities for storing military supplies outside the shelter of the city walls, they must, by now, have been bitterly repenting of their strictures. For it was not only the inhabitants and immediate neighbours of the Castle who were endangered. Close to the northeast tower were stacked huge masses of coal, which would have acted as a train to carry the conflagration to the chief magazine. Had the flames reached this store, a very great part of the city, as the Archbishop of Armagh told Ormonde, would probably have been buried in ruins. The affrighted population fully realised their peril, and, according to the prelate, were prepared "rather for a sudden destruction, than hoped for a preservation." 1

   To make matters more comfortable, the Government engineer, the one person whose presence seemed indispensible, was not forthcoming. Arran, however, undertook to fulfil his duties, and — still in his shirt — proceeded not merely to give orders, but with his own hands to lay the train. Mercifully he was successful. All Lord Essex's additions to the Castle, the long gallery, — the same, doubtless, where years ago Ormonde had nearly been stabbed by a treacherous fanatic — "My Lady's drawingroom and my Lord's closet," were shattered by the explosion.2 The sacrifice was considerable, though Essex's gratification in his new buildings was probably incomparably less than Arran's joy when he saw the new masonry flying sky high, and a space interposed between

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   Dublin, 1684. A fire at the Castle endangered far more than the Castle itself. Close to the north-east tower, huge masses of coal were stacked, and had the flames reached them, they would have acted as a train to carry the conflagration to the chief powder magazine. The Archbishop of Armagh told Ormonde that a very great part of the city would probably have been buried in ruins. The affrighted population fully realised their peril. The prelate said they were prepared, in his words, "rather for a sudden destruction, than hoped for a preservation." Arran rushed out still in his shirt, crying "Fire! Fire!" After putting his baby daughter in safety, his first care was to order powder to blow up the dressing room where the fire had originated, and the adjoining wing. This was no panic-stricken resolve. Those apartments alone separated the raging flames from the north-east, the powder tower. The Government engineer, the one person whose presence seemed indispensable, was not forthcoming. Arran undertook his duties, still in his shirt, and with his own hands laid the train. He was successful. Lord Essex's additions to the Castle, the long gallery, and in the words of the record "My Lady's drawing room and my Lord's closet," were shattered by the explosion. The sacrifice was considerable, but a space had been interposed between the flames and the magazine.

3. Ormonde proclaims James II in Dublin

   Dublin · city · Dublin · 1685

   On receiving news of Charles II's death in February 1685, Ormonde rode out the next day in Dublin to proclaim James II as his successor, masking his grief with a show of triumph. The event took place before he was stripped of the lord-lieutenancy.

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   " best King, the best Master, and (if I may be so saucy as to say so) the best friend that man ever had. My station, my duty, and my allegiance forced me," he continues, " the very next day after I received the stroke, to ride out to proclaim his successor, to put on the habit and (as well as I could) the countenance of joy and triumph, with dismal sadness at my heart." 2

   Some apprehension of his successor's policy may have mingled with Ormonde's sorrow for the dead monarch. The Duke could honestly affirm that he was not solicitous to know what would become of him — " I leave it to God and the King." But alike as an Irishman and an administrator, he could scarcely view with equanimity those impending changes, which threatened to convert the dearly won peace and prosperity of the country into renewed strife and misery. Nor was he allowed to dream that for the briefest space he might continue to hold the evenhanded scales of justice. Four days after Charles's death, Ormonde received a summons to lay down the Government. Hitherto, it had been the custom for the retiring Lord - Lieutenant to retain his official character until he could resign his powers into the Sovereign's hands. But this was Richard Talbot's hour. The Duke was ordered to divest himself of all

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   Dublin, 1685. In February word came that Charles the Second was dead. Ormonde, the Duke who governed Ireland, had called the dead king the best King, the best Master, and the best friend that man ever had. Yet the very next day after he received the blow, he rode out through Dublin to proclaim James the Second as successor. He put on the habit and, as well as he could, the countenance of joy and triumph, with what he called dismal sadness at my heart. He said he was not solicitous to know what would become of him. I leave it to God and the King, were his words. But he could see what was coming. The changes ahead threatened to turn peace and prosperity into renewed strife and misery. Four days after Charles died, Ormonde received a summons to lay down the Government. Until then, a retiring Lord-Lieutenant kept his powers until he could surrender them to the Sovereign himself. But this was Richard Talbot's hour. The Duke was ordered to divest himself of all office.

4. Geoghegan fires pistols in Kildare town for hours

   Kildare · town · Kildare · 1680–1681

   The informer Geoghegan forced his trooper escort to sit on horseback in the town of Kildare firing pistols for two and a half hours consecutively, with a piper playing before them, behaviour so erratic that his guards believed him mad.

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   knight errants of romance, sworn to defend the weak and oppressed. Yet even these rough men felt constrained on more than one occasion to interpose between Geoghegan and the casual wayfarer or peasant, the inoffensive victims of the ex-friar's brutality. This was the more to the soldiers' credit, as he would then threaten them with the vengeance of King and Parliament, vowing to have them turned out of the army. They may, of course, have thought him mad. Indeed, after being made to sit on horseback in the town of Kildare firing pistols for two and a half hours consecutively, " upon what account," as they remarked, " we know not, he carrying a piper before us," they had some justification for such a belief. Still, even granting he was mad, he was evidently a dangerous lunatic, and they showed real courage in agreeing to " take no notice" of his eccentric commands. Nor can this resolution have been easy to keep, when without any provocation, Geoghegan suddenly flew at one of the escort, swearing that he would run the astonished soldier through the body. Nevertheless, to disregard Geoghegan and his vagaries was evidently the best policy, for, after this ebullition, the ex-friar betook himself to bed, with no better solace than beating an old man who happened to be sitting by the fireside.1

   Such was the behaviour of Shaftesbury's deputy, and his performances might apparently have gone on for an indefinite time, had he not been so misguided as to extend the field of his operations. Growing bold with impunity, he no longer confined himself to harrying Romanists. He apprehended and carried off one Justice of the Peace, who was a staunch and zealous Protestant ; he mulcted another of ,£30, while a third was forced to purchase his freedom for thirty "pieces of eight."2 In conversation, Geoghegan was equally wanting in discretion. He openly gave out that should the Lord-Lieutenant dare to obstruct him, he, Geoghegan, " would have him over to England, and, maybe, make his head shake." In short, so

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   In the town of Kildare, around 1680, an informer named Geoghegan put his trooper escort through something they would not forget. He made the soldiers sit on horseback firing pistols for two and a half hours straight, a piper playing before them. The soldiers said they did not know upon what account this was done. Geoghegan was an ex-friar, and Shaftesbury's deputy. His guards believed him mad, and they had reason. After the pistols, he suddenly flew at one of the escort, swearing he would run the astonished soldier through the body. The soldiers resolved to take no notice of his eccentric commands, a policy that took real courage, especially when Geoghegan threatened them with the vengeance of King and Parliament, vowing to have them turned out of the army. After that outburst, he betook himself to bed, and beat an old man who happened to be sitting by the fireside. His brutality was not confined to his escort. The rough troopers had to step between Geoghegan and casual wayfarers or peasants who crossed his path. Growing bold with impunity, he did not limit himself to harrying Romanists. He apprehended and carried off one Justice of the Peace, a staunch and zealous Protestant. He fined another 30 pounds. A third was forced to purchase his freedom for thirty pieces of eight. In conversation, Geoghegan openly said that if the Lord-Lieutenant dared to obstruct him, he would have him over to England, and, maybe, make his head shake.

5. Mutiny of unpaid soldiers at Carrickfergus

   near Carrickfergus · town · Antrim · 1666

   In May 1666, four companies of unpaid soldiers quartered at Carrickfergus mutinied, seizing the town and castle and sending an ultimatum to the Governor, Lord Donegal. Ormonde promptly despatched Lord Arran by sea and led cavalry by land; the townsmen opened a gate to Arran, the castle surrendered, and nine ringleaders were executed.

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   unnecessary to add that in the latter case the ostensible reason for the rising was the want of pay. Ever since Strafford's brief spell of power the condition of the Irish private had been lamentable. With war abroad, and discontent at home, as Ormonde told Arlington, the unpaid army " instead of being our greatest security, becomes our greatest apprehension."1 During the previous year Orrery reported that for days together the soldiers in his province lived on water, and " what they could shoot with their guns."2 Six or eight months later, matters had not improved. In April the garrison at Carrickfergus became insubordinate, and though, for the moment, the malcontents were pacified, on the 22nd of May, when most of the officers were away on furlough, the troops rose, seized the town and castle and sent a formal ultimatum to the Governor, Lord Donegal.

   Donegal, who had inherited wise administrative maxims from his uncle, Sir Arthur Chichester, before having recourse to sterner measures, did his best to persuade the mutineers to submission. Indeed, he was full of pity for the offenders, telling Ormonde that he had hitherto found the troopers "civil and patient, considering their hard condition, being bare of money and clothes."3 Unluckily, the soldiers or their leaders spurned his offers, and Ormonde would certainly not have been wise to lose time in negotiating with rebels, who had taken up an uncompromising attitude. When the news of the rising reached him on May the 27th, he forbade further parleyings, and the same night despatched Lord Arran by sea with four companies to Carrickfergus. He himself led the cavalry thither by land. His promptitude was rewarded. Even earlier than the Duke had anticipated, Lord Arran was disembarked and at work. In fact, Ormonde's message, bidding the young commander await the reinforcements he was bringing before attacking the town, reached Arran just as the business was done. The

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   The town of Carrickfergus, in Antrim, saw a mutiny of unpaid soldiers in May 1666. The condition of the Irish private soldier had been lamentable ever since Strafford's time. Orrery had reported that for days together the soldiers in his province lived on water and what they could shoot with their guns. Ormonde told Arlington that the unpaid army, instead of being their greatest security, had become their greatest apprehension. In April the garrison became insubordinate, but the malcontents were pacified for the moment. On the 22nd of May, when most of the officers were away on furlough, the troops rose, seized the town and castle, and sent a formal ultimatum to the Governor, Lord Donegal. Donegal did his best to persuade the mutineers to submission before resorting to sterner measures. He told Ormonde he had found the troopers "civil and patient, considering their hard condition, being bare of money and clothes." But the soldiers and their leaders spurned his offers. When the news of the rising reached Ormonde on May the 27th, he forbade further parleying. That same night he dispatched Lord Arran by sea with four companies, and himself led the cavalry by land. His promptitude was rewarded. Arran was disembarked and at work even earlier than Ormonde had anticipated. Ormonde's message, bidding the young commander await the reinforcements he was bringing before attacking the town, reached Arran just as the business was done. The townsmen opened a gate to Arran, the castle surrendered, and nine ringleaders were executed.

6. Walsh's last request to preserve Kilkenny convent for friars

   Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1687

   Father Peter Walsh, dying in 1687, asked Ormonde to grant the convent at Kilkenny to the Poor Fryers of his order. Walsh had lived there as both son and superior, and despite Ormonde being a Protestant landlord, the friar appealed to him as a final act of friendship.

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   united the learned Franciscan and the statesman Duke. At the last, Walsh could therefore confidently commend to Ormonde's generosity the two objects] he had most at heart — objects connected with that country of his birth, which he had loved too fervently for his own welfare. The one petition regarded a nephew burdened with a large family at Clogherinske, in far away Catherlogh. The other request has undoubtedly a strange air, when we remember that it was preferred to a Protestant landlord, though it was certainly not the first anomaly in which Ormonde and Peter Walsh had been concerned. " As an indelible crown of all the obligations" received of him, the friar conjured Ormonde in visceribus Christi, to grant the convent at Kilkenny, where Peter Walsh himself had " lived as son and superior, to the Poor Fryers of his order." 1

   Walsh's letter was not, however, merely indited with a view to procuring donations for his kindred and his order. He could not bring himself to leave this world without bidding Ormonde a last farewell, without " heaping blessings on you and yours, and assuring Your Grace I am to the last Your most obedient and devoted servant." Moreover, there was a further intimation he wished to convey, one that it requires no great stretch of fancy to read between the lines of the message, the expression of the dying man's conviction that, in truth, all was well with Ormonde. " I hope," he says, " the Remunerator of all good works will largely reward you with a full and condign reward." More implicit he could not be. Only in articalo mortis had the author of the " History of the Remonstrance" obtained the absolution of his Church, and now it was the Nuncio's chaplain who sat writing by his bedside at his dictation. Yet bearing in mind Ormonde's exposition of " the one thing needful," the friar's words may well have been a response and a token that in his soul of souls, he, Peter Walsh, also recalled the benediction on the merciful, and that he rejoiced and was glad.

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   The city of Kilkenny was where Father Peter Walsh had lived as both son and superior in the Franciscan convent. In 1687, dying, he wrote to the Duke of Ormonde asking him to grant that convent to the Poor Fryers of his order. It was a strange request to make of a Protestant landlord, though Ormonde and Walsh had shared stranger things between them before. Walsh's letter carried two petitions. One concerned a nephew burdened with a large family at Clogherinske, in far away Catherlogh. The other was the convent itself. He asked Ormonde, as he put it, "in visceribus Christi," in the bowels of Christ, to grant it. He called it "an indelible crown of all the obligations" he had received from the Duke. But the letter was not only about donations. Walsh could not leave this world without bidding Ormonde a last farewell. He wrote of "heaping blessings on you and yours, and assuring Your Grace I am to the last Your most obedient and devoted servant." He told Ormonde, "I hope the Remunerator of all good works will largely reward you with a full and condign reward." Only at the point of death had the author of the "History of the Remonstrance" obtained the absolution of his Church. The Nuncio's chaplain sat by his bedside, writing at his dictation. Walsh's words to Ormonde may have been his own quiet response to what Ormonde had called the one thing needful, a token that in his soul he recalled the benediction on the merciful, and that he rejoiced and was glad.

7. Skirmish at Moy water and Croghan between Dillon and Costello

   Croghan · townland · Mayo · 1667

   Captain Theobald Dillon and a small detachment waded the River Moy and dispersed into villages seeking food, keeping no watch. Dudley Costello, described as a redoubtable robber, swooped down with forty men, but Dillon was reinforced and Costello was shot dead in the ensuing fight. Dillon's letter reporting the affair was dated from Croghan.

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   On the evening of March the 3rd, Captain Theobald Dillon and a small detachment of soldiers, who in the course of one of their periodical battles had waded Moy water, arrived at a couple of villages, where they were only too glad to disperse in search of food. Convinced that they were miles away from the redoubtable robber, they kept no watch, and gave themselves up to refreshment. Costello was better served by his scouts ; and while these six or seven troopers were taking their ease, Dudley and his forty merry men swooped down upon the

   1 Carte MSS., vol. xxxv. p. 144. Lord Kingston. . . . ist January 1666.

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   As the companion tells it

   Somewhere around here, in March 1667, Captain Theobald Dillon and a small detachment waded the Moy water and scattered into villages searching for food. They kept no watch, believing themselves miles from the redoubtable robber Dudley Costello. But Costello's scouts were better served. He and his forty men swooped down. Dillon was reinforced, and in the fight that followed Costello was shot dead. Dillon's letter reporting the affair was dated from Croghan.

8. The Brennan brothers raid Kilkenny Castle

   Kilkenny Castle · castle · Kilkenny · 1682

   Three Brennan brothers, notorious Tory raiders who plundered £8,000 from the King's subjects over two years, escaped from prison in England and broke into Kilkenny Castle, making off with the Duke of Ormonde's plate.

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   remained a chronic affliction to the Dublin Government. Nor were agricultural immigrants the sole victims of the ubiquitous raiders. The majority of these expropriators were indistinguishable from the autochthonous cowstealer. But there were others whose operations were conducted on a more ambitious scale. Foremost amongst this latter section, were the three Brennans,1 who, it was computed, had plundered the King's subjects of ;£i 8,000 during the two years they were " out." Captured and condemned to death, they contrived to escape and ship themselves and their "delicate" {i.e., well-bred) horses to Chester.2 Here, it is true, they were arrested and conveyed, heavily shackled, to prison. The prisons of England, like those of Ireland, could not, however, hold the Brennans. As Arran bitterly remarked, such opulent thieves could have little difficulty in buying themselves out of gaol ; and the next year saw them breaking into Kilkenny Castle and triumphantly carrying off the Duke's plate. This was not the last of their adventures. Twelve months later they were solemnly taken under his protection by the Lord-Deputy. In return for this act of grace they had, of course, promised to show a tale of their fellow Tories' heads. And they must have kept their pledge, for as the best means of putting down robbery and felony in the country the Grand Jury of Kilkenny petitioned that their protection might be made permanent. The old adage that a reformed poacher makes the best gamekeeper was evidently not unheeded in Tipperary.

   Redmond O'Hanlon belonged to the same type of Tory as the Brennan brotherhood, with the saving distinction that he utterly declined to barter his life and freedom against those of his confederates.

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   In 1682, Kilkenny Castle was broken into by the three Brennan brothers. They were Tory raiders who had plundered £8,000 from the King's subjects during the two years they were out, and they were foremost among the more ambitious of the ubiquitous raiders who troubled the Dublin Government. Captured and condemned to death, they contrived to escape and ship themselves and their well-bred horses to Chester. There they were arrested and conveyed, heavily shackled, to prison. But the prisons of England, like those of Ireland, could not hold the Brennans. The Earl of Arran remarked bitterly that such opulent thieves could have little difficulty buying themselves out of gaol. The next year saw them breaking into the castle and triumphantly carrying off the Duke of Ormonde's plate. This was not their last adventure. Twelve months later they were solemnly taken under the protection of the Lord-Deputy, having promised to show a tale of their fellow Tories' heads. They must have kept their pledge, for the Grand Jury of Kilkenny petitioned that their protection be made permanent, as the best means of putting down robbery and felony in the country. The old adage that a reformed poacher makes the best gamekeeper was evidently not unheeded.

9. Fire at Dublin Castle: Arran saves the records Tower

   Dublin · city · Dublin · 1684

   A major fire broke out at Dublin Castle between one and two o'clock, threatening the Tower where the Lord-Lieutenant's valued records were kept. Arran's energetic efforts saved the Tower, though the Lord-Deputy lost all his household goods and clothing and had to be supplied with garments by friends including Lord Longford.

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   the raging fiery furnace and the danger zone. His next object was to save the Tower, where the records were kept — possessions highly valued by the Lord-Lieutenant ; and here, again, happily for posterity, Arran's energy was rewarded. The Tower was saved. The Lord - Deputy could breathe once more — and he could dress. It was between one and two when the fire was discovered, at four o'clock its progress was arrested, but it was six before my Lord-Deputy thought of his toilet. His garments had vanished with the rest of his household gear, and he must have been sincerely grateful to the friends — of whom Lord Longford was one — who supplied him with " lining and a suit of clothes." Thus ended one of the greatest perils that ever threatened Dublin — ended, too, as Arran acknowledged, without any one being killed or "ill-hurt." Like his father, though his pecuniary loss was heavy, Arran's dominant sensation was one of relief, nor did he fail to give devout expression to his thankfulness.

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   Dublin, in 1684, saw one of the greatest perils that ever threatened it. A fire broke out at Dublin Castle, discovered between one and two o'clock. By four, its progress was arrested. The Tower, where the records were kept, came under threat. Those records were possessions highly valued by the Lord-Lieutenant. Arran threw himself into the danger, and his energy was rewarded. The Tower was saved. The Lord-Deputy could breathe again, and he could dress, though not until six o'clock did he think of his toilet. His garments had vanished with the rest of his household gear. Friends supplied him with what he needed. Lord Longford was one of them, providing "lining and a suit of clothes." The fire ended, as Arran acknowledged, without anyone being killed or "ill-hurt." His own pecuniary loss was heavy, but his dominant sensation was relief, and he gave devout expression to his thankfulness.

10. Forfeiture of Purcel's estate at Ballifoyle and violent campaign against settlers

    Ballyfoyle · townland · Kilkenny · 1672

    Philip Purcel, pronounced nocent by the Court of Claims, forfeited four-fifths of his Ballifoyle estate to adventurers; the remaining 1,300 acres of barren moorland called Kilkuleen Duff reverted to Ormonde as feudal overlord. After Philip's death, his son Edward launched a violent campaign against the Cramer family who had settled on the land, beating Mrs Cramer nearly to death and wounding her son Balthasar, a magistrate.

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    At a period when Nolan and Byrne could, unpunished, or even unrebuked, concoct all manner of calumnies against Ormonde, others were not lacking to improve on their example. A certain Philip Purcel, pronounced nocent by the Court of Claims, had forfeited four-fifths of his estate of Ballifoyle to adventurers, the remaining portion, a strip of barren moorland, Kilkuleen Duff, 1,300 acres at ^50 a year, being mountainous land, reverting to the Duke, his feudal overlord. History does not record Philip's attitude in affliction,2 but his son, Edward, did not meekly submit to ruin. On his father's death, he promptly organised a regular campaign against the intruders. The chief offenders, Mr and Mrs Toby Cramer, must soon have had cause to rue their settlement on Purcel's inheritance. It was immaterial, apparently, to the latter whether he vented his — not unnatural — wrath on man or woman.8 The first person he caught was Mrs Cramer, whom he nearly beat to death. Then came the turn of the son, Balthasar. This worthy, a magistrate, surprised alone and unarmed, proved a hardly less easy prey. Him, Purcel wounded, and would, doubtless, have killed — as he threatened — if timely rescue had not appeared. The countryside was lenient. Once already the jury had

    1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 474. 2 Carte MSS., vol. lxx. p. 146.

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    As the companion tells it

    Close to Ballyfoyle, Philip Purcel held an estate called Ballifoyle. In 1672, the Court of Claims pronounced him "nocent," and he forfeited four-fifths of that estate to adventurers. The remaining portion, 1,300 acres of barren moorland called Kilkuleen Duff, valued at 50 a year, reverted to the Duke of Ormonde as feudal overlord. History does not record how Philip bore his affliction, but his son Edward did not meekly submit to ruin. On his father's death, Edward organised a regular campaign against the intruders who had settled on the land. The chief offenders were Toby Cramer and his wife. It was immaterial to Edward whether he vented his wrath on man or woman. He caught Cramer's wife first and beat her nearly to death. Then came the turn of the son, Balthasar Cramer, a magistrate, surprised alone and unarmed. Edward wounded him and would doubtless have killed him, as he threatened, if timely rescue had not appeared. The countryside was lenient. Once already the jury had —

11. Friar Peter Walsh saves Kilkenny from sack, 1646

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1646

    In 1646, when Rinuccini was virtual ruler of Kilkenny, the Franciscan friar Peter Walsh contrived against the Nuncio's wishes to save the town's Mayor and Aldermen from being hanged and the town from being sacked. This act of defiance earned Rinuccini's lasting enmity.

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    A friendship contracted with Jansenius, in his student days at Louvain, cannot have disposed Walsh to submission to Giovanni Battista Rinuccini. At any rate, from the first, the Franciscan threw his influence into the scale against the Nuncio. Walsh's first action of note was a work of mercy. In 1646, when, thanks to Owen Roe O'Neill, Rinuccini was the virtual ruler of Kilkenny, Walsh contrived, in his despite, to save the Mayor and Alderman from being hanged and the town from being sacked. Rinuccini was not the man to forgive such opposition.2 But Walsh held on bravely, adding to his unpopularity in the same quarter by a series of sermons in support of the King of England's sovereignty in Ireland. Thenceforward, he stood self-denounced to Ultramontane vengeance. He was deprived of his lecturership and driven from Kilkenny, Rinuccini, by a refinement of spite, forbidding him to enter any town possessed of a

    1 Burnet, " History of his own Times," vol. i. p. 248.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 7

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny, in 1646, was a city under the grip of Giovanni Battista Rinuccini, the papal Nuncio, who thanks to Owen Roe O'Neill had become its virtual ruler. One Franciscan friar, Peter Walsh, stood against him. Walsh had formed a friendship with Jansenius in his student days at Louvain, and from the first he threw his influence against the Nuncio. His first notable act was a work of mercy. He contrived, in Rinuccini's despite, to save the Mayor and Aldermen from being hanged and the town from being sacked. Rinuccini was not the man to forgive such opposition. Walsh held on bravely, adding to his unpopularity with sermons supporting the King of England's sovereignty in Ireland. He was deprived of his lecturership and driven from Kilkenny. Rinuccini, by a refinement of spite, forbade him to enter any town

12. Jephson reveals conspiracy at Lucan

    near Lucan · town · Dublin · 1663

    Jephson visited Sir Theophilus Jones at Lucan and over the course of conversation revealed the entire design to seize Dublin Castle. Before Jephson left Lucan, Jones had learned the full plot and subsequently reported it to the Lord-Lieutenant Ormonde.

    Read the passage

    head the insurgents. With this object he therefore remarked that he was less confident, but that should the Court of Claims decide in favour of the Sarsfields, it would be Jones's own fault if he did not repossess himself of Lucan, before " 7,000 years be over." Jones's curiosity was aroused by this enigmatic utterance. Further conversation ensued, and before Jephson left Lucan, Jones had become acquainted with the whole design. It was carefully organised. In fact, for " three-quarters of a year," Blood had been elaborating schemes for gaining possession of the Castle and the stores, and thus providing the rebels with the sinews of war. Ultimately he had arranged that at 6 A.M. on the appointed day, six conspirators, under the guise of petitioners to the Lord- Lieutenant, were to enter the great gate and to make their way across the courtyard to the back entrance, leading into Ship Street. Here, another accomplice, attired as a baker and carrying a large basket full of white loaves, was to make his appearance, dropping his load under the very noses of the guard. Blood had calculated that the sentries could not resist the temptation, and that a scramble must inevitably take place. The confederates were then to rush to the help of the sham baker, and while a free fight was going on, Blood and a hundred stout fellows could enter unperceived and possess themselves of the fortress. As soon as it was in their hands, they proposed to hoist a flag on the tower, as a signal to a thousand men in waiting outside. Ormonde's capture and imprisonment would be the next move, although Blood was good enough to declare that the Lord-Lieutenant was to be civilly treated.1 Meanwhile, six ministers, " that went about Dublin in perukes, but laid them by when they were at prayers " would prevent any disorder taking place in the city. A proclamation restoring all English settlers to their holdings, and establishing religion according to the Sacred League and Covenant was simultaneously to be published.

    Of men and money the conspirators had no lack.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 10

    As the companion tells it

    Lucan, a town the road passes through or near, was where a conspiracy came undone in 1663. Sir Theophilus Jones was at Lucan when Jephson called on him. Jephson made a remark about the Sarsfields and said that if the Court of Claims decided in their favour, it would be Jones's own fault if he did not repossess himself of Lucan before 7,000 years be over. The remark was strange enough to stir Jones's curiosity. More talk followed, and by the time Jephson left Lucan, Jones knew the whole design. The plot had been carefully organised. For three-quarters of a year, Blood had been elaborating schemes for gaining possession of Dublin Castle and its stores. At 6 in the morning on the appointed day, six conspirators, disguised as petitioners to the Lord-Lieutenant, were to enter the great gate and cross the courtyard to the back entrance at Ship Street. There another accomplice, dressed as a baker and carrying a basket of white loaves, would drop his load in front of the guard. Blood reckoned the sentries could not resist and a scramble would follow. The confederates would rush to help the sham baker, and while a free fight went on, Blood and a hundred men would enter and take the fortress. They would hoist a flag on the tower as a signal to a thousand men waiting outside. Ormonde's capture would follow, though Blood declared the Lord-Lieutenant was to be civilly treated. Six ministers who went about Dublin in perukes but laid them by at prayers would prevent disorder. A proclamation restoring English settlers to their holdings would be published. Jones reported the whole design to the Lord-Lieutenant Ormonde.

13. Redmond O'Hanlon, outlaw captain of the Mourne Mountains

    near Mourne Mountains · mountain or mountain range · Down · 1681

    Redmond O'Hanlon, a Tory captain who defied Crown forces in the mountains of Mourne, was worshipped by the peasantry during his lifetime and his memory endured in Ulster traditions after his death in spring 1681. The author laments that no bard worthy of his exploits immortalised him in ballad.

    Read the passage

    The spring of 1681 in Ireland is mainly memorable for the death of Redmond O'Hanlon. Worshipped by the peasantry during his lifetime, the memory of this famous Tory captain long remained enshrined in the traditions of the Ulster countryside. Indeed, it is a loss for literature that the "Irish Scanderbeg" did not find a bard worthy of his exploits. Redmond O'Hanlon, defying the forces of the Crown in the mountains of Mourne, is no whit inferior in personality or setting to those who have made poetry for the ages — the gentle outlaw of Sherwood, or "bold Murray of the Forest free" in Ettrick. It is a matter for regret that Redmond belonged to a century rather concerned with the making of laws than of ballads.

    Of the origin of the Tory bands, those same laws, the great territorial confiscations of the last thirty years, too much has already been said. Redmond O'Hanlon's antecedents have never been thoroughly ascertained, but, like his forerunner, Dudley Costello, he had probably good cause to wage war on the Anglo-Saxon. Mr Prendergast 1 suggests that a certain Hugh O'Hanlon, who claimed, and vainly claimed, restoration as an innocent, on the ground that he was only two and a half years old at the time of the rebellion, may have been Redmond's elder brother. If the surmise is correct, the experience was certainly one to steel Redmond's heart against the so-called justice of his country. Though, on the other hand, it is only fair to say that he must eventually have repaid with usury any injuries he or his suffered at the hands of the English intruders.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 30

    As the companion tells it

    The Mourne Mountains gave cover to Redmond O'Hanlon, a Tory captain who defied the forces of the Crown and died in the spring of 1681. He was worshipped by the peasantry during his lifetime, and his memory stayed alive in the traditions of the Ulster countryside long after. The author of this passage calls him the Irish Scanderbeg, and laments that no bard worthy of his exploits ever immortalised him in ballad. He says Redmond, holding out in these mountains, is no lesser in personality or setting than the outlaw of Sherwood or bold Murray of the Forest free in Ettrick. It was Redmond's misfortune to belong to a century more concerned with the making of laws than of ballads. His antecedents were never thoroughly ascertained. But like his forerunner Dudley Costello, he probably had good cause to wage war on the Anglo-Saxon. A writer named Prendergast suggests that a certain Hugh O'Hanlon, who vainly claimed restoration on the ground that he was only two and a half years old at the time of the rebellion, may have been Redmond's elder brother. If that is correct, the experience would certainly have steeled Redmond's heart against the so-called justice of his country. Though the author adds it is only fair to say Redmond must eventually have repaid with usury any injuries he or his suffered at the hands of the English intruders.

14. Tyrconnel's religious purge news reaches Dublin

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1686

    Tyrconnel ordered officers to admit none but Roman Catholics into Ormonde's regiment, a speech that spread rapidly across Ireland and reached Dublin before the Lord-Lieutenant himself. The news caused alarm among the Protestant community and contributed to growing panic as Tyrconnel consolidated power.

    Read the passage

    " on their allegiance, to admit none but Roman Catholics into the Duke of Ormonde's regiment. This speech," not unnaturally, " went like wildfire through the country, I can assure you," says the distracted Lord-Lieutenant, " it got to Dublin before me."

    Tyrconnel's animus against Ormonde may have been partly responsible for the fact that the brunt of his attacks was borne by the Duke's regiment. For it was the officers who had formerly served on Ormonde's staff, and had subsequently been rewarded with commissions in his regiment of foot, who were first singled out for spoliation. Their sad position greatly affected Ormonde. Many of them, he told Southwell, had come over to England " to shift the best for themselves they can. God speed them well, and help those that cannot come to expose their cases."1 Their Colonel was not treated with more consideration. As soon as Tyrconnel was firmly in the saddle, Ormonde's commission was made over to Colonel Justin Macarthy. The sole link now allowed to subsist between Ormonde and the army, with which he had been so long and so closely associated, was a troop of horse, bought at the very commencement of his public career fifty years earlier, by the " White Earl." 2 Had he been ejected from this command, the purchase money must needs have been refunded. The authorities at Whitehall recognised that it was better finance to await Ormonde's death. He was nearing his eightieth year. He could not keep them waiting long.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 38

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, 1686. The city received news that spread through Ireland before the man who set it in motion. Tyrconnel had ordered officers to admit none but Roman Catholics into the Duke of Ormonde's regiment. The Lord-Lieutenant himself said the speech went like wildfire through the country, and it got to Dublin before him. The Protestant community heard it with alarm. Tyrconnel's animus against Ormonde may have been partly responsible for the fact that the brunt of his attacks fell on the Duke's regiment. The officers who had once served on Ormonde's staff, and had then been given commissions in his regiment of foot, were the first singled out for spoliation. Ormonne was greatly affected by their plight. He told Southwell that many had come over to England to shift the best for themselves they can, and he asked God to speed them well and help those who could not come to expose their cases. Their Colonel was treated no better. Once Tyrconnel was firmly in the saddle, Ormonde's commission was handed to Colonel Justin Macarthy. The sole link left between Ormonde and the army was a troop of horse, bought fifty years earlier at the start of his public career by the White Earl. Had he been ejected from that command, the purchase money would have had to be refunded. Whitehall decided it was better finance to await Ormonde's death. He was nearing his eightieth year and could not keep them waiting long.

15. Edmund Murphy, parish priest and titular Chanter of Armagh

    near Armagh · town · Armagh

    Edmund Murphy, parish priest and titular Chanter of Armagh, conspired with Cormac O'Murphy to capture Redmond O'Hanlon after the outlaw penalised followers attending Murphy's sermons. Murphy furnished brandy and 'hot waters' as bait for a trap.

    Read the passage

    Throughout* Essex's viceroyalty, he was a thorn in the side of the administration, and during three years, he eluded all Ormonde's efforts to capture him. The authorities' time-honoured methods were utterly unavailing when practised against O'Hanlon. Priests and people were alike his dutiful, though secret, militia. False brethren, it is true, there were in O'Hanlon's band, as in that of every Tory leader ; and an unholy alliance between one of these traitors, Cormac O'Murphy, and Edmund Murphy, parish priest and titular Chanter of Armagh, did nearly prove Redmond's undoing. Both men harboured grudges against O'Hanlon. Cormac's grievance was of a commonplace order, connected with blackmail, whereas Edmund Murphy's was, at least, peculiar. It appears that the chief had threatened that any follower of his who went to a preaching of Murphy's should forfeit one cow for the first, two cows for the second, and his life for a third attendance. To dare such penalties for the joy of sitting under the titular Chanter, argues an almost morbid devotion for sermons. Nevertheless, one Tory there was possessed of this fatal passion. He went not once, but twice, and in due course was mulcted of two cows. O'Hanlon was not a person to trifle with. But, what orator, lay or clerical, would tamely submit to his audience being taxed away from him ? Murphy naturally vowed vengeance, and with O'Connor's assistance proceeded to lime a pretty trap for Redmond. The excuse for a meeting was provided by Cormac, who, in return for his own arms, confiscated by Redmond, offered to restore some goods he had stolen from one of O'Hanlon's proteges. Murphy undertook to do the rest, furnishing the bait, " brandy and hot waters," and meantime warning

    1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 617. Sir T. Brewster to "a friend."

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 30

    As the companion tells it

    Armagh was the setting for a strange plot involving one of its parish priests. Edmund Murphy was parish priest and titular Chanter of Armagh, and he conspired with a man named Cormac O'Murphy against the outlaw Redmond O'Hanlon. For three years, O'Hanlon had eluded every effort Ormonde made to capture him. The usual methods used by the authorities were useless against him. Priests and people alike served as his secret militia. But there were false brethren in O'Hanlon's band, and Cormac O'Murphy was one of them. Both Cormac and Edmund Murphy harboured grudges against O'Hanlon. Cormac's was a matter of blackmail. Edmund Murphy's was more unusual. O'Hanlon had threatened that any follower of his who went to one of Murphy's preachings should forfeit one cow for the first, two cows for the second, and his life for a third. One Tory in the band defied these penalties and attended not once but twice, and duly lost two cows for it. No preacher would tamely submit to his audience being taxed away from him. Murphy vowed vengeance, and with O'Connor's help set a trap. Cormac provided the excuse for a meeting: he offered to restore goods he had stolen from one of O'Hanlon's protégés, in return for his own arms, which Redmond had confiscated. Murphy furnished the bait, "brandy and hot waters," and meantime warned

16. Geoghegan the ex-friar informer imprisoned at Youghal

    Youghal · town · Cork · 1680–1681

    Geoghegan, alias Dalton, an ex-friar serving as an informer for the English Parliamentary Commissioners, landed at Youghal and was promptly imprisoned for uttering treasonable words. He had to apply to the Lord-Lieutenant to obtain his release before proceeding to Dublin.

    Read the passage

    Perhaps the most vivid rascal of the lot was one Geoghegan, alias Dalton, an ex - friar. On landing at Youghal, Geoghegan's conversation seemed so questionable that he was promptly imprisoned for uttering treasonable words, and had to apply to the Lord- Lieutenant to obtain his release.2 He proceeded to Dublin, exhibited his brief from the Commissioners, receiving £%o to defray his charges and a guard of six troopers. The plenary commission he boldly demanded, which would have given him the right to arrest anybody and everybody he might deem suspicious, the Council, however, excused themselves from granting. Certain powers of that nature, however, he did obtain, and on far too ample a scale, for scarcely had he left the Council Board before he began to give

    " ill signs of his Temper and Conduct, having in the Open Street (his guard of horses about him) not only

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 29

    As the companion tells it

    One of the vivid rogues in this period was Geoghegan, also called Dalton, a former friar. The town of Youghal is where he landed, and his talk was so questionable that he was promptly imprisoned for uttering treasonable words. He had to apply to the Lord-Lieutenant to obtain his release. He then proceeded to Dublin, exhibited his brief from the Commissioners, and received 50 pounds to defray his charges along with a guard of six troopers. He boldly demanded a plenary commission, which would have given him the right to arrest anybody he might deem suspicious. The Council excused themselves from granting that. Certain powers of that nature he did obtain, and on far too ample a scale, for scarcely had he left the Council Board before he began to give, as the record says, "ill signs of his Temper and Conduct, having in the Open Street (his guard of horses about him) not only"

17. Petty's Kerry estate lawsuit against Ormonde's agents

    Kerry · county · Kerry · 1667–1672

    Ormonde's agents laid claim to Sir William Petty's property in Kerry, prompting a lawsuit. Petty cleverly communicated the facts to Ormonde through Sir Robert Southwell, using an extended biblical analogy casting himself as Uriah and his Kerry estate as Bathsheba. On examining the case, Ormonde recognised the error and stopped the proceedings.

    Read the passage

    That Ormonde was honestly desirous rather to forego his rights than to gain anything "but hardly" from another was amply evidenced in his treatment of William Petty. The two had long been on amicable terms. At the Restoration, Petty boasted that Ormonde was "pleased, voluntarily, to say he had espoused me for his friend and would make me the King's servant."1 During his residence in Dublin, Ormonde evidently found the Doctor no mean addition to the social resources of the place. In especial, he delighted in the exhibitions of mimicry in which Petty excelled ; although cynics remarked that His Grace never again asked to be counterfeited, after the performance in which he saw himself through Petty's eyes — a performance which he had solicited, and, it must be added, had warmly applauded. Money has, however, frequently been a cause of estrangement between greater friends than James Butler and William Petty. The Duke's agents laid claim to a property of Sir William's in Kerry. A lawsuit was instituted, and much trouble might have ensued if Petty — shrewd as ever — had not determined that Ormonde should be personally made acquainted with the facts of the case. Nor was his choice of a medium for communication with Ormonde, Sir Robert Southwell, the Duke's intimate friend, less happy than the style of the letter to Southwell, which was certainly well conceived to appeal to Ormonde's sense of humour.

    " The Duke of Ormonde is David, but I am Uriah,2 my estate in Kerry is Bathsheba, you should be Nathan and then my estate would be the poor man's lamb. Nathan told David that he had wives and concubines eno' without taking Bathsheba from Uriah, a worthy man, who had served him in his wars and differences, as I had done the Duke and his interest before the King's restoration, and now, lately, to my great hazard. The

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 18

    As the companion tells it

    As the road carries you through Kerry, this county was once the setting for a dispute over land between two old friends. William Petty and James Butler, Duke of Ormonde, had long been on amicable terms. At the Restoration, Petty boasted that Ormonde was, in his words, "pleased, voluntarily, to say he had espoused me for his friend and would make me the King's servant." Ormonde delighted in Petty's exhibitions of mimicry, though cynics remarked that His Grace never again asked to be counterfeited after the performance in which he saw himself through Petty's eyes, a performance he had solicited and warmly applauded. Money has estranged greater friends than these two. Ormonde's agents laid claim to a property of Sir William's in Kerry. A lawsuit was instituted, and much trouble might have ensued had Petty not determined that Ormonde should be personally made acquainted with the facts. His choice of messenger was Sir Robert Southwell, the Duke's intimate friend. His letter was certainly well conceived to appeal to Ormonde's sense of humour. Petty wrote: "The Duke of Ormonde is David, but I am Uriah, my estate in Kerry is Bathsheba, you should be Nathan and then my estate would be the poor man's lamb." He continued that Nathan told David he had wives and concubines enough without taking Bathsheba from Uriah, a worthy man who had served him in his wars and differences, as Petty had served the Duke and his interest before the King's restoration, and now lately to his great hazard. On examining the case, Ormonde recognised the error and stopped the proceedings.

18. Blood's planned ambush at Dunmore

    Dunmore · street · Louth · 1663

    Lord Mount Alexander warned Ormonde to take a larger escort when riding to Dunmore, as Blood openly declared that killing the Lord-Lieutenant would serve the cause better than seizing the Castle. Dunmore was described as a spot propitious to a surprise attack.

    Read the passage

    In fact, before long, Blood turned the tables on his pursuers. Lord Mount Alexander warned Ormonde to take a larger escort than was his wont when he rode to Dunmore, since Blood openly declared that the death of the Lord-Lieutenant would be more useful to the cause than the seizure of the Castle. Dunmore was a spot propitious to a surprise. And, undoubtedly, the sequel showed that the Colonel was not easily to be baulked of his revenge. In the circumstances, it was already something of a marvel that, with a price set on his head, he could nevertheless publish and scatter broadcast a proclamation of his own composition. In this precious document, he exhorted the righteous to courage, for God's cause would go forward though " the plot was discovered and some executed," adding that " like the primitive Martyrs " every sufferer would make a hundred converts.1

    It is to be hoped that this strange homily carried 1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 138.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 10

    As the companion tells it

    In 1663, Dunmore in Louth was where Colonel Blood planned an ambush. Lord Mount Alexander warned Ormonde to take a larger escort than was his wont when he rode to Dunmore, because Blood openly declared that the death of the Lord-Lieutenant would be more useful to the cause than the seizure of the Castle. Dunmore was a spot propitious to a surprise. The sequel showed the Colonel was not easily to be baulked of his revenge. With a price set on his head, Blood could nevertheless publish and scatter broadcast a proclamation of his own composition. In it he exhorted the righteous to courage, for God's cause would go forward, though, as he wrote, "the plot was discovered and some executed." He added that "like the primitive Martyrs" every sufferer would make a hundred converts.

19. Chapelizod linen factory under Colonel Lawrence

    near Chapelizod · townland · Dublin · 1665–1669

    Ormonde acquired a house and 450 acres at Chapelizod as a residence and established there a commercial colony of Dutch and Huguenot weavers in a large thatched barn converted into a factory containing twenty looms. Colonel Richard Lawrence served as manager, executing large orders for the Irish army and the Linen Board in Leinster until Ormonde's replacement by Essex.

    Read the passage

    Some three years previously, Ormonde had acquired a house and 450 acres at Chapelizod — the Chapelle d'Iseult of the Arthurian legend — as a more convenient residence than the Phoenix Park, and it was at Chapelizod that he now established his emigrants. Like all building operations in which the Duchess was concerned, the Viceroy's mansion at Chapelizod turned out rather a costly undertaking, but, at any rate, the Dutch garden she laid out gave vast satisfaction to the good lady, and the little property was an excellent centre for Ormonde's commercial colony. The modern proprietor might not consider it an addition to the amenities of his dwellinghouse to be confronted by a large thatched barn, hastily converted into a factory containing twenty looms. With all their happy instinct in matters artistic, these details do not seem to have affected our forefathers, and their interest in such work formed an ample compensation for the disfigurement of the view. Moreover, although Lawrence begged Ormonde to make him a Justice of the Peace that he might keep the workpeople, with their natural " disposition to disorder, and their aptness to deceive," in good order, it is difficult to think of these phlegmatic Dutchmen and godly Huguenots as a crew of riotous reprobates. At any rate, between the foreigners' technical skill, Lawrence's supervision and the Duke's benevolent patronage, the enterprise throve and prospered.2 Lawrence remained manager,

    1 F. Elrington Ball, " History of the County of Dublin," part iv. p. 170.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 14

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere around here, Ormonde ran a linen factory. He had acquired a house and 450 acres at Chapelizod a few years before, wanting a residence more convenient than the Phoenix Park. He established his commercial colony here, bringing in Dutch and Huguenot weavers. A large thatched barn was hastily converted into a factory containing twenty looms. The Duchess laid out a Dutch garden that gave her vast satisfaction, though the mansion itself proved a costly undertaking. Colonel Richard Lawrence served as manager. He begged Ormonde to make him a Justice of the Peace, so he could keep the workpeople in order, citing what he called their natural "disposition to disorder, and their aptness to deceive." It is difficult, though, to think of these phlegmatic Dutchmen and godly Huguenots as a crew of riotous reprobates. Between the foreigners' technical skill, Lawrence's supervision, and the Duke's benevolent patronage, the enterprise throve and prospered. Lawrence remained manager, executing large orders for the Irish army and the Linen Board in Leinster until Ormonde was replaced by Essex.

20. Execution of Carrickfergus mutineers

    near Carrickfergus · town · Antrim · 1663

    In 1663, Ormonde ordered the execution of mutineers at Carrickfergus without awaiting the verdict of a regular tribunal. Lord Meath later cited this as evidence of arbitrary power, though defenders argued it was a needful warning to the army at a critical juncture.

    Read the passage

    Contemptible, and even ridiculous, as was the accuser, to those who remembered Wentworth's trial, there was a sinister ring in the charge of having exercised arbitrary power over the lives, liberties, and estates of His Majesty's subjects.1 Lord Meath grounded this general indictment of Ormonde on certain specific instances: the execution of the Carrickfergus mutineers in 1663 ; the imprisonment of Dublin citizens for refusing to quarter soldiers, or to pay additional billet money ; the eviction, for His Grace's sole benefit, of the great Sir William Petty and four adventurers from their holdings without due recourse to law ; the disarming of Protestants in 1664, and the quartering of troops on the inhabitants of Dublin.2

    At a most critical juncture, when the peace of the kingdom hinged on Ormonde's promptitude of action, the Duke did, probably, overstep the legal limitations of his powers. That the Carrickfergus rebels merited their fate, and that these executions were a needful warning and example to the army, cannot, however, be denied. By awaiting the verdict of a regular tribunal, Ormonde might well have imperilled the very existence of law in Ireland. It was also true that the imprisonment in 1663, of which Meath complained had taken place, but it was not for refusing to pay lodging or " billet money," as he averred, that these individuals suffered. Three out of four were committed to gaol for participation in the " Fanatics' Plot." The fourth victim spent a night in the guard-house, for attempting, at this troublous time, to stir up strife between soldiery and citizens.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 16

    As the companion tells it

    Carrickfergus, in County Antrim, is a town your road passes through or near. In 1663, it was the site of a stark act of authority. The Duke of Ormonde ordered the execution of mutineers here, and he did not wait for the verdict of a regular tribunal. He moved fast, at a time when the peace of the kingdom hung on his promptitude. Lord Meath later seized on this as evidence. He brought a general charge against Ormonde of exercising arbitrary power over the lives, liberties, and estates of His Majesty's subjects, and the Carrickfergus executions stood first among his specific instances. Meath pointed to other grievances too, the imprisonment of Dublin citizens and the eviction of Sir William Petty from his holdings without recourse to law. But the defenders of Ormonde answered that the Carrickfergus rebels merited their fate. They said these executions were a needful warning and example to the army. To await the slow verdict of a regular tribunal, they argued, might well have imperilled the very existence of law in Ireland. The Duke may have overstepped the legal limits of his powers, but at a critical juncture, he chose action over delay.

21. Lady Fingall evicted from jointure lands in Meath

    Meath · county · Meath · 1660–1662

    Mabell, Countess Dowager of Fingall, was evicted from her jointure lands in Meath by the Commonwealth Government. She was reprised with a portion of Ormonde's domains in Connaught, and at his return offered rent of £20, but within a year implored Ormonde in pity for her sad condition to find means of maintenance for herself and her children.

    Read the passage

    To the tenants, who had become possessed of his property in his absence, Ormonde was equally generous. The case of Mabell, Countess Dowager of Fingall, is an instance in point of his conduct in these circumstances. Evicted from her jointure lands in Meath by the Commonwealth Government, Lady Fingall had been reprised with a portion of Ormonde's domains in Connaught. At his return, in order to avoid removal, she had eagerly offered a rent of £20 for her holdings. The rent was accepted, but at the end of a twelvemonth she implored Ormonde, " in pity for her present sad condition," to find some means of maintenance for herself and her children, so that she might be enabled to discharge her obligations to him.1 Maintenance and restitution were hard to compass. Ormonde's agents complained bitterly that Lady Fingall's continued residence in Connaught stood in the way of admitting another and a more solvent tenant.2 But the Marquis gave immediate orders that she should not be disturbed, and that the rent should be respited until the unhappy lady had recovered her jointure.

    Among the creditors with whom Ormonde was at this time in correspondence, a certain Mrs Smith deserves a passing notice, less for the magnitude of her claim — which only amounted to ,£150 — than because it was attested by Isaak Walton, the Patron Saint of Anglers. The husband of Mrs Smith had disbursed the sum in question upon "ensignes and flags and such utensils for war," to fulfil an order received from Ormonde. In this transaction, Isaak Walton had acted as Mr Smith's broker with the military tailors, and he now wrote for Mrs Smith a letter attesting the justice of the claim.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 4

    As the companion tells it

    As you travel through Meath, this is a county that once saw the Countess Dowager of Fingall turned from her lands. Mabell, Countess Dowager of Fingall, held jointure lands in this county, but the Commonwealth Government evicted her from them. She was reprised with a portion of Ormonde's domains in Connaught. At his return, in order to avoid removal, she eagerly offered a rent of £20 for her holdings. The rent was accepted, but at the end of a year she implored Ormonde, "in pity for her present sad condition," to find some means of maintenance for herself and her children, so that she might be enabled to discharge her obligations to him. Maintenance and restitution were hard to compass. Ormonde's agents complained bitterly that Lady Fingall's continued residence in Connaught stood in the way of admitting another and a more solvent tenant. But the Marquis gave immediate orders that she should not be disturbed, and that the rent should be respited until the unhappy lady had recovered her jointure. Ormonde was generous alike to tenants who had taken possession of his property in his absence. Among the creditors he corresponded with at this time was a Mrs Smith, whose claim amounted only to £150 but is remembered because it was attested by Isaak Walton, the patron saint of anglers. Her husband had disbursed the sum upon ensigns and flags and such utensils for war, to fulfil an order from Ormonde. Isaak Walton had acted as Mr Smith's broker with the military tailors, and he now wrote for Mrs Smith a letter attesting the justice of the claim.

22. Lord Castleconnell reduced to pawning clothes for rent

    Castleconnell · town · Limerick · 1667

    Lord Castleconnell, promised £1,000 a year by Ormonde until restored to his estate, received only £20 from Sir Daniel Bellingham. By April 1667 he was pawning his clothes for £20, his stock seized for rent, and his wife and children threatened with the loss of house and home.

    Read the passage

    Lord Castleconnell's case gives a notion of the blackmail levied by these bureaucratic vultures.4 Ormonde had promised him an allowance of ;£ 1,000 a year until he was restored to his estate, and Sir Daniel, when under the eye of authority, had agreed to collect the money by Christmas. Yet, when the time came round, Castleconnell only obtained ^20, Bellingham excusing himself on the plea of obtaining Anglesea's confirmation of the payment. By April, when Castleconnell made a piteous appeal to Ormonde's compassion, he was reduced to pawning his clothes for ,£20, his little stock having been seized for rent, and his wife and children being threatened with the loss of " house and home."

    Castleconnell and his companions in adversity were noblemen or men of quality, many of them personally acquainted with the King and his brother — now one of

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

    As the companion tells it

    Castleconnell is a town the road passes through or near. In 1667 it gave its title to a lord whose fortune had collapsed. Ormonde had promised him an allowance of £1,000 a year until he was restored to his estate. Sir Daniel Bellingham, under the eye of authority, had agreed to collect the money by Christmas. When the time came, Castleconnell received only £20. Bellingham excused himself, claiming he needed Anglesea's confirmation of the payment. By April 1667 Castleconnell was reduced to pawning his clothes for £20. His little stock had been seized for rent. His wife and children were threatened with the loss of, in his own words, "house and home." He made a piteous appeal to Ormonde's compassion. He was not alone. Others in the same adversity were noblemen or men of quality, many personally acquainted with the King and his brother.

23. Ormonde grieving at Kilkenny before departing for Carrick

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1680

    In August 1680, Ormonde was at Kilkenny grieving over the death of his son Ossory and the news of his sister Hamilton's death. He departed for Carrick to divert his thoughts, but the journey itself brought further grief as he learned of his sister's death just as he was about to take coach.

    Read the passage

    " I designed to come hither to divert my thoughts from the just cause I had to grieve at Kilkenny, and as I was ready to take coach, was assured of my dear sister Hamilton's death, before I was certain she was otherwise sick than of a light indisposition. What an aggravation and remembrancer of my other misfortune this was, you may easily imagine. When I came hither, every place and every roome put me in mind of the merrier and

    i68o] LOYAL SUBMISSION 311

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 29

    As the companion tells it

    In August 1680, the Duke of Ormonde was in Kilkenny, grieving for his son Ossory. He set out for Carrick to divert his thoughts, but as he was ready to take coach, he learned his sister Hamilton had died. He had thought her only lightly indisposed. In his own words, "every place and every roome put me in mind of the merrier" days now gone. The journey meant to ease his sorrow only deepened it.

24. Ormonde's manufactory at Clonmel for worsted stockings

    Clonmel · town · Tipperary · 1664

    Ormonde founded a manufactory at Clonmel to produce fine worsted stockings and Norwich stuffs from raw wool that English ordinances barred the Irish from exporting. He assigned houses on long leases and land free of rent to settlers, and recruited Walloon Protestant families from the Canterbury area as skilled labour.

    Read the passage

    It should be said that Ormonde had not waited for the Cattle Bill to make his first commercial venture. In 1664, to utilise the raw wool which English ordinances debarred the Irish from sending abroad, Sir Peter Pett had suggested the establishment of a factory for fine worsted stockings and Norwich stuffs in Ireland.1 Pett pointed out that these goods had formed a most profitable branch of the trade between England and Spain, before Cromwell's war closed the ports of the peninsula to English merchants. Even after Charles II. concluded a treaty with the most Catholic Monarch, that trade had never revived ; and it was open to Ireland to adopt and reshape it for her own benefit.2 Pett's memorial, and his offer to bring over workmen from Norwich to lay the foundations of the industry, found favour both with Ormonde and the Council of Trade. But it was Ormonde who, after his usual princely fashion, bore the burden of the inaugural expenses. He founded a manufactory at Clonmel, assigning houses on long leases, and land free of rent to the settlers. And he employed a certain Captain Grant, one of the first statisticians of the period, to recruit five hundred Walloon Protestant families in the neighbourhood of Canterbury as a nucleus of skilled labour.

    Desirous as Ormonde was, however, to promote subsidiary industries like stocking and lace making, his commercial ambitions, like those of his first teacher, Strafford, were centred on the organisation of the linen trade. Wentworth's undertaking had been shattered in the wreck of Irish prosperity. Ormonde's revival of the trade was therefore rather akin to a creation. Not only did he contrive, in a fashion which his imperious predecessor had never achieved, to obtain Parliamentary support and sympathy, but he used every other means, great and small, to further the nascent industry.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 14

    As the companion tells it

    Clonmel in Tipperary was where James Butler, first Duke of Ormonde, founded a manufactory in 1664 to turn raw wool into fine worsted stockings and Norwich stuffs. English ordinances had debarred the Irish from sending their raw wool abroad, so Ormonde used it at home instead. The idea came from Sir Peter Pett, who pointed out that these goods had once formed a most profitable branch of trade between England and Spain, before Cromwell's war closed the ports of the peninsula to English merchants. Even after Charles 2 concluded a treaty with Spain, that trade had never revived, and Pett saw that Ireland could adopt and reshape it for her own benefit. His memorial, and his offer to bring over workmen from Norwich, found favour with Ormonde and the Council of Trade. But it was Ormonde who bore the burden of the inaugural expenses. He founded the manufactory at Clonmel, assigning houses on long leases and land free of rent to the settlers. He employed a Captain Grant, described as one of the first statisticians of the period, to recruit 500 Walloon Protestant families in the neighbourhood of Canterbury as a nucleus of skilled labour. Ormonde was desirous to promote subsidiary industries like stocking and lace making, but his commercial ambitions, like those of his first teacher Strafford, were centred on the organisation of the linen trade. Wentworth's undertaking had been shattered in the wreck of Irish prosperity, so Ormonde's revival was rather akin to a creation. He obtained Parliamentary support and used every means, great and small, to further the nascent industry.

25. Ormonde writes from Dublin on army appointments and Catholic officers

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1684

    From Dublin on 15 December 1684, Ormonde wrote to his brother Arran expressing relief that the task of placing a Catholic commander in the Irish army would fall to his successor Rochester rather than to himself. He stated he was 'really glad that it will not be I who am ordered to do it,' reflecting his concerns about the changing religious policy in Ireland's governance.

    Read the passage

    As the policy of the future Viceroy was disclosed, Ormonde more and more rejoiced that such tasks had been reserved for Rochester, who, according to the irate Arran, " feared no odium." 2 For, said Ormonde, " if the real intention be to place some Papist in command of the army, I am really glad that it will not be I who am ordered to do it." 3 A month later, he wrote again — this time to Southwell — in even stronger terms :

    " I was much to seek what it could be that was fit for the King to command, and yet would be hard to impose upon me to execute. For such things, the King was pleased to say, were to be done by my successor ; but now I think the riddle is expounded in the restraints put upon my Lord of Rochester ; one whereof is that he shall not dispose of the lowest commissioned officer in the army. I confess it would have been very uneasy to me to have continued in the Government upon these conditions ; and I should have thought it not very dutiful to have refused to serve the King upon any terms or in any station. From this difficulty, I thank God and the King, I am delivered, and I am so well pleased that I am, that if it had been told me this was one of the changes intended, I

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 37

    As the companion tells it

    In December 1684, Dublin was a city where a quiet political shift was underway. The Duke of Ormonde, then serving as viceroy, was watching the King's religious policy change, and he was relieved that the hardest part of it would not fall to him. On the 15th of December, Ormonde wrote to his brother Arran about the appointment of a Catholic commander in the Irish army. He was, he said, "really glad that it will not be I who am ordered to do it." The task had been reserved for his successor, Rochester, who, according to Arran, "feared no odium." A month later, Ormonde wrote again, this time to Southwell, in stronger terms. He said he had wondered what the King might command that would be hard to impose on him to execute. Now he believed the riddle was answered in the restraints placed on Rochester. One of those restraints was that Rochester could not dispose of even the lowest commissioned officer in the army. Ormonde confessed it would have been very uneasy for him to continue in the government under such conditions. Yet he also believed it would not have been dutiful to refuse the King. From this difficulty, he thanked God and the King that he was delivered.

26. Cromwell's siege and fall of Drogheda, 1649

    Drogheda · town · Louth · 1649

    Drogheda was occupied by Inchiquin in June 1649, then besieged by Cromwell and defended by Aston. The town fell on 12th September 1649, a major event in the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland.

    Read the passage

    Drogheda, besieged by the rebel Irish, i. 147 ; relieving force routed, i. 148 ; effect of the rout, i. 154 ; Ormonde marches to relieve (March 1642), i. 165 ; raises the siege, i. 166 ; Lady Moore's plot, i. 255 ; occupied by Inchiquin (June 1649), i. 363 ; besieged by Cromwell, i. 372 ; defended by Aston, ibid. ; its fall (12th September 1649), i.

    373, 374 Dryden, his eulogy of Ormonde, ii. 210; and Lady Mary Somerset, ii.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 43

    As the companion tells it

    Drogheda saw fighting more than once. It was besieged by rebel Irish, and a relieving force was routed. Ormonde marched to relieve it and raised the siege. Later Inchiquin occupied the town. Then Cromwell besieged it, and Aston defended it. The town fell on 12th September 1649.

27. Drelincourt ends his career as Dean of Armagh

    near Armagh · town · Armagh

    After the embarrassing incident at Oxford where he physically assaulted young Berkeley, the bellicose French tutor Drelincourt was eventually rewarded with Church preferment in Ireland rather than being allowed to accompany Lord James abroad. He ended his days serving as Dean of Armagh.

    Read the passage

    given Berkeley " very softly, and upon his hairs, a little box." Further, he declared that when at Ossory's command he begged the young gentleman's pardon, this reparation was made before a considerable audience, five times as large, in fact, as that which had witnessed his assault on the Hon. Mr Berkeley. All these apologies and penitential exercises would, he trusted, restore him to Arlington's and Ossory's good graces. Nor was he wholly unsuccessful in these efforts to reinstall himself in his patron's favour ; though it was, perhaps, less to the attenuating circumstances he pleaded, than to Fell's advocacy, that he was finally retained in his former capacity at Oxford. But all idea of his accompanying Lord James abroad was thenceforward abandoned ; Southwell, with the candour peculiar to that period, remarking that Ormonde would find it more satisfactory to reward Drelincourt's services with preferment in the Church — a suggestion eventually followed, since the bellicose Frenchman ended his days as Dean of Armagh.

    This "storm in a creambowl,"1 to use Ormonde's expression, having blown over, Lord James seems to have settled down to his studies. Drelincourt, indeed, complained that Mr Aldrich's lessons shrank from half an hour daily, to none at all for three whole weeks, and that it was considered a great crime at Oxford de trouver a redire a ces manierres 2 (sic). When Southwell, however, visited the student in the autumn, Lord James was able to recite passages from Virgil and to construe others " fairly well." Southwell, who, like Ormonde, was set rather on developing the young man's character on sound lines, than on cramming him with knowledge — whether epigrams or mathematics — for which, it was clear, he had no aptitude, reported favourably of the Oxford experiment.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 32

    As the companion tells it

    This is the town of Armagh. The story of the bellicose French tutor Drelincourt begins at Oxford, where he physically assaulted a young gentleman, the Hon. Mr Berkeley, giving him what the record calls "very softly, and upon his hairs, a little box." At Ossory's command, Drelincourt begged Berkeley's pardon, and this reparation was made before a considerable audience, five times as large as the one that had witnessed the assault. He declared that all these apologies and penitential exercises would, he trusted, restore him to Arlington's and Ossory's good graces. Nor was he wholly unsuccessful. He was finally retained in his former capacity at Oxford, though perhaps less for the circumstances he pleaded than for Fell's advocacy. But all idea of his accompanying Lord James abroad was thenceforward abandoned. Southwell, with the candour peculiar to that period, remarked that Ormonde would find it more satisfactory to reward Drelincourt's services with preferment in the Church. That suggestion was eventually followed. The bellicose Frenchman ended his days as Dean of Armagh. Ormonde called the whole affair "a storm in a creambowl." Having blown over, Lord James settled down to his studies. Drelincourt complained that Mr Aldrich's lessons shrank from half an hour daily, to none at all for three whole weeks, and that it was considered a great crime at Oxford to find fault with these manners.

28. Dublin gripped by panic during Ormonde's absence in the North

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1666

    During Ormonde's absence in the North dealing with the Carrickfergus mutiny, Dublin was seized with panic. The terror spread to the County of Cavan, where Sir Francis Hamilton called the population to arms and requisitioned the garrison of Belturbet.

    Read the passage

    Cheerful as he appeared, the sequel to the rising must have been particularly painful to one of Ormonde's humane disposition. But it was his clear duty to make an example of the ringleaders, and nine of these unhappy men paid for the brief revolt with their lives. During the enquiry that preceded the executions, it transpired that although the State undoubtedly owed a year's pay to the delinquents, thanks to their officer's generosity, only six weeks' wages were in fact due. As a fellow-man, this discovery may have lightened Ormonde's hard task ; though as a Governor it must have added to his anxieties, showing that more serious causes than want of pay had prompted the rising. Of alarums and excursions, indeed, at this period there was no lack. During Ormonde's absence in the North, Dublin was seized with panic, and the terror spreading, Sir Francis Hamilton called the County of Cavan to arms, requisitioning the garrison of Belturbet. With good reason, Ormonde reproved this pandering to excitement, but during many months his position was certainly precarious. The Treasury was empty, the troops were on the verge of mutiny, and yet he knew that at any moment the country might be plunged in the throes of revolution. It was a relief when the English administration finally sent him ;£ 15,000. But he had to wait for this niggardly dole.

    In the circumstances, it is much to Ormonde's credit

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, in 1666, was a city gripped by fear. Ormonde, its governor, was away in the North, dealing with the aftermath of a military rising. Nine ringleaders of that revolt had been executed, and the enquiry beforehand had turned up something troubling. The State owed the soldiers a full year's pay, but through their officer's generosity only six weeks' wages were in fact due. That meant something deeper than unpaid wages had driven the rising. While Ormonde was still away, panic took hold here in Dublin. The terror spread outward, reaching the County of Cavan, where Sir Francis Hamilton called the whole county to arms and requisitioned the garrison of Belturbet. Ormonde, with good reason, reproved this pandering to excitement. But for many months his position remained precarious. The Treasury was empty, the troops were on the verge of mutiny, and he knew that at any moment the country might be plunged into revolution. Relief came only when the English administration finally sent him 15,000 pounds, though he had to wait for what the record calls that niggardly dole.

29. Ormonde resists Castlemaine's seizure of Phoenix Lodge and Park

    Phoenix Park · electoral division · Dublin · 1662–1663

    Lady Castlemaine had extorted the gift of the Phoenix Lodge and Park from Charles II, but Ormonde refused to confirm the warrant, as it was the only summer residence available for the Viceroy and he planned to build a military hospital on part of the ground. He carried his point but earned Barbara Villiers's undying hatred.

    Read the passage

    Ormonde was certainly no mean adept at conveying a rebuke in unexceptionable language. Nor, when he was attacked by the fair sex, was he less felicitous in his rejoinders. Probably, in no circumstances would the Duke have been congenial company to Barbara Villiers, but, natural affinities apart, " the lady," like Harry Bennet, considered that she had a serious grievance against Ormonde. Lady Castlemaine had extorted the gift of the Phoenix Lodge and Park from her royal lover. It was the only summer residence available for the Viceroy, and Ormonde was already planning to devote a portion of the ground to the erection of a military hospital.3 He therefore stoutly refused to confirm the warrant ; and

    1 Cal. S.P., vol. ii. pp. 74-5. Bennet to Ormonde, 2nd May 1663.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg

    As the companion tells it

    As you pass through Phoenix Park, this is ground that nearly became a royal mistress's private gift. In 1662, Lady Castlemaine had extorted from Charles II a grant of the Phoenix Lodge and the park itself. Barbara Villiers considered the place hers. But Ormonde, the Viceroy, refused to confirm the warrant. The lodge was the only summer residence available to him, and he meant to build a military hospital on part of the ground. He carried his point, but earned Barbara Villiers's undying hatred. She considered she had a serious grievance against him.

30. Ormonde's arrival in Dublin, 1684

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1684

    After the Duchess's funeral, Ormonde travelled to Ireland to resume official duties, arriving in Dublin in August 1684. On entering the city through the Gate, his daughter-in-law Lady Anne asked first for the way to the Playhouse, and only next for the way to the Church.

    Read the passage

    " Perhaps," he told Rochester, " it may be forgotten that the first question your daughter asked me when we came into the Gate was the way to the Playhouse, the way to the Church was enquired for next ! " x

    Poor, pretty Lady Anne ! her playhouse days were to be so few that a certain pathos attaches to this mild jest. Meanwhile, no less unconscious of the approaching end of his great career, than was the young bride of her impending fate, Ormonde refused to credit either Sir Robert Southwell's hints, or even his warnings. " They begin very early," he told that good friend, " that before I am warm in my post here, or my head settled from the agitations of the sea, find objections to my conduct." 2

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 37

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, 1684. Ormonde came into the city through the Gate that August, his daughter-in-law Lady Anne beside him. Her first question was the way to the Playhouse. The way to the Church was enquired for next. Ormonde told Rochester of it himself, a mild jest. Her playhouse days were to be so few. She was unconscious of her impending fate, as Ormonde was unconscious of the approaching end of his great career. He refused to credit Sir Robert Southwell's hints, or even his warnings. He told that good friend, "They begin very early, that before I am warm in my post here, or my head settled from the agitations of the sea, find objections to my conduct."

31. Ormonde writes from Kilkenny regarding the mad Purcel

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1674–1675

    From Kilkenny, Ormonde corresponded with Sir Robert Southwell about Edward Purcel, who had been confined in Bethlehem Hospital and Newgate after threatening to kill the Duke. Ormonde inquired how much of Purcel's land he held and expressed willingness to return it, provided it would not appear he yielded out of fear.

    Read the passage

    " it falls out something extraordinary that I am no less obliged to you for your care of the poor mad fellow that threatened to kill me, than I am for your kindness to my better friends. I have inquired," he continues, " how much of his land I hold, and do wish that he was capable of receiving it, and managing it, yet so as that I might not be thought to part with it to him for fear of being killed by him, so I may be threatened out of all, to which I do not find myself disposed." 1

    It was evidently only " the reluctancy to do what may look like purchasing my safety," or of " shifting him away upon the approach of a Parliament" that prevented the Duke from moving actively in the matter of Purcel's release ; though when he returned to England, Ormonde's pity for the poor man triumphed even over these considerations.'- On his promise to transport himself abroad, he obtained Purcel's discharge. Nor did Ormonde's generous kindness end with the man's release. The Duke bought him a place among the gens d'armes in France, which, supplemented by the remaining fragments of his heritage, afforded Purcel a decent maintainance for the rest of his life.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 19

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny is the city you are passing through. In 1674 and 1675, the Duke of Ormonde wrote from here to Sir Robert Southwell about a man named Edward Purcel. Purcel had threatened to kill the Duke, and had been confined in Bethlehem Hospital and Newgate. Ormonde called him "the poor mad fellow that threatened to kill me." He had inquired how much of Purcel's land he held, and wished to return it, provided it would not appear he yielded out of fear. As Ormonde put it, he did not want to be "thought to part with it to him for fear of being killed by him." He was reluctant to do what might look like "purchasing my safety," or like "shifting him away upon the approach of a Parliament." But when he returned to England, Ormonde's pity for the man won out over these concerns. On Purcel's promise to transport himself abroad, Ormonde obtained his discharge. His generosity did not end there. The Duke bought him a place among the gens d'armes in France, which, together with the remaining fragments of his heritage, gave Purcel a decent maintenance for the rest of his life.

32. Blood sheltered in County Antrim

    near Antrim · town · Antrim · 1663

    After the conspiracy was discovered and a reward of £200 offered for his apprehension, Colonel Blood fled and was sheltered in County Antrim by both Nonconformist fanatics and Catholic peasants. Despite the price on his head, he continued to move freely and even published a proclamation of his own composition.

    Read the passage

    Sir Theophilus Jones's report, certainly, did not come amiss to the Lord - Lieutenant. Indeed, the plot was within twelve hours of being executed, when the schemers were arrested. Jephson and Lackie and about twenty ringleaders were caught. Blood, Gibby Carr, and some others, however, got clear away. A reward of ^200 was offered for their apprehension, but Blood, protected by his own versatile genius and the terror he inspired, bore a charmed life. In County Antrim he was sheltered alike by the Nonconformist fanatics and by the Catholic peasantry.

    In fact, before long, Blood turned the tables on his pursuers. Lord Mount Alexander warned Ormonde to take a larger escort than was his wont when he rode to Dunmore, since Blood openly declared that the death of the Lord-Lieutenant would be more useful to the cause than the seizure of the Castle. Dunmore was a spot propitious to a surprise. And, undoubtedly, the sequel showed that the Colonel was not easily to be baulked of his revenge. In the circumstances, it was already something of a marvel that, with a price set on his head, he could nevertheless publish and scatter broadcast a proclamation of his own composition. In this precious document, he exhorted the righteous to courage, for God's cause would go forward though " the plot was discovered and some executed," adding that " like the primitive Martyrs " every sufferer would make a hundred converts.1

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 10

    As the companion tells it

    The town of Antrim sits along this road. In 1663, Colonel Blood found shelter here in County Antrim, after a conspiracy came within twelve hours of execution before the schemers were arrested. Jephson and Lackie and about twenty ringleaders were caught, but Blood, Gibby Carr, and some others got clear away. A reward of 200 was offered for their apprehension. Blood was sheltered alike by Nonconformist fanatics and by the Catholic peasantry. Protected by his own versatile genius and the terror he inspired, he bore a charmed life. Before long, he turned the tables on his pursuers. Lord Mount Alexander warned Ormonde to take a larger escort than was his wont when he rode to Dunmore, since Blood openly declared that the death of the Lord-Lieutenant would be more useful to the cause than the seizure of the Castle. With a price set on his head, he could nevertheless publish and scatter broadcast a proclamation of his own composition. In it, he exhorted the righteous to courage, for God's cause would go forward though the plot was discovered and some executed, adding that like the primitive Martyrs every sufferer would make a hundred converts.

33. Edmond Byrne's land tenure dispute with Ormonde in Carlow

    Carlow · townland · Carlow · 1663–1671

    Edmond Byrne, a small proprietor in Catherlogh (Carlow), formally acknowledged in 1663 that he held his lands from the Duke of Ormonde. By 1671, unable to pay his debts, he claimed the property was his own to avoid paying quit rent, a claim that could only be sustained by forgery; his son Gerald counterfeited signatures but fled back to Ireland when a supposed signatory was coming to England, collapsing the case.

    Read the passage

    The first of these ingenious gentry, Edmond Byrne, a small proprietor in Catherlogh, had a singularly short career.1 Although, in 1663, he had formally acknowledged that he held his lands in tenure from the Duke, in 1671, being unable to pay his debts, it occurred to him that he might economise the quit rent due to Ormonde, by declaring that the property was his own. The Duke immediately agreed to concede the point if, on investigation, Byrne's claim proved true. It was a claim, however, that could only be made out by forgery ; and although Edmond's son and representative in London, Gerald Byrne, did not hesitate to counterfeit the necessary signatures, the moment that he heard that one of the supposed signatories was coming to England, he took fright and bolted back to Ireland — the case instantly collapsing.

    Talbot's second witness, James Nolan, contrived to hold the stage a little longer and to raise a greater clatter. His final eclipse was, however, no less ignominious than that of Byrne. James Nolan's past was much that which might have been expected of Talbot's chief witness. Having served in the Nuncio's forces, and been guilty of various murders, he had prudently withdrawn to Flanders during the Commonwealth. At the Restoration, he returned to his native land in the character of a loyal ensignman, and rented a small family holding of Ormonde in Shangary. A life of rural ease was not, however, long practicable to Captain James Nolan. In 1669 he again treacherously killed a man, and fled to England. After a year of obscurity, thinking, doubtless, that he could risk a return to Ireland he endeavoured to achieve this at Ormonde's expense. He addressed a petition to the Duke, declaring that the latter's agents were forcing him to pay rent on his own freehold land, not only despite all equity, but

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 18

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere around here, Edmond Byrne, a small proprietor in Carlow, had a singularly short career. In 1663, he formally acknowledged that he held his lands in tenure from the Duke of Ormonde. By 1671, unable to pay his debts, it occurred to him that he might save the quit rent due to Ormonde by declaring that the property was his own. The Duke immediately agreed to concede the point if, on investigation, Byrne's claim proved true. It was a claim, however, that could only be made out by forgery. Edmond's son and representative in London, Gerald Byrne, did not hesitate to counterfeit the necessary signatures. But the moment Gerald heard that one of the supposed signatories was coming to England, he took fright and bolted back to Ireland, and the case instantly collapsed. Talbot's second witness, James Nolan, contrived to hold the stage a little longer and to raise a greater clatter. His final eclipse was no less ignominious than Byrne's. Nolan had served in the Nuncio's forces and been guilty of various murders, and had prudently withdrawn to Flanders during the Commonwealth. At the Restoration, he returned to his native land as a loyal ensign and rented a small family holding of Ormonde in Shangary. A life of rural ease was not long practicable to Captain James Nolan. In 1669 he again treacherously killed a man and fled to England. After a year of obscurity, he endeavoured to return to Ireland at Ormonde's expense. He addressed a petition to the Duke, declaring that Ormonde's agents were forcing him to pay rent on his own freehold land, not only despite all equity.

34. Popish plot informer and Limerick trials

    Limerick · city · Limerick · 1679–1680

    A informer named David Fitzgerald accused Lord Brittas and other gentlemen of planning a French invasion, but his evidence was so flimsy the accused were released on bail. Had they been tried in Limerick, where charges could be properly sifted, acquittal was a foregone conclusion, but the ultra-Protestant party in England summoned Fitzgerald to London instead.

    Read the passage

    Lord Essex stultified himself to scant purpose. No harm came to Ormonde from either accusation ; and the Whigs were consequently obliged to fall back on other methods. Naturally enough, with Titus Oates's huge success before their eyes, they had recourse to his system, and set to work to organise delation in Ireland. Could they have obtained evidence of a Popish plot there, Ormonde's downfall was secured, since he had practically staked his reputation on its non-existence. To find a witness, who would stick to his tale under cross-examination was evidently the first step to their end, and accordingly, they began to ransack Ireland for this vara avis. Towards the close of 1679, they had already hoped to have found their man, in the person of one David Fitzgerald, who was so obliging as to accuse Lord Brittas, and various other harmless gentlemen, of planning a French invasion. Fitzgerald's evidence was, however, so flimsy that the accused were released on bail. Indeed, had they been brought to trial in Limerick, where the charges against them had a chance of being properly

    1680-1] PERJURY SUBSIDISED 317

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 29

    As the companion tells it

    In 1679, Limerick stood at the centre of a false accusation. The Whigs in England, with Titus Oates's huge success before their eyes, set to work to organise delation in Ireland. If they could obtain evidence of a Popish plot there, Ormonde's downfall was secured, since he had practically staked his reputation on its non-existence. Towards the close of 1679, they hoped they had found their man in David Fitzgerald. He accused Lord Brittas and various other harmless gentlemen of planning a French invasion. Fitzgerald's evidence was so flimsy that the accused were released on bail. Had they been brought to trial in Limerick, where the charges had a chance of being properly sifted, acquittal was a foregone conclusion. The ultra-Protestant party in England summoned Fitzgerald to London instead. No harm came to Ormonde from either accusation, and Lord Essex stultified himself to scant purpose. The Whigs fell back on other methods.

35. Widows' appeals for jointures in Dublin

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1661

    Through the device of 'cautionary reprisals,' lands in Dublin were entrusted to a small clique led by Sir Charles Coote, leaving widows without legal recourse. Dublin echoed with the complaints of widows vainly appealing for jointures guaranteed to them by law.

    Read the passage

    hard to find. But, by a stroke of ingenious villainy, Mervyn and his accomplices devised " cautionary reprisals," whereby most of the lands in Dublin, Louth, and Kildare were entrusted to the keeping of Sir Charles Coote, now Lord Mountrath, Lord Massareene, and three or four members of " the gang." Dublin rang with the complaints of widows vainly appealing for the jointures guaranteed to them by law ; while " nominees," like Lord Fingall, who could not be treated with the same disregard as these defenceless creatures, were accorded grants on the exchequer to still their clamours.

    On May the 8th, 1661, Parliament met at Dublin ; and it was immediately apparent that the members of the Lower House were merely the deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. In fact, Lord Orrery boasted that in the entire assembly only one Papist could be found.1 The dominant party wished the Declaration to be confirmed "verbatim." The Upper House, representing the older landed interest, was equally determined that it should not pass without amendment. It will be remembered that in 1643, when the English Parliament was in great straits for money, any adventurer making a further advance of a fourth on his original loan, was promised double the value of his first stake. For instance, by this act, known as the " Doubling Ordinance," a man who had risked £1,200, on lending another £300 was entitled not to ,£1,500 worth of property, but to the equivalent of £3,000. In Leinster this sum purchased 3,000 acres, in Ulster 9,000. Never was there a more lucrative gamble. Already it was evident that land to satisfy bona fide claims would be hard to find, but if the " Doubling Ordinance " was accepted, the Irish Catholics might bid adieu for ever to all hope of restoration.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 5

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, in 1661, was a city where widows cried out for justice and could not get it. Mervyn and his accomplices had devised what they called "cautionary reprisals." By this device, most of the lands in the city, along with Louth and Kildare, were handed to the keeping of Sir Charles Coote, now Lord Mountrath, Lord Massareene, and three or four members of "the gang." The widows appealed for the jointures that were guaranteed to them by law, and their appeals were in vain. The city rang with their complaints. Meanwhile, men called "nominees," like Lord Fingall, who could not be brushed aside as easily as these defenceless widows, were given grants on the exchequer to still their clamours. On the 8th of May, 1661, Parliament met there. The Lower House was made up of deputies of the adventurer and soldier classes. Lord Orrery boasted that in the entire assembly only one Papist could be found. The dominant party wanted the Declaration confirmed "verbatim." The Upper House, representing the older landed interest, was just as determined that it should not pass without amendment. Behind all this lay the "Doubling Ordinance" of 1643. When the English Parliament was desperate for money, any adventurer who advanced a fourth on his original loan was promised double the value of his first stake. A man who had risked £1,200, by lending another £300, was entitled not to £1,500 worth of property but to the equivalent of £3,000. In Leinster that sum purchased 3,000 acres; in Ulster, 9,000. Land to satisfy bona fide claims was already scarce. If the Doubling Ordinance was accepted, Irish Catholics might bid farewell forever to all hope of restoration.

36. Violent confrontation in Dublin House of Commons over Explanatory Act

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1665

    On 16 December 1665, the Dublin House of Commons was in virulent disorder over the Explanatory Act, with members confronting each other with half-drawn swords and bitter words about lands won at the risk of their lives. Ormonde's intervention alone prevented the measure from being wrecked.

    Read the passage

    " The humour was most virulent, the Members confronting each other with swords half drawn, and with words sharper than they ; some being heard to say that the lands they had gotten with the hazard of their lives should not now be lost with ayes and nos."

    Churchill declares that the Duke alone could have prevented the measure being wrecked.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin saw ugly scenes in its House of Commons on 16 December 1665. Members argued over the Explanatory Act, and the dispute turned physical. They faced each other with swords half drawn. Some said lands gained at the hazard of their lives should not be lost with ayes and nos. Only Ormonde's intervention prevented the measure from being wrecked.

37. Ambush planned at Leitrim for Costello

    Leitrim · town · Leitrim · 1666

    Government forces prepared an ambush at Leitrim, expecting Costello to keep Christmas there in 1666. Instead he evaded them and attacked settlements elsewhere, burning several townlands.

    Read the passage

    spot to rest and recruit,1 proving they were no more fortunate in tracking Costello than the gentry of the neighbourhood, previously enlisted for the same purpose by Dillon. In fact, while the soldiers were hunting for him in one part of the country, he was generally making a raid in the opposite direction. For instance, preparations having been made to catch him at Leitrim, where he was expected to keep Christmas, he suddenly descended on Kilmoner, Ardchaill, and Coyle Cashell, all of which he carefully burnt.'2 As a parting message he left word that when he had done with burning, he intended to hew and hough the cattle belonging to tenants of obnoxious individuals, who persisted in staying on in that county.

    Thus for the space of nine calendar months did one man and a band of lusty knaves, variously estimated at from thirteen to fifty men, defy the militia, the regular troops, Lord Kingston, the President of Connaught, and the Lord - Lieutenant himself. Every expedient was suggested for Costello's apprehension, and some methods essayed which would scarcely commend themselves to our more squeamish generation. Of course, the two obvious means of setting a price on Dudley's head, and bribing his followers to betray him, were immediately attempted. But Lord Kingston wrote dolefully that he found it more difficult than he had believed to get one Irishman to betray another, Dudley being so " beloved by the people that 'tis impossible to get him sold." s

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 13

    As the companion tells it

    Leitrim is the town you are passing near. In 1666, government forces laid an ambush here, expecting Costello to keep Christmas in the town. He never came. While the soldiers hunted for him in one part of the country, he was generally making a raid in the opposite direction. Instead of walking into the trap at Leitrim, he suddenly descended on Kilmoner, Ardchaill, and Coyle Cashell, all of which he carefully burnt. As a parting message he left word that when he had done with burning, he intended to hew and hough the cattle belonging to tenants of obnoxious individuals who persisted in staying on in that county. For nine calendar months, one man and a band variously estimated at between 13 and 50 men defied the militia, the regular troops, Lord Kingston the President of Connaught, and the Lord Lieutenant himself. Every expedient was suggested for his apprehension. A price was set on his head, and his followers were offered bribes to betray him. But Lord Kingston wrote that he found it harder than he had believed to get one Irishman to betray another. Costello was, in Kingston's words, so "beloved by the people that 'tis impossible to get him sold."

38. Triumphal procession from Howth to Dublin

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1662

    Ormonde's journey to Dublin resembled a royal progress, with Sheriffs leading the way, four troops of horse, and a band of 'Bachelors' in white doublets and black breeches trimmed with skyblue ribbons caracoled around the Viceroy's coach. Within two miles of the city he mounted horseback to the great satisfaction of the multitude.

    Read the passage

    The arrangements for the reception of Catherine of Braganza fell to Ormonde's share as Lord- Steward, and crosswinds and stormy seas delaying her advent, Ormonde's departure for Ireland was consequently postponed long after the time originally appointed. Indeed, summer had come before Ormonde and the Commissioners entrusted with the execution of the Bill of Settlement, set forth on a journey which closely resembled a royal progress. Everywhere the Duke was met and welcomed by the Lord- Lieutenants and the militia of the counties he traversed. He embarked at Holyhead, and after a dangerous crossing — his shipwreck being freely reported — he landed at Howth on Sunday the 27th of July, the anniversary of the day on which fifteen years earlier he had bidden a mournful farewell to Ireland. He spent the night at Howth House, where next day he was rejoined by all the great personages and dignitaries of the kingdom who escorted him thence to Dublin. The procession must have been imposing. The Sheriffs led the way, followed by four troops of horse, the workmanlike buffcoats and caps of Lord Orrery's guardsmen forming an effective contrast to the gay costume of a band of " Bachelors," in white doublets and black breeches trimmed with skyblue ribbons, who caracoled around the Viceroy's coach.2 Within two miles of the city, Ormonde descended from his carriage and mounted on horseback, "to the great satisfaction," we are told, "of the multitude, who admired his Person as much (if possible) as they had formerly admired his virtues."

    In those days, Dublin was not a very large town, but it took Ormonde some time before he found himself once more within the walls of the Castle, where in the

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 6

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, in the summer of 1662, saw a procession that resembled a royal progress. Ormonde and the Commissioners entrusted with the Bill of Settlement had set forth on a journey across England where every county's Lord-Lieutenant and militia met and welcomed him. He embarked at Holyhead, and after a dangerous crossing — his shipwreck was freely reported — he landed at Howth on Sunday the 27th of July. That date marked fifteen years to the day since he had bidden a mournful farewell to Ireland. He spent the night at Howth House. The next day all the great personages and dignitaries of the kingdom rejoined him and escorted him thence to Dublin. The Sheriffs led the way. Four troops of horse followed. Lord Orrery's guardsmen wore workmanlike buffcoats and caps, a contrast to the gay costume of a band of Bachelors in white doublets and black breeches trimmed with skyblue ribbons, who caracoled around the Viceroy's coach. Within two miles of the city Ormonde descended from his carriage and mounted on horseback, "to the great satisfaction," the record tells us, "of the multitude, who admired his Person as much (if possible) as they had formerly admired his virtues." Dublin in those days was not a very large town, but it took him some time before he found himself once more within the walls of the Castle.

39. Blood's confiscated property in the barony of Dunboyne

    Dunboyne · town · Meath · 1663

    After Thomas Blood's plot was suppressed and his property confiscated, Sir Gilbert Talbot sought to acquire Blood's small house and £100 a year in the barony of Dunboyne. Talbot pressed Secretary Williamson to secure the King's order for the estate, exploiting the practice of claiming forfeitures and concealed lands.

    Read the passage

    The whole episode makes a grim story. Nor can it have diminished Blood's thirst for vengeance against a Government, which had already confiscated his property. According to the procedure of that period, such a step was inevitable. But it is also characteristic of the habits and customs of seventeenth century courtiers that, less than a month after the discovery of the plot, Sir Gilbert Talbot was putting in a plea for Thomas Blood's "small house and ^100 a year in the barony of Dunboyne." The Talbots were adepts in the art of attracting any of the flotsam and jetsam, which the troubles of the time brought, even remotely, within their reach. Dick Talbot's correspondence with Secretary Ben net furnishes an index to all the good bargains in " concealed lands " and forfeitures which were going, and which a little knowledge of the ropes and no little sharp practice might secure. Sir Gilbert was not unworthy of being connected with the future Duke of Tyrconnel. For he did not forget to impress on his correspondent — Joseph Williamson, Bennet's secretary — that he relied on getting the order for Blood's estate from the King, " in such a way that the Lord-Lieutenant will respect it."1

    The exposure and suppression of the conspiracy had undoubtedly strengthened Ormonde's hands. In July Parliament met in a chastened frame of mind. An almost effusive loyalty was shown by the majority, who summarily expelled from their midst seven members concerned in the Plot. Thus the troubles might appear to have been a blessing in disguise to Ormonde, but he recognised too well the discontent pervading nation and army, and his own inadequate means of repression to consider himself relieved from anxiety.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 10

    As the companion tells it

    Dunboyne in County Meath is the town the road passes through. In 1663 this barony held a small piece of Thomas Blood's forfeited property, a small house and 100 a year, taken from him after the Government suppressed his plot and confiscated what he owned. Less than a month after the plot's discovery, Sir Gilbert Talbot was already putting in a plea for that house and its yearly income in the barony of Dunboyne. The Talbots had a talent for drawing in whatever the troubles of the time washed within their reach. Dick Talbot's letters with Secretary Bennet tracked every good bargain going in concealed lands and forfeitures, the kind a little knowledge of the ropes and no little sharp practice might secure. Sir Gilbert proved himself worthy of his connection to the future Duke of Tyrconnel. He wrote to Joseph Williamson, Bennet's secretary, and made clear he expected to get the order for Blood's estate from the King. He wanted it, as he said, in such a way that the Lord-Lieutenant will respect it. The suppression of the conspiracy had strengthened Ormonde's hands. Parliament met in July in a chastened frame of mind, and the majority expelled seven members connected with the plot. Ormonde knew the discontent ran too deep for comfort.

40. Commission of Grace sits in Dublin

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1684–1685

    Rather than summon a Parliament in Dublin, the Government appointed a 'Commission of Grace' to remedy defective land titles. The Commission sat in Dublin until the death of Charles II, when it was dissolved.

    Read the passage

    titles. The Commission duly sat in Dublin until the death of Charles II., and was then dissolved.

    It was a disappointment to Ormonde not to be empowered to summon Parliament. But he would not have purchased the right to do so at the cost of endorsing the two proposed Bills — one for depriving Catholic Peers of their votes, and the other for inflicting the death penalty on certain specified classes of the Popish clergy. He told Arran that if he had been at Westminster when the expulsion of the Romanist peers from the House of Lords was decided he would, in " conscience and prudence," have given his vote against it,

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 36

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin was where the Commission of Grace sat in 1684 and 1685, to remedy defective land titles rather than summon Parliament. It sat until the death of Charles II, then dissolved. Ormonde was disappointed not to be empowered to summon Parliament. He would not buy that right at the cost of endorsing two Bills. One would have deprived Catholic Peers of votes. The other would have inflicted the death penalty on certain classes of the Popish clergy. He told Arran that if he had been at Westminster when the expulsion of Romanist peers from the House of Lords was decided, he would, in "conscience and prudence," have given his vote against it.

41. Drogheda besieged by rebel Irish and relieved by Ormonde

    Drogheda · town · Louth · 1641–1642

    Drogheda was besieged by rebel Irish forces, and the relieving force was routed. Ormonde marched to relieve the town in March 1642 and succeeded in raising the siege. Lady Moore's plot was also associated with the town during this period.

    Read the passage

    Drogheda, besieged by the rebel Irish, i. 147 ; relieving force routed, i. 148 ; effect of the rout, i. 154 ; Ormonde marches to relieve (March 1642), i. 165 ; raises the siege, i. 166 ; Lady Moore's plot, i. 255 ; occupied by Inchiquin (June 1649), i. 363 ; besieged by Cromwell, i. 372 ; defended by Aston, ibid. ; its fall (12th September 1649), i.

    373, 374 Dryden, his eulogy of Ormonde, ii. 210; and Lady Mary Somerset, ii.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 43

    As the companion tells it

    As the road takes you near Drogheda, this town was besieged by rebel Irish forces in 1641. A relieving force was routed. In March 1642 Ormonde marched to relieve the town and raised the siege. Lady Moore's plot was also associated with the town during this period.

42. Ormonde celebrates at Hillsborough after suppressing mutiny

    near Hillsborough · town · Down · 1666

    On the 29th of May 1666, one week after the Carrickfergus mutiny broke out, Ormonde was supping peacefully at Hillsborough, drinking the absent Lord Conway's health in a great glass of claret as cheerfully as if on a pleasure trip.

    Read the passage

    townsmen were all on the side of law and order. They opened a gate to Arran, and he did the rest, with the loss of two troopers only. The Castle was victualled for a siege, but the next morning it surrendered at discretion. Arran's relief must have been great ; for his own men, being every whit as ill-paid as the mutineers, might have joined the rebels instead of shooting them down. One short week, however, from the day of outbreak, the mutiny was at an end. And on the 29th of May Ormonde was supping peacefully at Hillsborough, drinking the absent Lord Conway's health in a " great glass of claret " as cheerfully as if he had been on a pleasure trip.1

    Cheerful as he appeared, the sequel to the rising must have been particularly painful to one of Ormonde's humane disposition. But it was his clear duty to make an example of the ringleaders, and nine of these unhappy men paid for the brief revolt with their lives. During the enquiry that preceded the executions, it transpired that although the State undoubtedly owed a year's pay to the delinquents, thanks to their officer's generosity, only six weeks' wages were in fact due. As a fellow-man, this discovery may have lightened Ormonde's hard task ; though as a Governor it must have added to his anxieties, showing that more serious causes than want of pay had prompted the rising. Of alarums and excursions, indeed, at this period there was no lack. During Ormonde's absence in the North, Dublin was seized with panic, and the terror spreading, Sir Francis Hamilton called the County of Cavan to arms, requisitioning the garrison of Belturbet. With good reason, Ormonde reproved this pandering to excitement, but during many months his position was certainly precarious. The Treasury was empty, the troops were on the verge of mutiny, and yet he knew that at any moment the country might be plunged in the throes of revolution. It was a relief when the English administration finally sent him ;£ 15,000. But he had to wait for this niggardly dole.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

    As the companion tells it

    The road passes near Hillsborough, a town in Down. In 1666, one week after the Carrickfergus mutiny broke out, Ormonde was supping peacefully, drinking the absent Lord Conway's health in a "great glass of claret" as cheerfully as if on a pleasure trip. The mutiny had ended swiftly. The townsmen were on the side of law and order. They opened a gate to Arran, and he did the rest, with the loss of two troopers only. The Castle was victualled for a siege, but the next morning it surrendered at discretion. Arran's relief must have been great, for his own men, being every whit as ill-paid as the mutineers, might have joined the rebels instead of shooting them down. One short week from the outbreak, the mutiny was at an end. Cheerful as Ormonde appeared, the sequel must have been painful to his humane disposition. But it was his duty to make an example of the ringleaders, and nine unhappy men paid for the brief revolt with their lives. During the enquiry, it transpired that although the State owed a year's pay to the delinquents, thanks to their officer's generosity only six weeks' wages were due. This may have lightened his hard task, though as Governor it must have added to his anxieties, showing more serious causes than want of pay had prompted the rising. During Ormonde's absence in the North, Dublin was seized with panic. Sir Francis Hamilton called the County of Cavan to arms, requisitioning the garrison of Belturbet. Ormonde reproved this pandering to excitement. For many months his position was precarious. The Treasury was empty, the troops on the verge of mutiny, and he knew the country might be plunged in revolution. It was a relief when the English administration finally sent him £15,000. But he had to wait for this niggardly dole.

43. Ormonde licenses clergy meeting on the Remonstrance in Dublin

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1665

    In the summer of 1665, Ormonde licensed a meeting of clergy in Dublin to discuss Walsh's Remonstrance, which repudiated papal interference in temporal affairs. The Primate declared he would rather have both hands consumed than subscribe, and the meeting was dissolved after the clergy voted an address Ormonde deemed insufficient.

    Read the passage

    This interlude of prosperity was brief. The jealousy ever latent between the Dominican and Franciscan orders, and the dread of giving offence at Rome, which haunted the Irish clergy living abroad, quickly aroused a formidable opposition to the Remonstrance.1 For a time, however, it was supposed that free discussion might effect a compromise, and, accordingly, during the summer of 1665, Ormonde licensed a meeting at Dublin. Considering the nervous terror and dislike entertained for such assemblies by contemporary Protestants, it was a bold step on the Lord-Lieutenant's part.2 At a later period, indeed, he thought it well to justify his action by alleging anticipation of the divisions to which it would lead amongst the Popish Clergy, " to the great security of the Government and Protestants, and against the opposition of the Pope and his creatures and Nuncio's" — a somewhat Machiavellian policy.

    It cannot be denied that the first part of Ormonde's prognostications was fulfilled. The Primate inaugurated the proceedings by announcing that he would rather have both hands consumed than subscribe the Remonstrance. And the letters he brought from the Internuncio at Brussels being equally condemnatory, it was evident that Walsh's attempt at conciliation was foredoomed. The clergy followed their superiors, voting an address, which, although conceding certain points, did not, in Ormonde's opinion, safeguard the questions at issue. He therefore dissolved the meeting, which dispersed peacefully enough, though it proved to be the starting point for the persecution and

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 8

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, in the summer of 1665. Ormonde, the Lord-Lieutenant, licensed a meeting of clergy here to discuss Walsh's Remonstrance, a document that repudiated papal interference in temporal affairs. It was a bold step. Contemporary Protestants held a nervous terror and dislike for such assemblies, and Ormonde later justified his action by saying he anticipated the divisions it would lead to amongst the Popish clergy, what he called "the great security of the Government and Protestants, and against the opposition of the Pope and his creatures and Nuncio's." A somewhat Machiavellian policy, as the record notes. The opposition to the Remonstrance had been formidable. Jealousy between the Dominican and Franciscan orders, and the dread of giving offence at Rome that haunted the Irish clergy living abroad, quickly stirred resistance. Still, for a time, free discussion was thought to offer a compromise. The Primate inaugurated the proceedings by announcing he would rather have both hands consumed than subscribe. Letters he brought from the Internuncio at Brussels were equally condemnatory. Walsh's attempt at conciliation was foredoomed. The clergy followed their superiors and voted an address, which, although conceding certain points, did not, in Ormonde's opinion, safeguard the questions at issue. He dissolved the meeting. It dispersed peacefully enough, though it proved to be the starting point for persecution.

44. Ormonde restores Wogan estate at Rathcoffy

    Rathcoffey · townland · Laois

    Among the estates assigned to Ormonde for arrears was that of Mr Wogan of Rathcoffy, whose father had fallen at the battle of Rathmines. Ormonde restored the whole estate, valued at £7,000 per annum, to Wogan's innocent son at a yearly chief rent of only £10.

    Read the passage

    In this instance, Ormonde only showed a proper sense of equity, but in others he justified his own contention that he had given thousands away purely in "relief and compassion." 2 Among the estates assigned him for arrears was that of Mr Wogan of Rathcoffy, whose father had fallen in the battle of Rathmines. To his innocent son, Ormonde restored the whole estate, valued at ,£7,000 per annum, at a yearly chief rent of £"io. During his visit to Kilkenny, Carte inspected the counterpart of this very conveyance. Nor was this the sole evidence of the Duke's generosity he found in the archives of the Castle. To Lords Dunboyne and Ikerrin, Sir R. Everard, and some half dozen other gentlemen, Ormonde reconveyed close on 9,000 acres allotted to him, at a merely nominal chief rent. Where the Duke retained forfeited estates, he was careful to charge them — in proportion to the profit he derived from these " parcels of land " — with allowances for seven years, or for life to the ancient proprietors. Carte, whose accuracy in such matters is as

    1 Sir George Lane, Lord Lanesborough.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 18

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere close to Rathcoffey, an estate once belonged to a man called Wogan. His father had fallen at the battle of Rathmines, and the estate had been assigned to Ormonde among others for arrears. But Ormonde restored the whole of it to Wogan's innocent son. The estate was valued at £7,000 per annum, yet Ormonde charged him a yearly chief rent of only £10. During a visit to Kilkenny, Carte inspected the counterpart of this very conveyance among the archives of the Castle. He found other evidence of the Duke's generosity there as well. To Lords Dunboyne and Ikerrin, Sir R. Everard, and some half dozen other gentlemen, Ormonde reconveyed close on 9,000 acres that had been allotted to him, at a merely nominal chief rent. Where the Duke retained forfeited estates, he was careful to charge them, in proportion to the profit he derived from these parcels of land, with allowances for seven years or for life to the ancient proprietors.

45. Redmond O'Hanlon ranges Slieve Gullion as outlaw with bounty

    Slieve Gullion · townland · Armagh · 1681

    Redmond O'Hanlon, the Tory leader, preferred to range the Slieve Gullion area rather than cooperate with the Protestant Bishop of Meath against Oliver Plunket. A price of £200 was set on his head during this period.

    Read the passage

    benefactress. Prendergast's chivalrous theory that Mrs Annesly was actuated by entirely disinterested motives may, however, be well founded. Pity has been responsible for alliances equally incongruous. With regard to the Bishop, we may safely dismiss such sentimental considerations. The old scoutmaster was moved solely by one passion — hatred of Romanists and Romanism. At this juncture, moreover, he was absorbed in tracing home to the Irish Catholics, generally, and to Oliver Plunket, in particular, a plot for the invasion of Ireland by seventy thousand Paoistical French soldiers. Had Redmond been willing to foreswear himself for the Bishop's benefit, Jones would have strained every nerve to obtain not merely a pardon, but a reward for so useful a witness. Redmond was, however, a gentlemanly bandit. The Prelate got no assistance from him in his prosecutions. O'Hanlon preferred to range Slieve Gullion, with a price of j£20O on his head.

    Such was Redmond O'Hanlon, a law unto himself, and a law that frequently contrasted favourably with that of the high authorities in the land. Nevertheless, it would be unreasonable to expect that the head of the Government of the day should have viewed Count O'Hanlon through the glamour of romance, which has gathered round him in the course of centuries. Indeed, had he done so, Ormonde would have been a very faulty administrator. Law and order in Tyrone or Down were clearly incompatible with the presence of Redmond O'Hanlon. He had to go. And if Ormonde had allowed him to depart in peace, the effect of such lenity would have been deplorable. In the interests of the country at large, Ormonde could only speed Redmond for the bourne whence no traveller returns, and, accordingly, the Duke took steps to secure his removal. The widespread nature of O'Hanlon's influence — revealed in Mrs Annesley's correspondence— whether due to good or evil causes, showed that success hinged on inviolate secrecy. During several months, therefore, Ormonde feigned to have forgotten O'Hanlon's existence, and with regard to any intentions he

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 30

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere around here, in the country close to Slieve Gullion, Redmond O'Hanlon kept his ground in 1681 rather than make a bargain that would have saved his own neck. The Protestant Bishop of Meath, a man called Jones, was absorbed at this time in tracing home to the Irish Catholics, and to Oliver Plunket in particular, a plot for the invasion of Ireland by 70,000 French soldiers. Had Redmond been willing to foreswear himself for the Bishop's benefit, Jones would have strained every nerve to obtain not merely a pardon but a reward for so useful a witness. Redmond gave him nothing. The book calls him a gentlemanly bandit. O'Hanlon preferred to range Slieve Gullion, with a price of £200 on his head. The author describes him as a law unto himself, and a law that frequently contrasted favourably with that of the high authorities in the land. But the head of the Government, the Duke of Ormonde, could not view him through any glamour of romance. Law and order in Tyrone or Down were clearly incompatible with the presence of Redmond O'Hanlon. He had to go. The widespread nature of O'Hanlon's influence, whether due to good or evil causes, showed that success hinged on inviolate secrecy. During several months, therefore, Ormonde feigned to have forgotten O'Hanlon's existence, while he took steps to secure his removal.

46. Sir Theophilus Jones on Lucan Bridge facing eviction threat

    near Lucan · town · Dublin · 1663

    Sir Theophilus Jones, the former Parliamentary General, was walking outside his house on Lucan Bridge when he was rejoined by Colonel Alexander Jephson. The two discussed the chances of Jones being evicted from Lucan by the Sarsfields, its ancient proprietors.

    Read the passage

    On May the 19th, as Sir Theophilus Jones, the former Parliamentary General, was walking outside his house, on Lucan Bridge, he was rejoined by an old brother-atarms, Colonel Alexander Jephson. The two men discussed the chances of Jones's being evicted from Lucan by the Sarsfields, its ancient proprietors. Sir Theophilus declared himself quite easy on that score, but this was a belief Jephson did not wish to encourage. In common with many of his party, he was bent on inducing Jones to

    70 ORMONDE'S RETURN [1663

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 10

    As the companion tells it

    This is Lucan. In May 1663, Sir Theophilus Jones, the former Parliamentary General, was walking outside his house on Lucan Bridge when an old brother-at-arms, Colonel Alexander Jephson, rejoined him. They discussed the chances of Jones being evicted from Lucan by the Sarsfields, its ancient proprietors. Sir Theophilus declared himself quite easy on that score, but Jephson did not wish to encourage that belief.

47. Ormonde lands at Howth on return as Lord-Lieutenant

    Howth · townland · Dublin · 1662

    After a dangerous crossing from Holyhead, Ormonde landed at Howth on Sunday 27 July 1662, the anniversary of his mournful departure from Ireland fifteen years earlier. He spent the night at Howth House before being joined by the kingdom's dignitaries for the procession to Dublin.

    Read the passage

    The arrangements for the reception of Catherine of Braganza fell to Ormonde's share as Lord- Steward, and crosswinds and stormy seas delaying her advent, Ormonde's departure for Ireland was consequently postponed long after the time originally appointed. Indeed, summer had come before Ormonde and the Commissioners entrusted with the execution of the Bill of Settlement, set forth on a journey which closely resembled a royal progress. Everywhere the Duke was met and welcomed by the Lord- Lieutenants and the militia of the counties he traversed. He embarked at Holyhead, and after a dangerous crossing — his shipwreck being freely reported — he landed at Howth on Sunday the 27th of July, the anniversary of the day on which fifteen years earlier he had bidden a mournful farewell to Ireland. He spent the night at Howth House, where next day he was rejoined by all the great personages and dignitaries of the kingdom who escorted him thence to Dublin. The procession must have been imposing. The Sheriffs led the way, followed by four troops of horse, the workmanlike buffcoats and caps of Lord Orrery's guardsmen forming an effective contrast to the gay costume of a band of " Bachelors," in white doublets and black breeches trimmed with skyblue ribbons, who caracoled around the Viceroy's coach.2 Within two miles of the city, Ormonde descended from his carriage and mounted on horseback, "to the great satisfaction," we are told, "of the multitude, who admired his Person as much (if possible) as they had formerly admired his virtues."

    In those days, Dublin was not a very large town, but it took Ormonde some time before he found himself once more within the walls of the Castle, where in the

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 6

    As the companion tells it

    Close to Howth, on a Sunday in July 1662, a man came back from exile. This was James Ormonde, returning as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He had embarked at Holyhead, and the crossing was dangerous enough that word went around he had been shipwrecked. He landed at Howth on the 27th of July, which happened to be the anniversary of the day fifteen years earlier when he had bidden what the record calls a mournful farewell to Ireland. His departure had been delayed because, as Lord-Steward, he was responsible for arranging the reception of Catherine of Braganza, and crosswinds and stormy seas held up her arrival. Summer had come before he and the Commissioners entrusted with the Bill of Settlement finally set out. Everywhere he passed, the Lord-Lieutenants and the militia of the counties welcomed him. He spent the night at Howth House. The next day, all the great personages and dignitaries of the kingdom rejoined him there and escorted him to Dublin. The sheriffs led the way. Four troops of horse followed. Lord Orrery's guardsmen wore workmanlike buffcoats and caps, a contrast to a band of Bachelors in white doublets and black breeches trimmed with skyblue ribbons, who caracoled around the Viceroy's coach. Within two miles of the city, Ormonde got down from his carriage and mounted on horseback, to the great satisfaction of the multitude, who admired his Person as much, if possible, as they had formerly admired his virtues.

48. Broghill granted Blarney Castle by Cromwell

    near Blarney · townland · Cork

    Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill, received Blarney Castle and £1,000 a year from Cromwell in return for his services, despite having fought on the royalist side in his youth. This grant exemplifies how Cromwell rewarded key supporters with confiscated Irish estates.

    Read the passage

    Both Coote and Broghill were vitally interested in the decision to be taken. Coote had benefited largely by the victory of Puritanism. Broghill had risen to affluence by his connection with Cromwell, receiving Blarney Castle and ;£ 1,000 a year in return for his services, though having fought in his youth on the royalist side, it was perhaps less of an effort for Broghill than for Coote to throw in

    i66o] THE RESTORATION 11

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 3

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere around here is Blarney Castle. Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill, received the castle and 1,000 pounds a year from Cromwell in return for his services. He had fought in his youth on the royalist side, so it was perhaps less of an effort for him than for Coote to throw in his lot with Cromwell. The grant shows how Cromwell rewarded key supporters with confiscated Irish estates.

49. Clarendon reviews troops at Kilkenny, 1686

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1686

    In early July 1686, the Lord-Lieutenant Clarendon travelled to Kilkenny to review the Irish army. He reported to Sunderland that officers were rapidly replacing disliked men with their own choices, so that within a month the army would be composed as the King wished.

    Read the passage

    Thus was it brought home to James that there were limits to the subserviency of Parliament and Church, and that if he persevered in his policy, he must look to other men and methods to carry out his schemes. Naturally enough, Catholic Ireland played a large part in these projects, for she provided an ideal nursery for an army, and especially for an army of true believers. Yet even James — who had nothing of his brother's masterly procrastination — recognised that the entire administration of Ireland could not be forthwith transformed. Hence the selection of Clarendon to assuage any inconvenient anxiety on the part of its Protestant inhabitants until the King's preparations were complete. The expedient met with success. Entirely reassured they were not. But the cordial reception accorded to Clarendon's announcement that the King intended to maintain the Land Settlement, proved that the appointment of a viceroy, whose words carried credence, was a shrewd stroke of business. Probably, Clarendon himself believed he was speaking the truth ; though he should have realised that it was utterly beyond his power to shape the royal policy to his own liking, for Talbot, now Lord Tyrconnel, had been likewise despatched to Ireland as Commander-in-Chief with independent, nay, with supreme, authority. The plans that Tyrconnel had conceived two years earlier, when Ormonde believed that he was simply taking an exile's delight in restoration to his native land, could now be fulfilled ; and in the Clarendon correspondence we get glimpses of the fashion in which they were executed. At the beginning of July, Clarendon went to Kilkenny to review the troops. The officers, he told Sunderland, were then proceeding so fast in putting

    i686] TYRCONNEL'S ARMY REFORMS 411

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 38

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny, in 1686, was where the Lord-Lieutenant Clarendon came in early July to review the troops of the Irish army. James II had turned to Catholic Ireland as a nursery for an army of true believers, but he recognised that the entire administration could not be transformed at once. Clarendon was chosen as viceroy to reassure the Protestant inhabitants until the King's preparations were complete. Clarendon announced that the King intended to maintain the Land Settlement, and the cordial reception of that announcement proved the appointment of a viceroy whose words carried credence was a shrewd stroke of business. Probably Clarendon himself believed he was speaking the truth, though it was beyond his power to shape royal policy. Talbot, now Lord Tyrconnel, had been despatched to Ireland as Commander-in-Chief with supreme authority. The plans Tyrconnel had conceived two years earlier could now be fulfilled. In the Clarendon correspondence we get glimpses of how they were executed. At the beginning of July, Clarendon went to Kilkenny to review the troops. He told Sunderland that the officers were then proceeding so fast in putting out disliked men and replacing them with their own choices, so that within a month the army would be composed as the King wished.

50. Dublin citizens' tax for soldier lodging offset by troops' spending

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1669–1670

    Ormonde's troops were so popular in Dublin that the city would have viewed their departure as a calamity. The £30,000 they annually disbursed annulled the tax the townspeople had assessed on themselves to provide lodging for their defenders.

    Read the passage

    Ormonde's predecessors used any other methods. Nevertheless an act of Henry VI. could be interpreted to forbid the practice. And, indeed, it was on this obsolete statute that Lord Meath relied to bring home a charge of high treason, with all its awful consequences, to Ormonde ; while the anxiety the accusations caused to the Duke's advisers shows that, in this single instance, Lord Meath had cause to hope for success. Precedent was wholly in Ormonde's favour.1 But the letter of the law might be with Lord Meath, though, even then, the strange wording of the act prohibiting the quartering of " hoblers, kearnes, or hooded men " scarcely seemed applicable to Arran's buff-coated guardsmen. More effectual, however, for the Duke's defence with all sane minded beings than quibblings over antiquarian terminologies, was the fact that the troops were so popular in Dublin that the city would have viewed their departure as a calamity. The ^"30,000 they annually disbursed, annulled the tax the townspeople assessed on themselves to provide lodging for their defenders. That tax may, perhaps, be likened to the rate levied on itself by the modern health resort to pay for the improvements which attract the tourist and traveller. No rate is ever paid without some grumbling, but the withdrawal of the lucrative stranger would be a far greater hardship. In reply to Ormonde's petition, Meath was cited to appear within six weeks before the Council, and on August the iSth he consequently presented himself at Whitehall. But, on one pretext and another, he contrived to defer the actual investigation until the 1st of October. Accusations, which from afar " served well enough to make a noise," did not prove so well adapted to bear judicial scrutiny.2 Meath's courage failed him, and all other evasions being exhausted, he took the desperate course of declining the Council's jurisdiction. He had no certainty, he declared, that after having pleaded before the Board, his case might not be dismissed to be determined by some other tribunal. Thus Ormonde, who had been grossly slandered, was debarred from obtaining a hearing. His injury and disappointment were great, and

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 16

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, around 1669, was a garrison town, and its people had reason to be glad of it. The soldiers under the Duke of Ormonde's command were so well liked that the city would have counted their departure a calamity. Every year those troops spent 30,000 pounds in Dublin, and that sum cancelled out the tax the townspeople had put on themselves to house their defenders. No one likes paying a rate, but the money the soldiers brought in mattered far more than what they cost. Lord Meath tried to turn the presence of those soldiers against Ormonde. He dug up an old statute from the reign of Henry VI, one that forbade the quartering of "hoblers, kearnes, or hooded men," and used it to bring a charge of high treason against the Duke. The wording hardly seemed to fit Arran's buff-coated guardsmen, but the accusation worried Ormonde's advisers enough to show that Meath had some hope of success. Ormonde petitioned in reply, and Meath was ordered to appear within six weeks before the Council. On August 18th he showed himself at Whitehall. He stalled, finding one pretext after another, until the investigation was put off to October 1st. The accusations that from afar "served well enough to make a noise" did not hold up under examination. Meath's nerve broke. When no further evasion was left, he refused the Council's authority, claiming his case might be dismissed to another tribunal. Ormonde, who had been grossly slandered, was denied his hearing.

51. Ormonde writes from Kilkenny to guide grandson's education

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1679

    In September 1679, the Duke of Ormonde, staying at Kilkenny, wrote to his grandson Lord James Butler at Oxford expressing trouble at reports of the boy's laziness and growing fatness, urging early rising and discipline while promising encouragement and satisfaction of his desires. The letter combined moral precepts with practical concessions, including permission to keep another horse.

    Read the passage

    " I was more glad to receive yours of the 9th than you will be with mine of the 20th of this month, and should be gladder if I were sure it were of your own dictating and that you did not send it to prevent just complaints of your miscarriage. However if you will keep to your promise and that I receive assurance of your performance, You shall not want any encouragement or satisfaction that is fit for you. I am well content you shall keep another horse and will be glad to hear you make often use of him, and of any other exercises that shall be allowed by my Lord Bishop and at such times as he shall permit. I am much troubled to hear that you grow fatter than is agreeable to your age, and much more that it should be imputed to your laziness, and long lying in bed — the thing in the world," said the active sexagenarian, " the most abhorred by me, having never seen any youth so addicted ever come to any good." Then followed the moral precepts already quoted, with a conclusion that was perhaps more to his reader's heart, " Consider these things and what else you shall be taught, and let me at all times know your desires, and you shall find me ready to satisfy you in all things. — Your affectionate Grandfather, ORMONDE." 3

    1 Ormonde MSS., vol. v. p. 195. Drelincourt to Ormonde, 30th August 1679.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 32

    As the companion tells it

    Kilkenny, in September 1679, is where the Duke of Ormonde was staying when he sat down to write to his grandson, Lord James Butler, at Oxford. He told the boy he had been glad to receive his letter of the 9th, but would be gladder if he were sure it came from the boy's own dictating and was not sent to prevent just complaints of his miscarriage. He promised that if the boy kept to his word, he should not want any encouragement or satisfaction fit for him. He was content for him to keep another horse, and would be glad to hear he made use of it, and of any other exercises allowed by my Lord Bishop, at such times as he permitted. What troubled Ormonde was hearing the boy growing fatter than was agreeable to his age, and more that it should be imputed to laziness and long lying in bed. He called it the thing in the world most abhorred by him, saying he had never seen any youth so addicted ever come to any good. He urged him to consider these things and what else he should be taught, and to let him know his desires at all times, and he would find him ready to satisfy him in all things. He signed it your affectionate Grandfather, Ormonde.

52. Walsh follows Ormonde to Dublin in viceregal favour

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1662–1663

    After the Duke became Lord-Lieutenant, the Franciscan friar Peter Walsh followed him to Dublin and briefly enjoyed viceregal favour. This interlude of prosperity was short-lived, as opposition to his Remonstrance quickly mounted among the clergy.

    Read the passage

    who emphatically repudiated the Pope's right of interference in the domain temporal. So loyal a priest could not be slighted by the authorities, and, in answer to his petition, Walsh was gladdened by the release of one hundred and twenty priests from prison. When the Duke became Lord-Lieutenant, he followed him to Dublin and for a short time sunned himself in the rays of viceregal favour.

    This interlude of prosperity was brief. The jealousy ever latent between the Dominican and Franciscan orders, and the dread of giving offence at Rome, which haunted the Irish clergy living abroad, quickly aroused a formidable opposition to the Remonstrance.1 For a time, however, it was supposed that free discussion might effect a compromise, and, accordingly, during the summer of 1665, Ormonde licensed a meeting at Dublin. Considering the nervous terror and dislike entertained for such assemblies by contemporary Protestants, it was a bold step on the Lord-Lieutenant's part.2 At a later period, indeed, he thought it well to justify his action by alleging anticipation of the divisions to which it would lead amongst the Popish Clergy, " to the great security of the Government and Protestants, and against the opposition of the Pope and his creatures and Nuncio's" — a somewhat Machiavellian policy.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 8

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin in 1662 and 1663 saw a brief flowering of favour for one Franciscan friar. Peter Walsh had emphatically repudiated the Pope's right of interference in temporal affairs, and so loyal a priest could not be slighted by the authorities. In answer to his petition, Walsh was gladdened by the release of 120 priests from prison. When the Duke became Lord-Lieutenant, Walsh followed him to Dublin and for a short time sunned himself in the rays of viceregal favour. This interlude of prosperity was brief. The jealousy ever latent between the Dominican and Franciscan orders, and the dread of giving offence at Rome which haunted the Irish clergy living abroad, quickly aroused a formidable opposition to the Remonstrance. For a time it was supposed that free discussion might effect a compromise. During the summer of 1665 Ormonde licensed a meeting at Dublin, a bold step given the nervous terror contemporary Protestants felt for such assemblies. He later justified his action by saying he anticipated the divisions it would lead to among the Popish clergy, "to the great security of the Government and Protestants, and against the opposition of the Pope and his creatures and Nuncio's" — a somewhat Machiavellian policy.

53. Bishop of Derry laments disloyal flock and scurrilous rhymes

    near Derry · city · Derry · 1662

    The Bishop of Derry wrote to Ormonde in 1662 that his flock's loyalty was merely a passing fit coinciding with the Assize, and that libels in ugly Scottish rhymes had been scattered about, including one set up in the market place. He expressed fears that conditions were worsening rather than improving.

    Read the passage

    " it was but a Fitt, and a qualme of Loyalty and Conformity that takes us once in half a year against the Assize. And as soon as the Judge is gone, we are as we were ; I wish," the writer sadly concludes, " not worse, for Libels have been scattered about a Large one sett up in the Markett Place in Ugly (Scottish) Rhymes."

    The accounts emanating from lay sources were not more encouraging. Lord Mount Alexander writing from Ulster, told Ormonde that as long as the "pretended Ministers" lived amongst the people so that the latter could hear them " by stealthe and otherwise," they would never come to Church,

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 8

    As the companion tells it

    In 1662 the Bishop of Derry wrote to Ormonde that his flock's loyalty was a passing thing. He called it "but a Fitt, and a qualme of Loyalty and Conformity that takes us once in half a year against the Assize." Once the judge was gone, they were as they were. He feared things were worse. Libels had been scattered about, a large one set up in the market place in ugly Scottish rhymes. Lay sources were no better. Lord Mount Alexander, writing from Ulster, told Ormonde that as long as pretended ministers lived among the people, so they could hear them by stealth and otherwise, they would never come to church.

54. Ormonde pledges all to Ossory's orphans from Kilkenny

    Kilkenny · city · Kilkenny · 1680

    From Kilkenny, Ormonde wrote to Arlington that his only worldly business was providing for Ossory's widow and fatherless children, pledging everything he had to them and wishing he had been a better manager.

    Read the passage

    " I have in this world no business of my own belonging to the world, but to provide for his (Ossory's) widow and fatherless children. All I have, or shall have, is and (I trust in God) will be theirs, and I wish for their own sake I had been a better manager than I have been. My son's kindness to his wife, and his care of her, increases my value of him, and my sorrow for him ; and I am glad he expressed it so frequently when he thought upon that sad hour that is come upon us. But there was no other need of it than the manifestation of his good nature ; for I am ready to do for her whatever she or her friends can wish, knowing that who are her friends, must be her childrens'."1

    With Ossory's death Emilia disappears from our ken. Even in her mother-in-law's epistles there is no further reference to the poor lady and her feckless ways. But the education of Lord James, as Ossory's eldest son was generally designated, fills an ever increasing space in his grandfather's correspondence. This, it should be said, was no new interest to Ormonde. During one of the most

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 31

    As the companion tells it

    In 1680, from Kilkenny, Ormonde wrote to Arlington with one thing on his mind. His son Ossory had died, and Ormonde said his only business in this world was to provide for Ossory's widow and fatherless children. All he had, or ever would have, was theirs, and he trusted in God it would remain so. He wished he had been a better manager, for their sake. He spoke of his son's kindness to his wife and care of her, which increased both his value of him and his sorrow for him. He was glad Ossory had expressed that care frequently, thinking on the sad hour that had come upon them. But Ormonde said there was no need of it beyond the showing of his good nature, for he was ready to do for her whatever she or her friends could wish, knowing that whoever were her friends must be her children's. After Ossory's death, his widow Emilia disappears from view. Even in her mother-in-law's letters there is no further reference to the poor lady and her feckless ways. But the education of Lord James, as Ossory's eldest son was generally called, filled an ever increasing space in his grandfather's correspondence. This was no new interest to Ormonde.

55. Thomas Blood's royal land grants in County Meath

    Sarney · townland · Meath

    Thomas Blood or his family owed lands at Sarney, Beatowne, and Foylestone in County Meath, plus lesser property in Wicklow, to royal grants. These lands were later supplemented by Cromwellian rewards, giving Blood much to lose at the Restoration.

    Read the passage

    Napoleonic era. Either he or his people owed the lands of Sarney, Beatowne, and Foylestone in County Meath, with some less valuable property in Wicklow, to royal grants. But these benefactions did not hinder him from throwing in his lot with the Roundheads. He was rewarded with fresh additions to his rent roll, and at the early age of twenty-two was made a Justice of the Peace by Henry Cromwell. Thus, at the Restoration, Thomas Blood had much to lose. Nor was he the man to submit meekly to decrees unbacked by irresistible power. In the Ulster of that period, D'Artagnan himself would have been powerless without clerical co-operation. Blood's brother-in-law Lackie, or Lecky, a Presbyterian minister, proved the very instrument of which the adventurer stood in need, bringing under Blood's magnetic sway seven influential members of the dispossessed Protestant hierarchy. The civilian element was represented by four lawyers, Shapcott, Reynolds, Whitfield, and Stevens. The ramifications of the plot extended to Scotland, the 25th of May being the date fixed for the simultaneous seizure of various fortresses, including Dublin Castle, Limavaddy, Derry, and Drogheda. About a fortnight before the appointed day Ormonde despatched a certain Sir Arthur Forbes, a former Lieutenant of Montrose's, to Ulster. Forbes could not spell, but he could observe to some purpose. Lackie's repeated expeditions to and fro, and the carefully subdued sense of excitement pervading the disaffected, put Sir Arthur on the track. As usual, an informer was not far to seek. But it was only forty-eight hours before the attempt was timed to come off, that Forbes was able to give Ormonde a sketch of the projected rising. The real danger lay in the temper of the troops. For instance, Major Staples, Member of Parliament for Strabane, who had undertaken to seize " Derei " (sic) could rely on the good-will of the garrison who were his "oulde companie." Forbes was not fainthearted; but he candidly confessed: "how to prevent it, I know not."1 Nor was he unduly pessimistic,

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 10

    As the companion tells it

    Somewhere around here, Thomas Blood or his family held lands at Sarney, along with Beatowne and Foylestone in County Meath, and lesser property in Wicklow. These came through royal grants. But those grants did not stop Blood from siding with the Roundheads. He was rewarded with further additions to his rent roll, and at the early age of 22 was made a Justice of the Peace by Henry Cromwell. When the Restoration came, Thomas Blood had much to lose. He was not the man to submit meekly to decrees unbacked by irresistible power. In the Ulster of that period, even D'Artagnan would have been powerless without clerical help. Blood's brother-in-law Lackie, or Lecky, a Presbyterian minister, proved the instrument the adventurer needed, bringing under Blood's sway seven influential members of the dispossessed Protestant hierarchy. The civilian side was represented by four lawyers: Shapcott, Reynolds, Whitfield, and Stevens. The plot extended to Scotland. The 25th of May was fixed for the simultaneous seizure of fortresses, including Dublin Castle, Limavaddy, Derry, and Drogheda. About a fortnight before the appointed day, Ormonde sent Sir Arthur Forbes, a former lieutenant of Montrose's, to Ulster. Forbes could not spell, but he could observe. Lackie's repeated journeys, and the subdued excitement among the disaffected, put Forbes on the track. An informer was not far to seek. But it was only 48 hours before the attempt was timed that Forbes could give Ormonde a sketch of the rising. The real danger lay in the temper of the troops. Major Staples, Member of Parliament for Strabane, who had undertaken to seize Derry, could rely on the good-will of the garrison, who were his "oulde companie." Forbes was not fainthearted, but he confessed: "how to prevent it, I know not."

56. Compulsory migration to Clare and Connaught under Cromwell

    near Clare · population centre · Clare · 1652–1660

    The 1660 Declaration required transplanted persons who had sued out decrees in Clare and Connaught to remain bound by their earlier action, despite the migration to the West having been compulsory. This meant that even those forced from their lands under the Cromwellian transplantation could not reclaim their original estates.

    Read the passage

    the equivalent of loans or pay, were confirmed in their holdings — regicides, and persons who had opposed the King's restoration being alone excluded. The " forty-nine officers " were promised satisfaction of their arrears before September the 29th, 1661 ; and, on the present tenants being "reprised"1 elsewhere, Protestants and innocent Papists were to be restored to their rightful estates. Those who had shared in the commencement of the rebellion, but had subsequently submitted and adhered to the Peace of 1648, were comprised in this category unless they had sued out decrees in Clare and Connaught, for, compulsory as had been the migration to the West,2 transplanted persons of this class were to remain bound by their action.

    A hasty perusal of the Declaration might convey the impression that Protestant and Papist were placed on an equality. Soon, however, the distinction drawn between them was only too apparent. No Romanist could recover property situated in corporations. He could only be reprised in the neighbourhood. Neither could he obtain possession of his estates before he had indemnified the settlers for any improvements the latter had chosen to make. This last stipulation was only just, though it was scarcely generous to allow so short a period for the completion of the reinbursements to the outgoing tenants, while the qualifications for innocency were certainly neither just nor generous. They excluded all applicants, who had resided within the rebel quarters or corresponded with Confederates, from obtaining redress. Yet both one and the other had been frequently unavoidable. The order in which restitution was arranged likewise favoured Protestants, the Irish soldiers, or " Ensignmen," who had served Charles in Flanders being the last on the roll. Over and above this general scheme, Charles nominated thirty-six individuals, who were to be exempted from the onerous burden of producing proofs of innocency, and were forthwith to be replaced in the possession of their former domains. These favoured mortals were designated ' nominees."

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 3

    As the companion tells it

    This is Clare, a place the road passes through or near, where in the 1650s Cromwell's transplantation forced Irish landholders westward. The 1660 Declaration of King Charles dealt with those who had been moved. Some who had joined the rebellion's beginning but later submitted and adhered to the Peace of 1648 were to be restored to their rightful estates, as Protestants and innocent Papists were to be reinstated once present tenants were reprised elsewhere. But there was a catch. Those among them who had sued out decrees in Clare and Connaught were to remain bound by that action. The migration to the West had been compulsory, yet transplanted persons of this class could not reclaim their original estates. A hasty reading of the Declaration might suggest Protestant and Papist were treated equally, but the distinction soon showed itself. No Romanist could recover property situated in corporations. He could only be reprised in the neighbourhood. Neither could he take possession of his estates before indemnifying the settlers for any improvements the latter had chosen to make. The qualifications for innocency excluded all applicants who had resided within the rebel quarters or corresponded with Confederates, though both had frequently been unavoidable. The order of restitution favoured Protestants, with Irish soldiers, or Ensignmen, who had served Charles in Flanders placed last on the roll. Above the general scheme, Charles nominated 36 individuals exempted from the burden of proving innocency, to be replaced forthwith in their former domains. These were called nominees.

57. Corruption of Dublin justice compared to Jezebel

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1663–1664

    The author uses a biblical analogy to characterize the state of justice in Dublin under the Restoration land settlement. Officials and Commissioners alike were so corrupt that an innocent man could be stripped of his property through manipulation, without any need for violence.

    Read the passage

    In traffickings such as these Lord St Albans was not singular. The selling of their protection to needy and despairing claimants, became a recognised trade with courtiers. Harry Bennet and Dick Talbot were the head and front of the offenders in this connection. The story of Arlington's acquisition of the Clanmalira estates is unsurpassed even in that catalogue of infamies ; and throughout the whole transaction the future Duke of Tyrconnel was Bennet's chief agent. But every one, Commissioners and officials alike, who coveted the minister's good word, were assiduous in the pious work of stripping an innocent man. After the most cursory survey of the records dealing with this case, one cannot but feel that if Jezebel had lived in the Dublin of that day, she would have been put to much less trouble. She need never have murdered Naboth. By a little manipulation of the right strings, that tactless proprietor would have been judged " nocent," and the famous vineyard would have been hers without more ado.

    1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 187,

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 11

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin in the years 1663 to 1664 held a justice system the author of this passage likened to Jezebel. The Restoration land settlement had turned the selling of protection to desperate claimants into a recognised trade among courtiers. Lord St Albans was not alone in it. Harry Bennet and Dick Talbot stood out as the chief offenders. The story of how Arlington acquired the Clanmalira estates is called unsurpassed even in that catalogue of infamies, and throughout the whole affair the future Duke of Tyrconnel acted as Bennet's chief agent. Commissioners and officials alike, anyone who coveted the minister's good word, busied themselves stripping innocent men of their property. The author says that if Jezebel had lived in the Dublin of that day, she would have been put to much less trouble. She need never have murdered Naboth. By a little manipulation of the right strings, that tactless proprietor would have been judged nocent, and the famous vineyard would have been hers.

58. Dublin Castle reconstruction renders city "rubbish"

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1684

    During the planned reconstruction of Dublin Castle, Ormonde described Dublin as "rubbish" and proposed moving Lord and Lady Ossory to Dunmore for the summer. He had originally wanted his heir resident at the Castle to learn public business.

    Read the passage

    That Ormonde's anxiety for the young peoples' welfare had suffered no diminution is manifest by his proposal not only to establish them at Dunmore for the summer, during the reconstruction of the Castle, " whilst Dublin will be rubbish," 3 but also to lend Kilkenny and its park to Lord and Lady Rochester. Doubtless he hoped this arrange-

    1 Carte, vol. v. p. 174. Rochester to Ormonde, Whitehall, 13th December

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 37

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, in 1684, was facing the reconstruction of its Castle. Ormonde planned to send the young people to Dunmore for the summer while the work was done. He called it, in his own words, "whilst Dublin will be rubbish." He also offered Kilkenny and its park to Lord and Lady Rochester.

59. Dublin freedom of the City presented to Ossory

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1670

    Lord Robartes refused to issue warrants for quartering soldiers on Dublin's inhabitants, but the Lord Mayor and Common Council, indignant at the oblique reflection on Ormonde, took the opportunity to present Ossory with the freedom of the City. Ossory was only the second person to receive this honour, after his father the Duke of Ormonde.

    Read the passage

    There is something comic in the reflection that at the very time when Meath was championing the oppressed Dublin townsfolk, the latter were occupied in publishing to the world their regret for their late Governor. Partly, perhaps, from nervousness, but chiefly from a desire to cast a slur on the Duke's methods, Lord Robartes had refused to issue warrants for the quartering of soldiers on the inhabitants of Dublin. But instead of showing any gratitude for the so-called boon, the Lord Mayor and Common Council, indignant at the oblique reflection on Ormonde, took this opportunity to present Ossory with the freedom of the City.3 The compliment was the

    1 Carte, vol. iv. p. 379. 2 Idem, p. 3S0. : Idem, p. 424.

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 16

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin, in 1670. Lord Robartes had refused to issue warrants for quartering soldiers on the city's inhabitants, perhaps from nervousness, but chiefly, it was said, to cast a slur on the Duke of Ormonde's methods. The Dublin townsfolk showed no gratitude for what Robartes called a boon. The Lord Mayor and Common Council were indignant at the oblique reflection on Ormonde, and they took the opportunity to present his son, Ossory, with the freedom of the City. Ossory was only the second person ever to receive that honour. The first had been his father, the Duke of Ormonde himself.

60. Irish landowners left homeless years after nominal restoration

    Dublin · city · Dublin · 1666–1678

    Nominees who should have been restored to their mansion-houses and domains in 1666 remained homeless as late as 1678 due to lack of reprisals for detainer of their lands. Many were defrauded by corrupt officials into signing quittances for full payment when they had received only a third.

    Read the passage

    theless it was too short. When on January the 3rd, 1669, the second tribunal was dissolved,1 the sole channel of relief for unsatisfied nominees and distressed Irish was an application either to the Sovereign in person or his Viceroy, for a grant of " concealed " or mortgaged lands forfeited to the Crown. Unluckily, even on these remnants of property, Protestant adventurers had the first claim, and nominees, who should have been restored to their mansion-house and domain in 1666, owing to want of reprisals for the detainer of their lands, were still homeless in 1678.2 A volume could only too easily be compiled on the hardships these unfortunate gentlemen suffered both on this account and from the corruption of officials.3 Very often these poor men gave a quittance in full for the sum due to them, when, in truth, they had only received a third. Lord Anglesea was one of the chief sinners concerned in these transactions, and so was Sir Daniel Bellingham, who, the Commissioners complained, did not seem to apprehend how" haynous" was his offence.

    Lord Castleconnell's case gives a notion of the blackmail levied by these bureaucratic vultures.4 Ormonde had promised him an allowance of ;£ 1,000 a year until he was restored to his estate, and Sir Daniel, when under the eye of authority, had agreed to collect the money by Christmas. Yet, when the time came round, Castleconnell only obtained ^20, Bellingham excusing himself on the plea of obtaining Anglesea's confirmation of the payment. By April, when Castleconnell made a piteous appeal to Ormonde's compassion, he was reduced to pawning his clothes for ,£20, his little stock having been seized for rent, and his wife and children being threatened with the loss of " house and home."

    Internet Archive lifeofjamesfirst02burg, Chapter 12

    As the companion tells it

    Dublin is the city around you, and in the years after 1666 it was a place where men who had been promised back their homes still had none. Nominees who should have been restored to their mansion-house and domain in 1666 were still homeless in 1678, because there were no reprisals against those who held onto their lands. When the second tribunal was dissolved on January 3, 1669, the only channel of relief left was an application to the Sovereign or his Viceroy for concealed or mortgaged lands forfeited to the Crown. But Protestant adventurers had the first claim even on these remnants of property. A volume could be written on the hardships these gentlemen suffered, and on the corruption of officials. These poor men often gave a quittance in full for the sum due to them when in truth they had only received a third. Lord Anglesea was one of the chief sinners, and so was Sir Daniel Bellingham, who, the Commissioners complained, did not seem to apprehend how "haynous" was his offence. Lord Castleconnell's case shows the blackmail. Ormonde had promised him an allowance of £1,000 a year until he was restored to his estate, and Sir Daniel, under the eye of authority, agreed to collect the money by Christmas. When the time came, Castleconnell obtained only 20. Bellingham excused himself, claiming he needed Anglesea's confirmation. By April, Castleconnell appealed piteously to Ormonde. He was reduced to pawning his clothes for £20, his little stock seized for rent, his wife and children threatened with the loss of "house and home."